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The Madisonian. [volume] (Washington City [i.e. Washington, D.C.]) 1837-1845, September 26, 1837, Image 4

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?UBHTAMRS OF
TUE REMARKS QF MR. RIVES t
* ' or vwoiim,
In Skiut*, Saturday, Sept. 23.
In an incidental debate, the bill providing
for the collection and custody of the public
revenues being under consideration :
Mr. Rives said he rose to protest against the
manner in which this question had been, and
continued to be treated by the Senator from
South Carolina. That gentleman argued as
if there were some proposition before the
Senate to re-establish tne Bank of the U, S. or
to confer upon the existing Pennsylvania
Bank of the U. S., some special and im
portant privilege. But, sir, is there any ques
tion of that Bort really before the Senate ?
The question presented by the proposition on
your table is, whether the notes of banks go
nerally, when they shall have resumed specie
payments, ought not, under certain limitations,
to be received in jwyment of the public dues,
as they heretofore have been from the origin
of the government down to the nresent time,
or whether they shall be altogether excluded
in future and nothing be received in payment
of the public revenue but gold and silver?
The question then is one which involves alike
the whole eight hundred State Banks in the
Union, constituting that system of credit un
der which, whatever may have been its oc
casional excesses, the country has heretofore
attained an unparelleled height of prosperity,
and has no special reference whatever to the
Bank of the United States.
But the Honorable Senator in his remarks
yesterday, which the rising of another gentle
man to speak, before I could get the floor,
then prevented me from answering, said that
Mr. Biddle had bis eyes steadily fixed on re
covering the Government deposites, that all
his measures were shaped with that view,
and that if the proposition I had offered should
be adopted, he would unquestionably accom
plish his object. Now, sir, my proposition
has not one solitary word or provision in it re
latingto the Government deposites. It relates
exclusively, and this far more for the conve
nience of the people than for the interest of
the banks to the receivability, under certain
limitations, of bank notes, when convertible
into specie, in payment of the public revenue.
This is a question altogether distinct from
that of the Government deposites. It is com-*
paratively a small boon, and one already en
joyed by the banks under existing laws, when
ever they resume specie payments?by the
Pennsylvania Bank of the United States, as
well as by any other bank which shall redeem
its notes in specie. 1 have already stated to
the Senate, what seems to me conclusive
considerations to show that a large majority
of the State Banks are in a far better situation
to make an early resumption of specie pay
ments, than the Pennsylvania. Bank of the
United States. In regard to the Government
deposites, on which the Honorable Senator
says Mr. Biddle has his eyes steadily fixed.
I repeat that my proposition, which that gen
tleman so earnestly opposes, has not a solita
ry word on the subject. It relates to another
matter wholly distinct, and leaves the ques
tion of the Government deposites where the
law now places it, which, the Senate well
knows, refers the selection of the batiks to be
. charged with the public deposites, in the first
instance, to the judgment of the Executive.
Surely the Honorablo Senator is not afraid
that either the President or the Secretary of
the treasury would select the Pennsylvania
Bank of the United States.?On that subject,
the gentleman may, I think, feel perfectly
secure, as the country most assuredly, has
every reason to do.
It does seem me, Mr. President, that thi3
perpetual and grati.ltoos introduction of the
Bank of the United States into this debate,
with which it has no connection, as if to
alarm the imaginations of grave Senators, is
but a poor evidence of the intrinsic strength
of the gentleman's cause. Much has been
said of argument ad captandum in the* course
of this discussion. I have heard none that
can compare with this solemn stalking of the
ghost of the Bank of the United States
through this hall to " frighten Senators from
their propriety." I am as much opposed to
that institution as the gentleman or any one
else is or can be. I think I may say I have
given some proofs of it. The gentleman,
himself, acquits me of any design to favor
she interest of that institution, while he says
tuch is the ntcesstrry consequence of my pro
position. The suggestion is advanced for
effect, and then retracted in form. Whatever
be the new-born zeal of the Senator from
S. Carolina against the Bank of the United
States, I flatter myself that I stand in a posi
tion that places me, at least, as much above
suspicion of an undue leaning in favor of that
institution as the honorable gentleman. If I
mistake not, it was the Senator from South
Carolina who introduced and supported the
bill for the charter of the United States Bank
in 1816?it was he, also, who brought in a
bill in 1834, to extend the charter of that in
stitution for a term of twelve years, and none
were more conspicuous than he, in the well
remembered scenes of that day, in urging
the restoration of the Government deposites
to this same institution. In every situation of
public trust, in which I have been placed, I
have been the constant and unvarying oppo
nent of that institution ; and in this body in
1834, while the Senator from South Carolina,
with his accustomed ability, was urging the
restoration of the public dopositos to it, (a tri
umph, indeed, over the government of the. coun
try, which the honorable Senator now so bit
terly deprecates). I stood up here and resist
ed that measure with exery faculty I pos
sessed, and sacrificed, as is well known, my
political existence to the force of my convic
tions on the subject?convictions which, I take
leave to say, have strengthened with every
day's observation ami reflection since. When
I recollect these things, it seems to me
" strange?passing strange," that the Senator
from South Carolina should now appear as
the especial and sworn adversary of the Bank
of the United States, while I am held up in
the attitude of promoting the views and favor
ing the interests of that institution.
While I am up, said Mr. R., I beg leave to
say a word in answer to an observation of the
Senator from Missouri, (Mr. Benton). That
gentleman said if I wished to understand the
? true character of my proposition, I had only
to look over my right shoulder ami see who
, were likely to support it. (Mr. Clay, Mr.
Webster, and other gentlemen of the opposi
tion sit in that direction from Mr. Rives). I
thank God, Mr. President, that I have a high
er rule of action on this floor than any con
sideration of who is. or who is not, to vote
with me. I look at the merits of the proposi
tion itself, and if it be for the pood of the coun
try, I go for it, whoever may vote with me
or against me. If the fltnutor kn^bs that I
I am to derite support n my propottj|fbn from I
gentleman over my right ah*ui<ier??B knows 11
more than I do. 1 have had no communica
tion with any of those gentlemen, which
authorises me-to expect their support. Many
p( them voted, during the last session, for the
aane proposition, m rrwwns nikfrn?nrlktuf
the friends of the admmmtrntton, and they
may do so again. 1 occupy the same position
now that I did then?4f other geatletneu have
aeon cause to change their views, 1 hare not.
Ob the contrary, the present coudition of the
country furnishes in ray estimation, new mo
tive* to hring forward the proposition, which
then received nearly the unanimous sanction of
both Houses of Cougress. It is impossible
that the banking institutions of the country, on
whose speedy return to specie payments the
soundness of the cnrrency, and every other
great interest of society now depend, can rise
up from their prostrate condition, without
tfotue measure of this sort. The people wish
to see an end of thia paper money, (properly
so called when inconvertible into specie),
which the gentleman from Missouri so much
deprecated. No one has a stronger sense of
its evils and dangers than I have. But we
shall in vain attempt to get rid of it, in my
humble judgment, without some measure of
the character 1 have proposed. I sin un
willing to go back to my constituents, with
out having first done something for the relief
of the people, as well as the government. I
am unwilling that the American people shall
witness any adjournment of this body, with
out the passage of somo measure of a healing
and aalutary character, in relation to the cur
rency of the country.
In regard to the personal appeal of the
gentleman from Missouri, if I stand in the
positiou he indicates, what, permit me to ask
him, is his own t If 1 ain to look over my
right shoulder for the supporters of my pro
position, may I not return the compliment by
asking him to look only in front of him for
his file-leader. [Mr. Calhoun sits in front of
Col; Benton j This is, indeed, a singular
transposition. The Honorable Senator from
Missouri, who has so long taken the subject
of the currency under his particular charge,
is now content to furnish facts and make sug
gcstions to another party leader.
When the Sub-treasury scheme was intro
duced into the House of Representatives in
1834, out of the meagre number of 33 votes
it then received, there was but one friend of
the administration who voted in favor of it.
It was then denounced, under the auspicos
and in the name of the administration, as re
volutionary, disorganizing, anti-republican,
and tending to enlarge Executive power and
placei in its hands the means of corruption."
Believing now, as I did then, that such is
the true character and tendency of the mea
sure, 1 adhere to the ground taken by the
republican party in 1834; and I will use every
weapon which reason and argument can fur
nish in opposition to it. 1 for one will not be
afraid to act wiih any individual or any party
in resisting a scheme which, however it may
be viewed by others, 1 firmly believe to be
fraught with danger to the best interests of my
country; and in doing so, so far from aban
doning, I but maintain the more closely my
republican faith.
TWENTY-FIFTH CONGRESS,
extra session.
SENATE.
Satosdat, Sept. 33.
Mr. CALHOUN presented ? memorial from citizen*
of Mobile, in favor of a National Bank.
Mr. SWIFT presented petition* from Vermont, re
monstrating against the annexation of Texas.
TRKASURY SCHKMK.
The Senile proceeded to consider the bill imposing
additional duties, as depositoriea in certain cases, on
officers of the United States.
Mr. KING, of Ga., addressed the Senate. He de
clared the experiment of iho Dopositc Hanks to have
totally failed. He had predicted this failure, step by
step. He characterized this experiment as one of the
grossest systems of fraud and delusion thai had ever
been attempted to be practiced from the commencement
of the world. Ho believed that if the President had not
tormented aiul tantalized these Banks so much, they
would have done better -, but they never could have
constituted an efficient agency. He considered that
throughout the whole of the Message, there wm not a
single fact, ia reference to the cause of the present dis
tress, was true. The administration seemed to think it
impossible that they could be the cause of the distress.
The Message was made up from stump speeches, quack
politicians, and scraps of foreign writers. In reference
to the statement ot the Message, that the expansion o>
paper issues in Great Britain bad proceeded peri pottu
with the expansion in this country. He showed from
documents, that in Great Britain, from the 1st of Janua
ry, 1834, to the 1st of Jsnuary, 1837, the increase in
Great Britain had been a boat 400,000 pounds, in the
United States it had been 100 million* in the same pe
riod. Ho went on to read from evidence given before
the British Parliament, extracts to refute the positions
taken by the President in his Message. He came to the
conclusion, from his calculations, that instead of thirty
million* which the Message exhibited as our debt to
Great Britain, we actually owed Great Britain, at the
time, one hundred and ten million*. It waa melancholy
to sec our young and vigorous nation treated as a bank
rupt, and yet we are called from the contemplation of
ruined fields and unproductive crops, and desired to think
of the glory of the Spccie Circular. Glory liad depre
ciated as much aa rag-money, and is found to real on
no solid foundation.
He adverted to the policy of the specie circular, and
the pertinacity with which the measure was adhered to
against the wish of the people and against the deciaion
of Congress, forced upon tbe country as a blessing,
while it benefitted only the unprincipled speculator.
He maintained that a lj. S. Bank was the least dange
rous and most effectual agent. He expressed himself
shocked at the remark of Mr. Calhoun, that he would
not do any tiling to place the Pennsylvania Bank of the
U. S. in an attitude of triumph over the government,
and asked what government. The government of the
Hermitage, or the government of the White Houae.
He was shocked to hear such sentiments There bad
come more gray hairs over the head of our young re
public within the last four years, than ahould have
grown upon it in a century. He disavowed any inten
tion to deceive the democratic republican party ; from
that party alone had he a right to expect any thing, but
he found it neceaaary to take hia stand sgainal this Exe
cutive usurpation of tlie power of regulating the tinancea
of the country. The measure now submitted propose*
to continue the financea in the hands of the Executive.
He did not know whstcourae to take. He would move
to postpone the farther considerauon of the measure
unUl the regular session of Congress. He did not be
lieve that he ever could bring himself to vote for the
amendment of the Senator from South Carolina. He
denied that there had been a depreciation of the aound
currency of the country, but, on the contrary, that it had
appreciated, m consequence of the diminution of ibe
paper circulation ; and rcdiculed all the clamor and de
nunciation which had been raised sgainsl paper money.
Wiih the depreciated paper of the banks, any one could
Crchase provision*, clothing, property in lands or
uses, at a lower rate than he could before the suapen
aion of apecie payments. Did he wish to loan out mo
ney on good security he could lend this depreciated [ta
per at a higher interest than be could have' obtained for
a specie loan before the aua|>ension. He said that no
man was ever inore beset by spirit* of hi* own creation.
Whemvsr any plan of hia waa fruatraled, he immedi
ately thought that all the world bad cons|ursd against
him. He concluded by moving to postpone the further
consideratiM* of the bill until the fust Monday in De
cember.
Mr. STRANGE made some explanation* which he
thought called for by the conatruction put on hia lan
gnage hy the Senator from Georgia.
Mr KING also explained. '
Mr.NILES also made *ome explanation*, in the course
ofjpi MiriencyjWl
ia fTtho^ghl tli**
which he (
^jkou-hViujpct
niion ofthe bilMiad brert saffiury. . .
Mr TIP I ON tlien look ibe floor He agread with
the Senator from South Osrobiu, that this was ? ????
of ureal distress, and thai It was itw duly of every man
to .bow hia hand. Hs ibeugbl the firai step to Aeem
barrsssment of tbe country waa the putting down ol ibe
-U,?. Bank, ?d*? isi??sl of the JapnHw. He M>
tended to vote again* tho amandweiu of ibe S?w?U>f
froui South Caroline, but he would vow for the bill pro
poaed by tbe gentleman from Virginia. He would vole
lor tbe postponement of tbe bill.
Mr CALHOUN expreased hia regret that the motion
to poatpone had been made. The country required final
and prompt action on tbe subject. To poslpooc, would
be to surrender tbe question. < I
Mr RIVES made a few explanatione, and
Tbe Senate adjourned.
house or representatives.
Satubday, Sept. *3. >,
On motion of Mr. HAYNES, it waa t .
Ordered, That, from and after Mimday next, the
daily hour of meting far the Houae shall be 10 o clock,
til rLaatRA wai, arc.
After the preaentation of numeroua petitions on the
subject ?>f the annexation of Texaa, ^ the abolition of
alavery in the Diatrict of Columbia, (a liat of which will
be given hereafter.) ???
The Houae reaumed the unfiniahed busineaa of yes
terday morning, which waa the consideration of Mr.
Wiaa'a resolution for a committee of inquiry on the
subject of the Florida War, when
Mr. WISE aaid, When Icaine here, four yearasgo
when I waa fir.t elected by the people of o?y district, 1
waa the friend of power. I had not been here long be
fore I found that power needed no friends ; itwasUK)
stronir already. I looked anxiously to the condition of
our matimiiona. and narrowly at tbe enemies of those
institutions, and I won discoveredi that their greatest
fenemy waa llie concentrauon of Ml power in the ti
?Sir, I looked at the public domain?the iicheat inheri
tance with which any nation waa ever gifted?more vsst
and more fertile, and a greater source of revenue, tlian
that which any crowned head of Europe ever lorded
over. I found thia extended territory, the eminent do
main itaelf of the government, at the absolute disposal
of the President; and, aa a necaaaary consequence of
thia control over the public domain, I aawthe new
Slitet of ihia Union, within the limits of which the pub
lic landa are aituated, entirely at bis bidding.
I looked to other aources of power. I surveyed all
th? little rtlla and all the great fountains of revenue, and
I found thein all pouring in patronage to the thief ex
ecutive from a triple coaal on the lakes, the Atlantic,
and the Gulf of Mexico. I aaw more. I looked to the
public p/ess, and found this, too, the pensioned, aubsi
dixed slave of Executive will. And, above all. I dia
covered a greater power than all, becauac it carnea all
?rawer with it, wielded by tbe President in the appoint
ment and removal of all the officers of government. All,
all these powers, and more, I saw concentrated in the
hands of one man. .
Thus, there waa aoine reatraint, aomc check provided
by the Cousitulion, and placed in the hands of Coii
greaa: tbia check, it waa supposed, consisted in the
custody awl control of the publiq purse. Hut, between
the period of my election and of my taking my sest
here, thia check, too, had been aeixed by a popular Pre
sident ; and indeed, had it renuaned where it was
placed by the Conatitution, it would atill practically have
been of no avail, becauae the President could, and can,
at will, control Congreaa by the power of appointing or
removing ita membera to or from office.
From all thia tremendous mass of power I aaw clear
ly that " offences must come"?-it must needs be so
it waa inevitable. There would be corruption, dicta
tion, oppression, and all the other train attendant upon
arrogant, absolute power. Nor was this mere theory ;
it wss not conjecture or apprehension ; it was fact. 1
found a party in irawer, ministering to a popular Preat
dent, whose inaxnn, whose practice was, " lo ike viclurt
belong the lyoils f"
No sir, no; I had not bcrnlong here .before I was
entirely undeceived. I found myself in a wrong post
lion ; I found that the country and ill iHtltlulwnMueed
cd friends ; and thereupon, 1 at once declared myself
to be no longer the friend of power. Forthwith, sir, I
set myself to the work of diiainiahing the power of the
Executive in the best way possible?by exposing its
monstrous extent, ita enornnies, and its sbuses. 1
held thia to be a sacred doty of patriotism ; and in my
own mind I took the Hannibal oath to discharge it, come
what would, at every personal riak and aacrifice. Some
one had to diacharge the duty to a suffering country,
and I could see no reason why I should avoid ita per
forrnance I foresaw ita difficulties and itadangera ; I
knew how fearful it was to beard the lion ot power in hia
don ; but I took up the line of march. But what were
the means 1 The taak seemed hopeless, because so in
finite, and I ao weak. Wilh what panoply wis I to
cover myself in undertaking and performing thia deed of
danger 1 Sir, I thought long, and counted the cost
well; but my mind was at last inspired with the convic
tion that
" Truth shall reatore the light by Nature given, ^
And, like Proiuelbeus, bring the fire of Heaven.
I resolved that my only weapon and my armorshould
be truth. But how was the truth to be laid befere the
world ! What mode of proceeding waa to be tdopied
aa ita agent ! What department of the governmmt was
to be looked to aa its friend ! It waa a solemt ques
tion ; and sir, I muat confess that my mind was enli
vened snd aomc what cheered when it turnec to thia
House ; yea air, to this House of Representatives of the
People?the House of Commons?the grand inouosi ol
the nation ! Here, here were the meana of instigat
ing?of inquiring after truth?of ferreting out corrup
tion, and of exposing abuses! I addressed mtaelf to
this body with eH the zeal and fixed determinatioi which
the taak demanded. I was confident of ita aul md ita
co-operation, and thut, I though^ *h*U tbuth prevail.
How sad waa my aubsequcnt disappointment. ftjBut I
was not alone in this great work. I had a companion
every way worthy of the enterprise?he is sbssnt?it
becomes mc uot to apeak in hia praise, for, though no
blood of hia runs in my veins, he is dear to me as a
brother ; I found him more than a companion ; and if I
were permitted to speak of him as rnj heart prompts, I
would say of him?powerful in intellect, eloquent, mag
I nanhnous, amiable, brave; atretch my faculties aa I
would, press forward as I would to keep by his side, I
found that auch waa hia energy, his zeal, his mightiness
of purpose and of soul in the onward march which he
resolved with ine to pursue, that I could not keep pace
wilh him, and he was ever still beyond my reach ! 'I hat
man was Bah* Peyton, of Tenneasee. W? both " con
temned the aceptered hand" like " tbe wild wave," and
foreseeing all difficulties and dangers, perils and respon
sibilities, to be met aud encountered, grappled with our
task with hearts fixed that
" Prone to the dust Oppression shall l>e hurl'd, ^
Her name, her nature, wither'd from the world !"
We knew that tho free forms of government were worse
than useless without a free and pure administration. We
knew that sccret corruption was a more dangerous, be
cause a more insidious, onemy to freedom than foreign
bayonets; that enemies from within were worse than
eueiniea from without; and we were settled in the be
lief that if here, in this last asylum, the foundations of
liberty were tapped, and ahe must fall, the ho|>cs of
mankind must cease !
Our work was begun, and with it, euro enough, be
gan our labors, our perils, and dangers. Our duly im
posed upon us both the haid, the dire and dangerous ne
cessity of throwing ourselves, constantly, on the very
spears of jiower and ita parasites. We were brought
into constant conflicts with " the party." I he truths
which had lo be told, must be told boldly, fearlessly, un
flinchingly. We had not only to charge upon party, but
upon persons. Whenever wo considered it our duty to
expose individuals of " the party," we always attacked
them ojienly, and aboveboard?we wore no mssks??*
were not ambiguous?wb dealt not in generalities, we
were not to be mistaken in our meaning. We were
charged in turn, politically and personally. When wo
have charged the party in power wilh bribery and cor
ruption, our party in turn has been denounced aa "bank
hireling*." We never treated tbe epitbctt of party aa
peraonul to ourselves, and met party attacks as beat be
came us. When porsonsl attacks were made upon ua,
we met them with adequate resentment. When insult
ed, we repelled tbe insult as it deaerved ; and when we
offered inaolt, we were at all tiinea res|>otuiblc. We of
fered none wantonly or unprovoked : none was received
by us with imiwnitjr. When the pampered pet of the
pet banks dared lo insult my friend to hia fsee, he pros
trated his insolence in the instant by reaenting the insult
?the charge of calumny and falsehood threat indirectly
inte his anawer to an interrogatory allowed to be put by
the committee?by a manly, high, and proper resent
ment on the spot This was the only instsnce in which
either of ua was personally inaulted. It is true, there
were feints of attack, some mock aasaulu upon us in
this House and out of it, but they roused no indignation,
heated no blood, excited no resentment?none, none?
not the least?they were to us subjects of merriment,
more anmsing thsn otherwise. I he minions who were
to be set tipon us conld not be brought up lo the mark
?no, not with all the training of their grooms?lo make
aj|ire<-fedkei tonal upon us Sir, thei#^
flkmpMo Mt uPflS<1*. in fact,Hi 14#ir) mind of what
Mb* flfrue of ia| rotm* of flp GVpiW l*?l
FtTtoroV^ie- celeWw?*i ?enlptoiJ^#uf ewtnirY of P???^
?nd War?inviiMl me 10 *e? two group* of figure* be
had modelled u design* for ornamenting the eeat por
tico. When I entered the room, u'lWre," Mid be,
'? i* the figure of Oolu>ube?'?it ?u ? noble figure,
?tending in the commanding attitude of one proudly
in bia band an emblem of the New World, eurmounted
by the croae, in token of the future influence of Chne>
liauity ; he aaya. ' See ! here it ie, I have found it!' By
bin aide?look thee*, Mr. Wie*~-ie an Indian aquaw ;
ahe stand* in a wondering attitude, ae if peeping at (be
glorious stranger; *be ie drawn ao near by cmrwnty;
but, if he abajl but turn hi* bead around, *hie will be off
in one motnent; that u from timidity f" Si/, I waa
often reminded of the little figure of the Lilian ?puw.
Some of the attempt* reminded me of ecenee of fright in
the haunted bouee. A ghoet ie aeen who ehall go and
?eu what il ia ! Will yea ! will you > or you 1 No :
no : no. At laat one poor trembling wretch, by voli
tion or force, accident or half reaolve, i* pressed or ven
ture* to totter forward, with broomstick in bond ?the
reat preaaing hitn on from behind?when, lo ! a sound
ecatlera ibein in backward flight, tumbling one over
another in fright! Ofuimea have they nerved thein
aelvee to form an attack upon my friend and myaelf;
but, with all tl?e courage they could " eerew up," or
auinmon to their reaolution, by the utmost effort, they
never could go beyond a certain point. They would
make very brave ?ta.rt?, and march fiercely up to a cer
tain line, but tbeo they stopped. Sir, I never courted
these personal attack*-?I always deal red lo avoid tbein
?they are abhorrent to my feelings; but wTicn peraoual
attscks are injule either on myself or 011 mv friend now
abaent?and if I did not defend hun aa well aa myself,
he being ab*enf, the Roman* should beware of me?
iiken personal attacks are made, they ahall be met by
me. He ia abaent; I have determined lo pursue the
same line of duly, and I am not to be deterred from the
courae which I have marked out for invself by any con
siderations of a personal nature. I shall, with a fixed,
firm determination, resolutely march *lraigfcl onward
against the corrupt powera that be, with the **iue im
pulse of duty that governed ine when I first undertook
this perilous career in public lifo. ?
Sir, I am induced to make liiete remark* by a gene
ral, a very general, declaration made yecterday by the
gentleman from Mississippi, (Mr. Gholion.) I know
not whether thia declaration waa intended to cover a
personal attack on my friend and myself or not. Certain
it ia, his remark was strictly trne. He said I bat " the
scenes which transpired in the rooms of the two investi
gating committees, la*t winter, were disgraceful to
thoae committees, to the Houae, and to the nation."
Such wa* hia remark, though it ia not *o reported in the
paper*, and I agree with the gentleman perfectly, that
the *eeue* enacted iu the committee room* were dis
graceful to the coruiuittoe and to thia Houae, but I will
not say to the nation, for the nation, as soon ?? it could
act, prevented any of the disgrace from attaching lo its
conduct or charactcr. Such scenes never before oc
curred in this Capitol, and I hope never wiU again. Sir,
they were all acenes of prostituted servility to Execu
tive power, by members of this House, whore political
independence ia most required, and was once most to be
expected: I saw scenes, cm both committees, where
every thing of honor and intereat waa left perfectly
derelict lo the all-absorbing influence of the President
scenes of lowly bowing to hia footstool?of covering all
abuses?of smothering truth?of g*gifiug inquiry?of
refusal to expose abuae* known without proof or with it
?of sanctioning abuses, by open, unblushing claims to
rightful authority to commit them?which were dis
graceful to the committees. And, sir, I saw a acene
here, in thia Hou?e, which wa* disgraceful lo some
members of the last House of Representative*. The
very pimp who was charged with plundering the Trea
sury, wasting the public money in corruptly bribing tile
public mind, contumaciously refused to appear when
summoned as a witness before the Committee of Inves
tigation, and there were member* of the Houae of
Representative* who toleratod and countenanced him
in such conduct. The House yielded its powers and
laid down its privileges at the feet of a tool of (lower.
Sir, I do not mean 10 aay that all of the majority of the
House were involved in this disgraceful surrender of all
power and dignity?in justice to many members, my
friends, on both sides of the House, and I had. aa I now
have, aome valued personal friends opposed lo me in
politics here, I must say they were governed by very
different motives in voting lo discharge Whitney, and
never meant impliedly even to acnuit him. But there
were tome who even became the champion* of Reuben
M. Whitney ! they commended hia courae even before
investigation, and have ever since bis discharge coin
mended his conduct to the nation! Sir, I am safe
enough in regard to thai matter. You have been told
by the gentleman from Pennsylvsnia. (Mr. Muhi.en
bkro.) tins week, that the CommfUee of Investigation
unanimously voted me their Upnks for the mode iu"
which I had dischsriged my duty as chsirursn ; and yet,
a* a pretext for hiding the aecrets of "the party," I was
too unworthy for the main witness in the case to appear
before me ! Sir, I again say that I do agree with the
gentleman that the scenes which took place in those
committee rooms were disgraceful to the coinmitteca
and to the House of Representative*, but not to the
minority of either of thoae committeea, the minority of
the House, or to the nation. Why not to the nation 1
Two members of one of those committees have met the
fate which their conduct merited?they have fallen bo
fore the judgment of the people ! Out of the t,x in the
majority of the committee of which I waa chairman only
two are now here?Maine and Rhode Iatand have ren
dered their verdicts.
Sir, I Uke none of this general remark of the gentle
man to myself, nor does it spply to my abaend friend in
Tennessee, (Mr. Peyton.) If it did, or if it were clearly
apparent that it was mesnt for us?if the chsrge waa
that I and my friend were the authors of the disgrace of
those scenes?whenever any disgraceful conduct ia im
puted to my friend or to myself, I would say to the man
who utters the imputation, " in his foul throat he lies !"
Mr. GHOLSON wished to be understood as not
making any personal allusion in his remarks lo the gen
tleman from Tennessee, (Mr. Peyton,) as it never waa
hia custom to make any remarks to apply to persons
who were not in a position to defend themselves.
As to the gentleman from Virginia, (Mr. Wue.) he
might take the remark* be had made on thia subject on
yesterday as they were delivered, and make a perianal
application of them if he those ; he was not responsible
for the publication as it appeared in the Globe of yester
day, not having seen the report of yesterday's remarks
before they went to^press ; the gentleman from Virgi
nia, (Mr. Wise,) might take the remarks he had made
just as they were made and make what use of them he
pleased. He repested again, that acenes did uke place
in the committee rooms which were disgraceful to Con
gress and the country; but in making this remark, he
differed from the gentleman from Virginia, in believing
that the investigation threw any disgrace upon the late
Administration. Ho had not been able, for the life of
hun, to discover, after a close examination of the testi
mony adduced, that any disgrace could attach to the late
Administration. Although it had been repeated again
and sgain by the gentleman from Virginia, that corrup
tion did exist in the Administration, he (Mr. G ) had
not been able to discover it. The gentleman had said
that a diagraceful scene took place in the House at the
time; the majority of the Houae sustained a witness
who refused to appear before one of the' investigating
committees. Now Mr. O. believed that the late House
sustained that witness, because they believed that it
would be doing injustice to him to send him Ik-fore a
committee, whose chairman had treated him in the
manner tho chairman of that committee had treated the
witness.
A certain difficulty had taken place before another
committee, in which the chairman of thit committeo
u x ,,n co"*nq"cnce of this difficulty,
?s he (Mr. G,) understood, the msjonty of the House
would not force the witness before hi* committee.
He considered thai the circumstances of the case
fully warranted the House in making this decision, and
he lustihrd their conduct on thst occssion. Then, was
thia a disgraceful acene ? Was it a disgraceful acene
for the American Congreaa to protect an American citi
xen If so, Mr G. was satiaficd to take lUa share of
tho disgrace. The witness (Mr. Wbilney) was a free
man. and entitled 10 all lh? right* and privilege, of an
American citizen ; and aa much entitled to protection
a* the gentleman from Virginia, or any otlw gentle
?", d tT,fore ?*ld *>* knew nothing of
Whitney personally, and what he knew of him from re
putation was rather calculated to make an unfavorable
han a favorable impression on hia mind in relation to
that individual; because he was charged with being
le?guew,ih the bank* m Mississippi, which banks,
and hose that sustained them, were his (Mr G's) po
litical enemies?the enemies of the ,>eople, and sustain
ed by the parly to which the gentleman from Virginia
belonged. Yet, notwiihalanding these bsnks xvere
owned snd controlled bv the Wlip, tbey were deno
minated here the pet bank. "of the Government."
He repeated here that those banks in Mississippi
were opposed to the administration, and opposed to the
election of himself and hi. colleague (Mr. Claiborne.)
This Houae was to be looked ,lp0[li lcconim? to tho ioci
tine of the gentleman from Virginia, as ensctmg disgrace,
uiiVj* 'l ?""tallied American citixen in a stand
he had taken in not appexring before a committee whore
chairman bad made violent charges agsmit him. It was
(Jt to nia||j <-h<aMta, I'i|t n ~9as\lifflcult to prove
TImBmIAi Irom Vmhii no doubt bt 1m
?rfjftt cbsrgfi in bait wiade ngflLt tin* individual. but
broomed <Mt ha Nhtl provedHe knew Whit
ney m the agent of one of Ulu banks alluded to, but fur
ther than thia be knew him Dot. itor did be care what hia
character or conduct had been ; he viewed htm only as
ait American cuwen, and aa *uch, he l|*d rights aacured
by the Conalilutiuii that thoae in power had no right to
t Mlw f?ni bias iUcimaM?acwiua?iitty,f aww?I atary
individual until U* charge* brnaght again* bun b? prov
ed. Surely he did uot look upon till* aa bowing at l?a
footstool of power to protect thia individual under 4>?
circumstances of the caae. if it waa, howevaa, he wra*
readv to take bia ahare of J he rmtponsibilily He cared
not wbat charge* gentlemen might make againat btiu ;
be eiiat there lbs representative of an independent and
of a magnanimous people, who wen not U> be deterred
from tbe support of an administration which they believ
ed acted in accordance with the- republican principle*
ooiiUunt'd in the Couatitutiou, by the denunciation* of
any aot of meu, or any party, lie had not changed bis
mind an ice he came to Una Hoosp He liad not aaen tbe
corruptions ?f which the gentleman from Vtrgnua lad
spoke*. And be had not changed bia political opinion*
aince he came here. He bad not discovered those cor
ruption*, and until he did diacover them, be aaw no tern
ton for changing hia political opiniona. When he had
iho evidence of them presented to hun, then it would be
time enough to change the opiniona be entertained when
he entered thia House. When that occurred, he could
return and toll bia constituents the cause of bia change,
and if they went with him, be it ao ; but until Ije made
thia discovery, he abould continue to support the party
be had heretofore aupportcd.
The gentleman from Virginia tell* ua that he haa du
covered that the new States ware at the bidding of the
Preaident. Now be (Mr. G.) represented one of those
new 'State*, and ho would take the lilterty of informing
that gentleman that it was neither at tlie bidding of the
Preaident nor of the monarch of bank rag*. Although
they auatained the late Preaident and hie adminiatration,
they did ao because they looked upon that administration
aa acting in accordance with republican principlea. Thia
waa the rea*on they sustained that administration, and
not liecauao they wore bought up. If they could be
bought up, they would be bought up by the banka. It
waa the lianka that bought up men, and uot the adminia
tration. Wherever you find the influence of banka ex
isting to any extent, there you will find tbe aristocracy
of wealth opposed to the democracy of numbers; and
wherever you find'gentlemeu who have worstiippod the
golden calf, you will find that they have abandoned the
good old republican doctriuca, and cry out loud and long
uainat the party in power, and thone who su*tain it.?
'Hie only pernou* in the Stale lie represented who were
violently opposed to the administration, were those who,
like the gentleman from Virginis, claim to possess all
the talent, all the decency, and all tlte worth of the
country.
The gentleman from Virginia further charge* the de
mocratic party with being ausUined by a corrupt presa.
Now, if the prese had been corrupt, it had become uni
versajly corrupt; and if the pre** in favor of the admin
istration waa corrupted by the administration, the preas
of the opposition waa corrupted in the aamn ratio by the
opposition oarty, who had the command of nearly all the
wealth in the country. A large majority of thepreaaes
of the country, so far as his observation extended?and
in the State of Missiaaippi two to one?were opposed to
tbe adminiatration, and this aroae, in hia opinion, from
the fact that the wealth of the country waa to be found
in the ranka of the oppoaition The presa, then, with all
ita corruption, ia againat ua, if it ia corrupt. He denied
tbe charge, unconditionally, that the new States had
been bought up by the administration, and it waa an in
ault to the people of the new States to make this charge
If the gentleman from Virginia represented a consti
tuency that would be bought up or bribed, be had noth
ing to say to it; but for himself and his colleague, (Mr.
Claiborne,) he claimed to represent an intelligent, in
dependent people, who would not, and could not, bo
bought up either by Government or the banks, and who
| were not to be frightened by the cries of the gentleman
and his party from the even tenor of their waya.
Mr. LOOMIS, of New York, commenced some re
marks in defence of the majority of the CotniniUec, snd
particularly his friend (Mr. Mann) from the charges
brought against thetn by tho gentleman from Virguua ;
but he waa interrupted by the call for the order of the
day.
Before going into committee,
I Mr. ClJSHING, of Massachusetts inquired of Mr.
Cambreleng whether it was bis purpose to endeavor to
close the action of the committee on the present bill this
afternoon!
Mr. CAMBRELENG replying in the affirmative,
Mr., ClJSHING further inquired whether it was the
expectation of that gentleman that the committee were
to bo choked off from the discission!
Mr. GAMBRGLGNG. CerAinly not.
DISBDKaCMCNT Or DEPOSITS*.
On motion of Mr. C AMBRELENG, the House then
went at^in into Committee of the Whole on tbe state
?Lithl U,,,on' Haynes, of Georgia in the chair,)
snd resumed the consideration of the bill to postpone
the fourth instalment of deposite with the States.
In answer to sn inquiry made by Mr. GARLAND, of
V irginia,
J?' CAMBRELENG, stated thst the passage of the
mil through the SenAe, extending the time of payment
of merchsnt's bonds nine months, carrying the first pay
ment to February next, and that from merchants' bonds
not commencing to be paid till then, there was not only
no demand at this time for Treasury warrants and drafts,
but they had fallen four per cent since the passage of
that bill by an almoat unanimous vote of the Senate.
; The bill extending the term of paying the balance
due from thtt banks to four, six, snd nine months, hsv
I ing also passed tho Senate by, he believed, a unanimous
vote, bad had another effoct on drafts on these corpo
rations, which would render even that portion of these
balances unavailable to the Treasury, upon which cal
culations had been made to pay current expenses. A*
the credit commences from the day they refuae to pay
them, they have every indncement not to pay, and will
refuse to do so in all esses where tho bank desires to
use tho public tnooey for four, six, and nine months.
The consequence of these two measures having pass
ed, the action of the merchants in purchasing these
drafts, and tho action of the banks in consequence of
the passage of that bill, the Treasury waa actually de
prived at once of all the funds now in the banks through
out the United Stales, and deprived of all its resources
to meet the expenditures of the present yoar. On this
ground, therefore, he appealed to the committee to say
now long this government could be supported, depend
ing as it now did on the trifling cash receipts for lands
and revenue.
| Mr. C. added that he had been informed they had
even been compelled to return thirty thousand dollara
[ from the Treasury to the Custom house at New Vork,
to pay debentures and current expenaea.' Under these
| circumstances, he thought he might confidently appeal
to gentlemen on all sides of the House for their concur
| rence in a more prompt action upon the various bills
1 before i he House.
Mr SMITH, of Maine, who was entitled to the floor,
when the House sdjourncd on Friday, proceeded to ad
dress the committee at length, in a apeech, at tho close
of which he declared that if the House should take the
bill as it caine from the Senate, he must vote against it;
but if it should be so amended a* honestly to declare that
the fourth instalment was repealed (which would bo the
efTect of the bill) he should then vote in its favor.
Mr- 1HOMPSON, of South Carolina, and Mr.
HALSTEAD, of New Jersey, spoke in succession at
large and eameatly in opposition to the lull before the
committee.
| On motion of Mr. W ILLIAMS, of Tennessee, the
commute then rose, by a vote of 90 to 73, and reported
progress.
Mr. GARLAND, of Virgiuis, rose snd stated that,
owing to domestic matters, over which he could not
dispense, he should be compelled to leave the city on
W ednosday next.; and in consequence of tho peculiar
position he occupied before the House and ibe country,
he wa* very anxious to submit hia views before he loft,
and he gave notice that, on Monday next, he should
throw himself upon th<3 indulgence of the House for I
leave, at that time, to introduce the bill of which he had
given notice some days since.
On motion or Mr. EVERETT, tho House ad
journed.
SENATE.
Monday, Sept. 3A.
Two memorials were presented by Mr. Clay, from
citixens of Wheeling and Baltimore, praying for a Na
tional Bank, and the latter praying in the alternative,
for the Bank chartered by the State of Pennsylvania,
as a U. S Bank
Mr. DAVIS, presented memorials against the an
nexation of Texaa, from Massachusetts and Con
necticut.
Mr. BUCHANAN presented three remonstrances
from the city and county of I'hiladelphia of a similar
chsractcr.
Mr. NILES, submitted a joint resolution that the two
House* of Congress will adjourn on Monday, October !
9th, which was read a first tunc.
Mr. \\ RIGHT, gave notice that he should to-mor
row, ask the Senate to take tip tbe report of the Com
miUM on Finance on Mm p?tiiiom relative to a Bank
of tliu li tilled .Suite
irMiiiWiT ?verm.
The Senate proceeded to ciMiawJer the ball mftotma
additional doliea, aa depuaiioiies of public money, on
certaiu officer*.
Mr. CLAY then addressed the Senate He aaid tint
after the moot calm aud diapeaaiouale reflection on the
condiliou of ihe country, and the measures of rebel
auggeeted, he had came to the conclusion that the bill
under coiwideration would only be an aggravation of the
evd. When diaUeaa waa the re.ull of the measures of
tile government, it waa doubly imperative on the govern
ment to find a remedy The univeraality of ibe feeling
of Buffering which prevailed throughout the Union, dis
tinguished ua front any former |>rriod in which distress
and difficulty had ariaen among ua. Thia universal suf
feruig ought to lead to united counaela and coniinon
measure* He hoped all party diacorda would be for
gotten, and that all would fix tbetr eyea on the condition
of the country, and utile in deviaing the beat mean* of
relief. liaMook a view of the state of the currency be
fore the rtAoval of the depoattea, which be considered
the great Mtaae of the preaeut emergency. He alluded
to the prediction* which had been made at the tune of
the removal of the depositee, and the fulfilment of thoae
prediction* Ike regarded aa evidence thai auch waa the
cauae. He Ad not conaider the analogy drawn by
the President, between the aituation of Ureal ttrtUiu
and of ihia country. In both coutline*, the queation of
recharlering the National "Banka waa aimullaneous, in
Great Britain the bank waa rechmrtered, and the credii
and currency of tfce country waa reatored ; while here,
we refused to rechartcr a U. S. Bank, and our credit
and currency are deatroyed. If the U. 8. Bank had
been rochartered, the currency would have been yet in a
good condition, and we ahould have been free from etn
barraaanient
Among the evila resulting from the refnaal to rechar
ter the I nited Slatea Bank waa the retabliehincnl of a
system of local lianka in the Stale of Kentucky. The
policy of the late adiiiiniatration, in reference to the com
promise act, ahould be ranked among the causes of the
distreaa. The aoulliern gentlemen, particularly the
Senators from South Carolina, were entitled 10 great
respect for the efforta they made lo preserve the provi
aiona of that act; but the adminiatration had taken a
courae the moat injurioua in ila character lo the manu
facturer, because it convinced him that there could be
no reliance on the policy of the Government, however
solemn the pledge which may be givon. If the Govern
ment had adhered lo tho pledge in the compromise act,
there would be no excess of importations, because our
manufacturers would have kept up the stock of domes
tic goods. The Senator fiom South Carolina had ad
verted lo the tariff of 1828. That tariff waa the work
of the open enemies of the protective ayatem, concocted
with the secret enemies of ihe policy ; but, unpopular
aa was thia tariff, it would not have produced the evil
which waa apprehended by it, if the compromise tail
not been carried into effect. The veto of the land lull
waa one of the cauaea of the preaent distress Another
cause ia that for the last aeveral years we havo not had
the benefit of a free government. We have hud the
form indeed, but the spirit waa not there. We have
been under a despotism. If the Jackaon party had
|M>aaesaed more finnneaa they would not have governed
the country ill. They had wiadom, but not firmness
There waa a majority of that psrty against the refutal
to rccharter the United Stales Bank ; against the re
moval of the depositea; against the continuance of the
specie circular; but the despotism of an individual over
powered the voice of that majority. While legislative
bodies had turned round, paasing resolutions at one
session against a bank, ana at another in favor of a
bank, lie referred also to the inconaialency of Mr
Dallaa, who, after carrying through the Senate a bill to
recharter the United States Bank, neadfig a popular as
sembly in the stale house yard of Wiladelphia, and
applauding the veto of that very act. That individual
ia at this moment filling a splendid foreign mission He
left the world to judge of the motives which influenced
auch a course of action. He expressed himself as w ill
ing lo embrace every member aa a brother who could
point out a mode of eacaping from the gloom around tlx.
?He thim proceeded 10 examine, in detail, the various
measures brought forward and proposed to be submitted
The Bankrupt law, aa recommended by the President,
he was totally againat, as unconstitutional in referenre
to the Slates. But in particular, he denounced the bill
relative to ihe Banks of the District of Columbia, which
made it an indictable offence for any individual lo take
the only currency he could get. He took a view of the
effcct of the bill to postpone the transfer of the fourth in
stalment of the surplus revenue. Suit was to be com
menced sgainat Banks which did not meet the demands
of the Treasury ; and thus the Banks in the south aud
south-west?and he knew it would be so in Kentucky?
would be subjected to an interest of 12 or 18 per cent,
on the amount of their debta, from the time of the de
mand. In regard to tho establishment of a currency of
the precioua metala, he asked, in the first place, if it was
desirable. He laid it down mat there ia not a sufficient
amount of specie in the world to carry on all the com
mercial business of the world ; nor in this country was
there sufficient for all the commercial buaineas of the
country. The sum required for the citv of New York
alone would be two millions a day. It would, there
fore, tend only to cripple ?nd embarrass our condition.
Banks expand most when they have moat specie, aud
curtail when they have the leaat. He expressed bis ss
tonishment that a distinguished Senator should have de
clared himself favorable to any iaaoe of paper which w as
irredeemable. There may be caaea when a small portion
of irredeemable paper wontd be beneficial; but there
waa great danger to be apprehended if the Government
shall set an example of thia character. He adverted to
the irredeemable issues of the Commonwealth of Ken
tucky Bank. That paper depreciated rapidly?the de
preciation being in proportion to ita amount ; but as the
issues were discontinued the depreciation also became
less, and it has now almost got up to par.
But if desirable to establish a hard money currency,
ia it practicable! There waa no power in the General
Government to put down the local banka of the States
What then doea it become us to do! Does not wisdom
point out that we ahall moderate our legislation so as to
conform to a state of things which it is not in our power
to change 1
The attempt to preaa the banks,would produce a prcs
auie on the debtora of the banka. He couaidered that
the moat dangeroua experiments were then made on
the established habita of a people, and predicted that an
effort to destroy the banka would be productive of a
civil revolution. He adverted to the insecurity of the
ayatem proposed. In his own slate, two or three trea
surers in succession became defaultera, in consequence
of lending the money of the public to their personal
friends. The Secretary of the Treasury had thrown*
discredit on the system, when he required that these
Sub-treasurer* after having collected a certain specified
sum. should deposite it in the nearest bank. He con
sidered the system objectionable because it would add
to the patronage of the Executive. What had become
of the 100,000 officera who according to a report made
two year* ago, were wielded by Executive will'?
Where ia the veto power! Where the still more
alarming power of retaining bills, aa in the case of the
Land Bill, and ihe currency bill! Where the expung
ing power?the power of creating and turning out offi
cers?and the |tower of administering the laws as ho
understands them! Haa the chief magistrate come
forward with any disclaimer of these point* ! Has he
not rather followed in the footstep* of hi* predecessor'
Did he not retain the Treasury Circular against tho
acts of Congress and the people 1 He hoped no one
would fall into the error of aupposiug that the opposi
tion to the late administration, was' of a personal cha
racter or opposition to the person of General Jsckson.
The srins taken from the co-ordinate departments are
hung up aa trophiea in the Executive manaioti, ready
lo his used again, whenever a favorable moment shall
arrive, against the liberties of the people. There
i* no *afety for the people, in favor of the great expe
rimcnt while the Executive continue* to retain the power
he haa aaaumed. Pass this bill and that periloua union of
the purse and the aword which ao alarmed our British
anccatora will be complete, and we ahall find no safety
but in the discretion and mercy of the Executive.
Government had not been asked to furnish exchange,
but it waa ita duty to fumiah that which is equsl to ex
chsnge.
He considered it tbe duly of the opposition, when
animadverting on the measures suggested, to recom
mend whst they might think best But he could de
vise none ; he had never seen such a dense snd impe
netrable gloom as that which now surrounded us. He
fell that he had not tbe skill aa a j?hy*ician to recom
mend a remedy. The patient must minister to him
splf. He believed that if the ststes were rep reseated,
according to the latest expression of public opinion, ihe
member* would atand here about 34 for the administra
tion and 18 against it. He thought, therefore, it would
havn been belter to suffer the measures of the adminis
tration to commence on the other branch He could
think of no remedy in which the U. S Bank was not a
conspicuous ingredient. Ho considered the declaration "
tho President, that he would veto any bill for ihe char
tering of a U S. Bank, as unconstitutional, aa much as
would be a resolution of tbe Senate, declaring that thev
would not aanction any measure which he might rt
commend. . ^
He went on to look at the arguments against at' -
Bank ; and urged hia objections to the ineaaurea wlm n
had been proposed He went into a view of the bill

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