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1 the MADISON I AH.
THOMAS ALLEN. T.? Mamsonian is published Tri-we?Uy during the ceVst $6 p? .unuoi * or six moi.il*, ?? No subscription will bo taken for a term abort of six mouth* ; uor uolsa* paid fo* i? adr**c*. rtici or advsbtmino. Twelve line*, or leas, three insertions, - *l ?? Each additional insertion, " linger adverti*emrnt* at prop?rtion?U r?tea. A literal dtacount made to thoee who advertise by the year. ItT Subecribera may remit by mail, ?n bills of solvent hank., wotture paid, at our risk; provided it sfiall ap pear by a postmaster's certificate, that such reuuttauce Us been duly mailed. A liberal discount will be made to compete of /u or more trsusmittmg their subscriptions together. Poetmaatera, and otbera authorized, MiiMtf a. our went*, will be entitled to receive a copy of the paper gratu for every five aubaeribera or. al that rate hi[ cent, on aubacriptione generally ; the term- being fulfilled Letter* and communicationa intended for the estx bliahment will not be received uoleee the %? r???'? PROSPECTUS. Thb Madiboihaii will be devoted to the aupport ol the principles and doctrine* of the democratic party, aa delineated by Mr. Maduon, and will aim to consummate that political reform in the theory and practice of the national government, which haa been repeatedly indi cated by the general sufferage, aa aaaentul to the peace and prosperity of the country, and to the perfection and perpetuity of it* free iuaUtutiona. At thia time a lingu lar state of affaire i* presented. The commercial in tere?ta of the country are overwhelmed wilh emUarr*** ment; it* monettry concerna are unuaually disordered ; every ramification of aociety ia invaded by distress, and the *ocial odifice aeema threatened with dworganiiation; every ear ia filled with prediction* of evil and the mur muring* of deapondcncy; tho general government ?e boldly assailed by a Urge and reapcctable portion ol the people, tt the direct csute of their difticultiee; open resistance to the law* I* publicly encouraged, and a apirit of in*iibordination is fostered, a* a ncce**ary defence to the pretended u*urpstions of the party in power; some, from whom better things were hoped, ire making the ?? confuaion wor*e confounded," by a head long pursuit of extreme notion* *nd indefinite phantom*, totally incompatible with a wholesome state of the country. In the midst of all these difficulties and em barrassments, it i* feared that many of the lea* firm of the friend* of the adminiatration and aupportera of democratic principle* are wavering in their confidence, and beginning, without juat cause, to view wilh distrust those inen to whom they have been long attached, and whose elevation they have laboured to promote from honest and patriotic motive*. Exulting in the anticipa tion of dismay and confusion amongst the aupportera of the administration a* the consequence of these things, the opposition are consoling themselves with the idea that Mr. Van Buren'a friend*, a* a national parly, are veiging to dissolution ; and they allow no opportunity lo pas* unimproved to give eclat to' their own doctrinea. They are, indeed, maturing plans for their own future government of the country, with seeming confidence of certain aucces*. Thia confidence is increased by the fact, that visionary theories, and an unwise adherence to the plan for an exclusive metallic currency have unfortunately carried some beyond the actual and true policy of the govern ment ; and, by impairing public confidence in the credit syitcm, which ought to oe preserved and regulated, but not destroyed, have tended to increase the difficulties under which the country is now labouring All theae aeem to indicate the neceaaity of a new organ at the seat of government, to be established upon souud prin ciples, and to represent faithfully, and not to dictate, the real policy of the administrstion, and the true sentiments, measures, and interests, of tho great body of it* sup porters. The necessity also appeara of the adoption of more conservative principles than the conduct of those ?eem* to indicate who aeek to remedy abuse* by de stroying the institutiona with which thev are found con nected. Indeed some meaaure of contribution ia deemed essential to the enhancement of our own self-respect at home, and to the promotion of the honor and credit of the nation abroad. To meet these indications this undertaking has been instituted, and it i* hoped that it will produce the effect of inspiring the timid wilh courage, the desponding with hope, and the whole country with confidence in the administration of ita government. In this view, this journal will not seek lo lead, or to follow any faction, or to advocate the views of any particular detachment of men. It will aspire to accord a just measure of aup port to each of the co-ordinate branches of the govern ment, in the lawful exercise of their constitutional prerogatives. It will addrcs* itself to the under*tandings of men, rather than appeal to any unwortl\y prejudices or evil passions. It will rely invariably upon the prin ciple, that the strength and aecurity of American mati tutiona depend upon the intelligence and virtue of the people. The Madisommn will not, in any event, be made the instrument of arraying the north and the south, the east and the west, in hostile altitudes towards each other, upon any subjcct of either general or local interest. It will reflect only that spirit and those principles of mutual concession, compromise, and reciprocal good-will, which so eminently characterized the inception, formation, and subsequent sdoption, by the several States, of the con stitution of the United States. Moreover, in the same hallowed spirit that has, at all periods since the adoption of that sacred instrument, characterized its dgkkncb by tub pkoi'lk, our press will hasten to its support at every emergency that shall arise, from whatever quarter, and under whatever guise of philanthropy, policy, or principle, the antagonist power may appear. If, in this responsible undertaking, it shall be our good fortune to succeed to any degree in promoting the harmony and prosperity of the country, or in conciliating tealousies, and allaying tho asperities of party warfare, ly demeaning ourself amicably toward* all; by indulg ing personal animosities towards none; by conducting ourself in the belief that it is perfectly practicable to differ wilh others in matters of principle and of expe iency, without a mixture of personal unkindness or loss reciprocal respect; and by "asking nothing that is not clearly right, and submitting to nothing that is wrong," then, and not othcrwiae, will the full measure it* intention be accomplished, and our primary rule for its guidance be sufficiently observed ana satisfied. This enterprize has not been undertaken without the approbation, advisement, and pledged support of many of the leading and soundest minds in yjie ranka of the democractic republican party, in the extreme north and in the extreme south, in the esst and in the west. An association of both political experience and talent of the highrst order will render it competent to carry forward the principles by which it will be guided, and make it useful as a political organ, and interesting as a journal of news. Arrangements also have been made to fix the establishment upon a substantial and permanent basis. Tho subscriber, therefore, relics upon the public for so much of their confidence and encouragement only a* the fidelity of his press to their great national interesta shall prove itaelf entitled to receive. THOMAS ALLEN. Washinotom Citv, D. C. July, 1837. EXCIIANUK HOTEL. THE SUBSCRIBERS, having leased the Exchange Hotel, (late ruge*'*,) and having filled it up in first rate atvle, will be prepared to receive visiters on MON DAY the 9th inst. The location of the house, being w ith in a few minutes walk of the depot of the lliiltimore and Ohio, Washington and Baltimore, snil Philadelphia Rail roads, as well a* the Steamltr.jt lo Philadelphia, Norfolk, and Charleston, S. C., makes it a desirable plaee to all travellers going to either section of the country. This HOTEL attached to the Exchange Building* in this city, has been erected and furnished at a great cost by the pro prietors, and is designed to tie a first rate hotel, h ia the intention of the subscribers to make it for comfort, re spectability, Ate. iVc., equal to any house in the United States. The undersigned flatter themselves that they need only promise to all who may patronise the establish ment, that their best efforts shall be exerted to please, and at charges which they hope will meet their approba ions. JEWETT it DE BUTTS. Baltimore, Oct. 7, 1837. 4w2i HOUSE FURNISHING GOODS.?We have for sale? 50 pieces ingrain carpeting, which we will sell low. 50 do Brussels. 62 do 5-4, 6-4, 10-4, snd 12-4 Linen Sheetings. 100 do 7-4, 8-1 Barnsly Diapers. 8-4, 10-4 and 20-4 fine Table Cloths. Napkins to match. 1 tiale Russia Diaper. 1 bale wide ('rash. Also, 50 Marseilles Quilts. BRADLEY 4 CATLETT. Se p 9? 3lw?w THE MADISONIAN. VOL.1. WASHINGTON CITY, TUESDAY, NOVEMBER 7, 1837. NO. 30. , ^ T?OR SALE, OR BARTER, for property r.??h. e?Y of New York, or land* in lilt TlfllL '??"'m valuable property in the village of Uiim: 07 The ramd growth of Oswego, ita ua ?artHMMd advantages Mid great proepecla, wo too well and too geuerally known to Mquua a particular descrip tion. 1CT A very raiauU description of the property ia doom ed unnecessary as it is presumed that purchasers living st ^ distance will come end see, before they conclude a aarguin. Suffice it to My, that it is among the very best bn the plat* tW Www wt land# ?r ttir. flr?t quality, with a perfectly near title, and free of tncumbr ace, will be taken in ex tb u_r toilets poM paid, addressed to the subscriber, at Oswego, will meet with prompt attention. An ample de scription of the property offered in exchange is requested. Ik Em Oswgao.?The Eagle Tavern and Store ad (oining, on First street, with a dwelling house and stables on Second street, being original village lot no. 50, 66 feet on First street, running east 200 feet to Second street. The south half, or original village lot no. 44, being 33 foet on First street, running east 900 feet to Second street, with the buildings erected thereon. The north-east oomer of First and Seneca (lata Tau rus) streets, being DO feet on First, and 100 feet on Sene ca-streets, with the buildings erected thereon?comprising part of original village lots nos. 41 and 42. Three lota, each with a dwelling, fronting Second street; the lots arc 22 feet wide by 100 deep, being part of original village lot no. 41. Lot, with dwelling house, [original village lot no. 36,] being 66 feet on First street, running west about 350 feet, across the canal .into the river, so that it has four fronts. In West Oswgoo.?Lot corner of Fifth and Seneca (late Taurus) streets, opposite the public square, being on Seneca street 143, and on Fifth street 19H feet, withdwell ing, coach house, stabling, snd garden. The latter ia well stocked with the best and rarest fruit, ornamental shrub bery, flowers, die. A lot adjoining the above, being 78 feet on Fourth stmt by 58 feet in depth. Six lots on First street, each 22 feet in' front, running east 100 feet to Water street, with the buildings thereon. n ? The Wharf and Ware houses on Wa- .^cwginal ter street, opposite the foregoing, being } T1fl.ae lot, ^ 132 feet on Water street, snd running east about 110 feet to the river. (This wharf has the deepest water in the inner harbor.] Lot comer of Seneca and Second streets, being 24 feet on Seneca, and 66 feet on Second streets. Five Lots ad joining the foregoing to the esst, each being 22 feet on Seneca street, by 66 feet in depth. The above being part of the original village lot no. 36. The north half of block no. 63, beingpOO'feet on Utica [late Libra] street, by 198 feet on Third and Fourth streets. On Van Bom Tbact.?Lotno. 1, Montcalm street, (King 200 feet deep, and running north along Montcalm street several hundred feet into the Lake. Lots no. 2 and 3, Montcalm street, each 66 by 200 ft. 12 " 13 " " 13, 14, and 15,being 343 ft. on Bronaon at. 240 on Van Ruren St. 300 on Eighth st. North 3-4ths of lot no. 25, corner of Van Buren ' Ad Eighth streets, being 200 feet on Van Buren, and 148 t eet on Eighth streets. Lot 82, south-west corner of Csyuga and Eighth streets, 66 by 198 feet. Lots 83, 84, 85, 86, 87, on Cayuga St. 66 by 108 ft. 88, s. e. corner of Cayuga and Ontario streets, 198 by 104 feet. 89, s. w. comer of do, 198 by 195 ft. 70, on Seneca St., 66 by 198 feet. 58, s. w. corner of Sencca and 8th sts., 66 by 198 ft. 50, n. e. corner of Ontario and Schuyler streets, 198 by 104 feet. 59. on Seneca street, 66 by 198 feet. 75, s. e. corner of Seneca snd Ontario streets, 198 by 104 feet. 76, s. w. corner of do. 198 by 130 ft. 61, n. c. corner of do. 198 by 104 ft. 46, 47, 48,49, on Schuyler st., 66 by 198 ft. The incumbrances on the whole of this property do not exceed sixteen thousand dollars, which may either re main, or if desired, can be cleared off. J. C. BURCKLE. Oswego, N. V., Aug. 22, 1837. 2m6 village lots no. 3 ana 4. PLUMBER'S BUSINESS.?The sul.srril.er, from Baltimore, takes this method of informing the citizens of Washington and vicinity, that he will remain a few days, and make arrangements for undertaking anj? of the follow ing kinds of wot* in his line of business, viz. The erect ing of Water Closets, Force or Lift Pumps, Baths, hot or cold, fitted in a superior manner, the conveying of water from springs to dwellings, and through the different apart ments, draining ouarries, or any kind of lead work. He can be seen at Mr. Woodward's. DAVID BAIN. N B.?He has with him a few Beer and Cider Pumps, to be seen as above. CLEMENT WOODWARD, Berweea 10th and 11th sts., Penn. Avenue. Oct. lft?23 CHINA, GLASS AND QUEEN'S WARE. MOSES POTTER, 46 South Charles St., Baltimore, HAS just received and is now opening. Jive hundred and forty packages of the above description of goods, adapted for the Southern and Western markets?Con stantly on hand, English, Iron-Stone, and Granite China, suitable for extensive hotels and steamboats?all of which will be sold on as favorable terms as can be bought in any city in the Union. Oct. 10. tft? SAMUEL HEINECKE informs his friends and the public, that he has taken a room four doors north ol Doctor Gunton's apothecary store, on ninth street, where he will carry on his business. He feels confident, from his long experience in cutting all kinds of garments, that general satisfaction will be given to such as may favor him with their custom. scp 23 3taw3w WILL BE PUBLISHED on Monday next. No I of the UNITED STATES MAGAZINE AND DE MOCRATIC REVIEW, with a full length engraving in copper of Col. Benton addressing the Senate?after a fine sketch by Fenderich. TABLE OP CONTENTS. 1. Introduction. The Democratic Principle? The importance of its assertion, and ap plication to our political system and lite rature. 1 2. The Battle-Field. By Wm. Cullen Bryant. 15 3. Nathaniel Macon. - 17 4. Autumn. By Mrs. E. L. Follen. ? ? 27 5. The Constitution Oak. 28 6. The Toll-Gatherer'# Day, a Sketch of Tran sitory Life. By the Author of "Twicc Told Tales." 31 7. The Worth of Woman. From the German of Schiller. 35 8. Mexican Antiquities of Palenque and Mit lan, in tho Provinces of Chiapa and Oaxaca. ------ 37 9. Palestine, An Ode. By J. G. Whittier. 47 10. M iriam, a Dramatic Poem. 49 11. Storm Stanxas. .... - 67 12. Glances at Congress, by a Reporter, No. 1. ?The Extra Session?the A merican Union ?the Hall of tho House?the Speaker? Henry A. Wise?Eli Moore?Caleb Cush ing?John Quincy Adams?C. C. Cambrc leng?Ogden Hoffman. 13. Enigma. By A. H. Everett, Esq., Boston, Massachusetts. 14. Political Portraits, with the pen and pencil. No. 1. Thomas Hart Benton. [With an engraving.] .... 82 15. Epitaph. From the Greek Anthology. 90 16. European Views of American Democracy. De Tocqueville. ... - 90 17. The River. - - ? ? 18. The .Moral of the Crisis. .... 19. Retrospective view of European Politics. (Introductory Article to the Historical Register of European Events.) The svstem pursued at the Congress of Vienna?Its in fluence on France?England in 1815 and 1835.? FRANCE. Gain in Democratic Liberty since the Re volution?Louis Phillipe?Boerne on Liberty. GER* MANY. Policy and effect of abolishing the Empire. PRUSSIA. Its policy and influence?Tne tariff union and curTcnrv?Philosophy of the Germans?School system?Military organisation?Municipal government. AUSTRIA. Ita internal condition ana political posi tion?Hungarian diet?and Baron Wesaeleny. MI NOR STATES IN GERMANY. The Press?The Polish Revolution. SPAIN AND PORTUGAL HOLLAND AND BELGIUM. DENMARK AND SWEDEN. SWITZERLAND. ITALY. Austri an influence?Fortifications of Brixen. RUSSIA. Probabilities of collision with England?Conseqnence of the ascendency of the Democratic principle in Eng land?Conclusion. Office of the U. S. Magazine and Democratic, Review corner of 10th and F. streets, Washington. 3t?23 [N. Y. Eve. Pott and Com. Adv.JJ From Ikt AatiniV ImltUiftnetr. IKKTCH Of MR. MOWMAM ?PKKCH ON TIM BUB-TBXABUBY BILL. Houte */ ReprtttiUalxvtt, Oct. IS. Mr. H- would not offer an apology to the House for addressing it upon a subject bo fraught with the highest good or the deepest evil to hia own constitu ents, as thai now before it. He had been aware when he first took his seat in lhat body, that he would have to contend against great power and patronage. There has been a time in his political life when he thought the arm of this Government needed to be strong to regulate some of the consequences of the rapid in crease, in extent and resources of the country. I he usurpations of the Executive, which he had witness ed for the last few years, had taught him a different lesson. He now found the Government too strong for the people; and that some of the memorable pre dictions of the gentleman from South Carolina (Mr. Picken>) and his friends in regard to the influence of Executive dictation and usurpation, were in a fair way to be realized. He had come to his seat prepa red lo combat that usurpation, and to contend lor the lost rights of the States; and he thought he should find the bold, manly and chivalrous arm of the South ron bared to aid him in lhat contest. What had been his surprise to find that arm on which he had relied for such aid, raised in the van of the attack he had to resist 1 That gentleman, (Mr. Pickens") had said that he had renounced no opinions he had entertain ed before, and yet he is lending his aid in the ad vancement of a scheme which is to unite in one hand the purse and the sword of this Government, and to make by his adhesion and support the bill be fore the committee too strong for tne opposition of those with whom he had been used to act in con cert. Commenting on the argument of Mr. Pickens as to the character and influence of a National Bank, Mr. H. demanded of that gentleman what would be the influence of an Executive, in any action against the rights of the States, who could wield so lor inidable a weapon against those rights, as all the re venues of this Government! And upon this sub ject he enlarged extensively. , As to what had fallen from the gentleman in his remarks of yesterday, in relation to the North and South, as relatively placed, in interest and in policy, with regard to each other, Mr. H. was very elo quent and forcible. That gentleman (Mr. Pickens) had threatened a servile war as the consequence of a struggle between those interests, and had promised to preach insurrection lo the laborers of the North, as an offset to similar appeals to the South. That gen tleman (said Mr. H.j is mistaken if he thinks that there is any parity of reasoning as lo the laborers ol the North, or the slaves of the South. They were not, as was so baldly argued, under the domination orconirol of the capitalists. They were freemen, con scious of their rights and privileges. By the labor ing classes of the North the banner of the revolution had been unfurled, and the fields of Lexington and Bunker Hill been won. By those classes there,even in the cities so much vilified and denounced, were the men who sit in that hall sent thither; and they were alive to all the rights of freemen, which they sent their representatives there to defend and advocate. Mr. H. regretted that this ball of discord had been set rolling there; that the Texas question had been started on that floor to fright the House " from its propriety." He was not unfriendly to the South. Far from it. Many of his early and most friendly associates were connected with that section. He should ever bi found by the side of the people ol that section, in resisting any invasion of their rights. But still he had a paramount duty to perform?to vindicate from attack, and to shield from reproach, the people of his own part of the country. Mr. Hoffman paid a deserved compliment to the bold and frank manner in which Mr. Pickens had come forward to the aid of the Administration in support of this bill. That gentleman had not crept into the ranks of his former enemies. He had, like Tullus Aufidius, in Roman history, boldly told his new allies of his former battles against them; he had almost in bravado, indeed, spread before them the records of his consistency as their uncompromising opponent. They had taken him into their employ, and being in the ranks of the enemy, he (Mr. H.) must defend his countrymen though it be Coriolanus who heads the Volsciansagainst Rome! The gentleman (continued Mr. H.) is proud ol the name of Loco Foco. Sir, it is a matter of taste. [Mr. Pickens explained. He had said, in allusion to a remark made on that floor some days since, by an honorable member, that he was willing to be such a Loco Foco as John Milton was,if he were, indeed, one. He had not intended to be understood as de claring himself a Loco Foco under the ordinary ac ceptation of the term.] Mr. Hoffman said that he ccrtainly did not mean to misrepresent the gentleman from South Carolina. He hardly understood what the term in question signified. But he is not surprised to hear the gen tleman declare that he is not one of the him who had once sworn that his " mouth should be the Parliament of England," and that " his horse should graze in Cheapside."* But he had eulogised Milton as his exemplar. For thai name, he too, (Mr. H.) had great reverence. He remembered well the noble dclence of John Milton, of the subject; and yet this very man was choleric, hasty, and often rash in his opinions. There was, said Mr. H., a striking coincidence, which he could but allude to, in the his tory of Milton, as applicable to our own times. 1 he same intrepid patriot who, in his zeal for liberty, had aided in bringing his monarch to thfe hlodc, after wards threw himself into the arms of the Piotector and supported the throne which was reared on tne downfall of Charles. Here Mr. H. drew a parallel between the succession of the present lothe late Exe cutive, and that of the Protector to the King,^ and between the conduct of the gentleman lrom South Carolina and that of the great statesman he had al luded lo under the parallel change of circumstan Mr. H. was opposed to the Sub-Treasury bill, be cause it violated the Constitution of ihe country?-il not its plain and palpable literal language, its spirit, which is its life-blood, and which alone recommends it to the people of the nation. That spirit is the principle that the people shall govern themselves. The mode of choosing public officers, the appoint ment of those officers duties, &c. are but the tn?I? pings of the Constitution. But this principle, which is its spirit, enters into the labors of the artizan, and the researches of the scholar. It should be the at mosphere by which we should be sustained and strengthened, and from which we should receive the buoyancy and vigor lo perform the duties of good citizens and patriots. The connexion between the Government and the people of this Union, Mr. H. looked upon as a great partnership. There should be a common credit or discredit, a common interest in all things between them. The distress, if there be any ol the Govern ment, should ba reflected upon the people. The arm of power should not be wielded over the govern ed to be looked up to as paramount. The people should not, while struggling amidst discontent, em barrassment, and perplexity, be insulted by the spec tacle of their government walking free, unlettered, unembarrassed, and in prosperity. Mr. H. remarked that it had been said that this was no new proposition; that England and France had furnished examples of similar schemes; and not long since though not parliamentary to allude p-irt' cularly to it on that floor, the great Mormon ol this golden bible (Mr. Benton of the Senate) had"instan ced Rome also as furnishing a similar example. In reply to these allusions, Mr. H. adverted to the dif ference between the institutions of England ana France and those of our own country, and asked, why not model our whole government upon those examples 1 Why not establish " the divine right of kings'' principle throughout, create a standing army, authorize a system of passports, and a.ll the rest i And Rome, too; Rome had her ouestors or nubltc treasurers! Yes, (said Mr. H.) she had; and they " grew by what they fed on." They followed the Roman eagles to conquest, and in every situation were ever the links between the worn down people and the overbearing Government. Mr H alluded to the provisions of the bill before the committee. The public money is to be given by the Executive to the different disbursing officers. Defalcation would ensue defalcation as ihe conse qur-nee of this provision. Besides the direct pilfering and frauds of the officers who will have the charge of the public revenues, there would be the brawling sycophant,and the unscrupulous partisan, whose very bread would depend upon his subserviency to Execu tive dictation. He did not allude more to one ad ministration than to another. This would ever be the case were this bill to become a law. In ease or an election depending in any State, or d.striet, or town, there would be a call on the partisan office holder's exertions One side would be honesty, and on the other his office; and he would console him ? Jack Cade. See U part Henry VI., act iv. ?elf while making the sacrifice of the farmer to the latter that the bread of hi* wife and children depend ed upon it. And who will call the defaulter in such case to account 1 The Executive 1 This would never be: and aa to Congrewl That, too, waspow erless. The proceedings of the last Congress, under similar circumstances to those described, afforded a sufficient proof that this was so. Here Mr. H. alluded to the novel and monstrous doctrine which has been broached under the late ad ministration, that every officer of the government was accountable to the Executive alone; and he only to the impeaching power of Congress: and insisted that no iieopie were ever strong enough to resist the union of the purse and sword of government. If the bill passes, he cqmtendeu the money of the Rle would not be safe: it would be leas safe than inks where the stock holders' interests require 1 the aelection of careful directors and officers, and where there were many hands, and not a single hand, to guaid those interests. And to this point Mr. H. read from the Congressional Debates of 1835, an opinion of one who, he wished could take a part in that debate, and sustain the views he had once expressed, and which he would now quote views which he was confident the high regards for | his opinions, entertained by the members of that; House, would lead them to regard with great re- ; apect; he alluded to Mr. Speaker Polk, who, in the 1 course of a debate in 1835, had said that " corpora tions were safer than any individual could be,as the ! depository of public moneys," because corporations were bound together by the strongest ties oi interest,, with an immense aggregate of-wealth, which fur- < nlshed a safe security, &c. But, (said Mr. H.J who can tell but that, if that! 8-nileinan could descend from the chair, and address e House on this bill now, he would not also be found to have undergone sotne change of sentiment since the time alluded to ? This would not be more surprising than that one of that gentleman's friends, also on that floor, should have changed his views on the subject within the same term of time. In a debate upon a resolution offered in 1835 to that body by Mr. Gamble, as to the best mode of keeping the public moneys, Mr. Cambreleng was reported in the Con gressional Debates to have uttered the opinion that the Sub-Treasury scheme would find no friends there, and that it was a proposition too Odious and monstrous to be entertained. [Mr. Cambreleng read, in answer to this allusion, an extract from his own prepared report of the speech adverted to, to the effect that he had expressed the hope that the time would come when banks, as fiscal agents of the Government, could be dispensed with altogether.] Mr. H. remarked that the gentleman had voted against the scheme at the time, and was reported, in the book of debates, belore he had time to prepare t carefully his own report of the speech he hau made, I to have said that such a proposition could fmd no ; friends in that body. But still (said Mr. H.) I know : that opinions often change, like the gourd of Jonah, j in a single night. Mr. H. here alluded to Mr. Foster's eulogy on the I safety fund system, which he admitted to be appro priate and deserved. And he eloquently detailed the consequences of that system to the prosperity of the ; State?the springing up of her western cities almost at the very sound of the woodman's axe?the stretch ing out of long lines of railroads, those avenues of communication and social intercourse with the dif ferent parts of the country. The North and East had | made the West, aud the West had poured back her j gratitude in increasing contributions to the wealth and prosperity of the State;?and this was the work-' ing of the safety fund system. It had worked well; ! and now he would ask, what was the reverse in the country 1 The President now says thnt over-specii- j lation is the cause of our present troubles. The phi losopher, whose theory it was that the earth rested on a tortoise, was puzzled to find a place for the tor-1 toise. And what was the true cause of this distress and embarrassment 1 Mr. H. said that it was the war on the United States Bank by the late Executive. The first germs of all that Executive power which now oppresses us was the withdrawal of the depo sites. That was the fountain whence all these bitter watars flowed. The hopes and wishes of the people were involved in that institution. The boat was pro ceeding on its way, in a swift but equable course, when there had suddenly ensued a crash, which was the prelude to a bubbling cry of agony and despair from the passengers and crew. Tne balance wneel had been removed by the ignorance or the wanton ness of the engineer. Mr. H. had never been the friend or the enemy of the United States Bank; nornf the local banks. He had not worshipped Pompcy, in all his pride of power and place, when armies had sprung up at the stamp of his foot; nor had he ever bowed the knee to his great rival. Yet would he not withhold from the latter the justice which he should extend towards him; as " in his mantle muffling up his face, Even at the base of Pompey's statue. Which alt the while ran blood, great Cmsar fell! And now lies there, With none ao poor to do him rcverencc!" . After some discussion of the conduct pursued by the State deposite banks, which he contended had, in the majority of instances, bjen honorable and up right, he insisted that it was inconsiseent for the friends of the administration to decry and destroy them. They had eaten of the fruit, and should not now cut down the tree. The United States Bank had been ruined to aggrandize the State banks; not in accordance, as has b.'en asserted, with the people's will. The people would never have destroyed that institution ; but as a sacrifice to the popularity of the late Executive. It was withered by the resplendent " glory" from the brow of the victor of New Or leans. It was destroyed, that the "weeds," as Mr. Pickens had called the State banks, might grow and flourish. Mr. H. contended that there had been a time when those "weeds" were shallow rooted, and might have been easily eradicated. He then went on to show that Mr. Van Buren originated and rose into power by the aid of the safely fund system. That it still continued its influence, politically, and procured a Van Buren majority there of two-thirds; and that Mr. Van Buren was bow kicking away the ladder by which he had mounted, not even saying to those who had been wondering at his ascent with upturned eyes, " Stand from under!" This part of the speech was very minute in its details, and excited a deep interest. Mr. H. said the bill before the commiUee had been christened "a divorce bill." It was no such thing. It was a bill authorising "a fatal marriage"?fatal to the Constitution, and to the liberties and happiness of the people. It was not a divorce bill. The "di vorce" had already taken place, without cause or right, by the act of one of the parties, and it was the nuptial benediction or another alliance that the House were now called on to pronounce. He who , was " but yesterday a King, And armed with Rings to strive." Napolean Bonaparte loved Josephine. The con queror of Italy had laid his laurels at her feet, and whispered in her ear his aspirations of love as well as ambition. By her were his troubles assuaged, and she was ever his good genius, pointing him the path to glory and renown, and with her, as nis companion and adviser, he found himself upon the throne of Charlemagne. But nosooner did the diadem glitter upon his brow, than she, who had been ever true to him, was cast off fyr the furtherance of schemes of I policy. He was thus, but he would be safely and , ever thus, and he procured from a weak Senate a , divorce from hrr, and wedded Louise of Austria, who mounted his throne only to see his crown snatched from his brow 7 Sir, there may be a moral even in the lesson read to our own Government from the rock of St. Helena. Mr. H. closed his remarks by warning gentlemen of the consequences of passing a bill so fraught with danger as that under consideration. He said, "the bow is bent, make from the shaft!" unless by a bold effort you can wrest the bow from the hands of the archer! Rise from the mire of party! Sustain the administration in every thing in which it is just and right, but resist it when its measures are hostile to the best and enduring interests of the people Do not aid in that unholy alliance of the purse with the sword in the hand of power; and " never more I?ot the great interest* of the Slate depend Upon the thousand chances that may sway A pieco of human frailty !" When Gen. Duff Green was in Fredericksburg, this last summer, on his tour through the Southern States, to obtain subscribers for his paper, he ridiculed Mr. Gouge's Sub-Treasury scheme ; as soon, how ever, as Mr. Calhoun expressed sentiments favora-! ble to it, his paper turned a complete somerset, and I now advocates the necessity of separating the Go vernment from all banks. iraECH OV MH. WINTM, or Minicuium, In Senate, September vJH, 1837.?The Senate having resumed the consideration of the bill " imputing additional duties, as depositories in certain cases, on public officers," with the amendment oflered thereto by Mr. Caijmh'w? [Concluded] Is it the duty, then, of this Government to see thst a currency be maintained suited to the circumstances of the timesi end to the uaes of trsde snd commerce' I need not, sir, on this occasion, enter hiatorically into the well-known causes which led to the adopt ion of the present Constitution. Those causes sre familiar to all public men ; and among them, certainly, was thia ve ry matter of giving credit and uniformity to the money system of the country. The States possessed no sys tem of money and circulation ; and that was among the reuses of the stsgnation of commerce. Indeed, all commercial affairs were in a disjointed, deranged, and miserable etale. The restoration of commerce, the object of giving it uniformity, credit, and national cha racter, were among the firat incentives to a more perfect union of the Statea. We all know thst the meeting at Annapolia, in 1780, sprang from a desire to attempt something which should give uniformity to the commer cial operations of the severs! States ; and that in and with this meeting arose the proposition for a general convention, to consider of a new conatitution of Govern ment. Every where State currencies were depreciated, and continental money was depreciated alao. Debts could not be paid, and there was no value to property. From the close of the war to the time of the adoption of thia Conatitution, aa 1 verily believe, the people suffer ed aa much, except in the loss of life, from the disor dered state of .the currency and the prostration of com merce and boainesa, aa they Buffered during the war.? 1 All our history shows the disasters and afflictioua which sprang from these sources ; snd it would lie waste of time to go into a detailed recital of them, For the re medy of these evils, as one of its great objects, and as great aa any one, the Constitution was formed and adopted. Now, air, by thia Constitution, Congress is autho rized to "coin money, to regulate the value thereof, and of foreign coina and all the Statea are prohibited from coining money, and from making any thing but gold and silver coins a tender in payment of debts ? Suppose the Conatitution had stopped here, it would still have established the all-important point of a uni form money system. By this provision Congress is to furnish coin, or regulate coin, for all the States. There is to be but one money standard for the country. And ihe standard of value to be established by Congress is to be a currency, and not bullion merely ; because we find it ia to be cot* ; that is, it is to be one or the other of the precious metals, bearing an authentic stamp of value, and passing therefore by tale. That is to be the standard of value. A standard, of value, therefore, and a money for circulation, were thus expressly provided for. And if nothing else had been done, would it not have been a reasonable and necesssry inference from this power, that Congress had authority to regulate, and must regulate and control, any and all paper, which either Statea or individual might desire to put into cir culation, purporting to repreaent this coin, and to take ita place in the uaes of trade and commerce 1 It is very evident that the Constitution intended something more than to provide a medium for the payment of debts to Government. The object was a uniform currencv for the use of the whole people, in all the transactions of life ; and it was manifestly thi intent of the Constitu tion, that the power to maintain euch a cutrency should be given to Congress. But it would make the system incongruous and incomplete, it would lie denying to Congreaa the means necessary to accomplish ends which were manifeatly intended, it would render the whole proviaion in a great measure nugatory, if, when Con greaa had established a coin for currency and circula tion, it should have no power to maintain it as an actual circulation, nor to regulate or control paper emissions designed, to occupy its place, and perform the same functiona that it would on the coinage power alone ; and on a fair, and juat, and reasonable inference from it, therefore, I should be of opinion that Congress was au thorized, and waa bound, to protect the community againat all evila which might threaten from a deluge of currency of another kind, filling up, in point of fact, all the channels of circulation. And this opinion is not new. It has often been expressed before, and was co gently urged by Mr. Dallas, the Secretary of the Trea sury, in bis report in 1816. lie saya, "whenever the emergency occurs that demands a change of system, it seems necessarily to follow that the authority, which waa alone competent to establish the national ^coin, is alone competent to create a national substitute. But the Constitution does not stop with th:s grant of the coinage power to Congress. It expressly prohibits the Slates from issuing bill* of credit. What a bill of credit ia, there can be no difficulty in understanding by any one acquainted with the history of the country. They had been issued at different times, and in various forms, by the State Governments. The object of them waa to croate a paper circulation ; and any paper, issued on the credit of the Stste, and intended for circulation from hand to hand, is a bill of credit, whether made a tender for debta or not, or whether carrying interest or not. Is it issued with intent that it shall circulate from hand to hand aa money, and with intend that it shall so circulate on the credit of the State 1 If it is, it is a bill of credit. The Slates, therefore, are prohibited from issuing paper for circulation on their own credit ; and thia provision furnishes sdditionsl and strong proof that all circulation, whether of coin or paper, was intended to be subject to the regulation and control of Congrcsa. Indeed, the very object of establishing one commerce for all the State*, and ono money for all the States, would otherwise be liable to be completely defeated. It has been supposed, nevertheless, that this prohibition on the States haa not reatraincd them from granting to individuala, or to private corjioratiotis, the power of issuing notes for circulation on their own credit. This power has long been exercised, and is admitted to exist. But could it be reasonably maintained, looking only to theae two provisions, (that is to say, to the coinage power, which is vested exclusively in Congress, and to the prohibition on tho Statea against issuing their own paper for circulstion,) that Congress could not protect its own power, and secure to the people the full benefits intended by snd for them agsinst evils and mischiefs, if they should ariae, or threaten to arise, not from paper issued by Stale*, but from paper issued by individuals or private corporations'! If this bo so, then the coinage power evidently fails of a great part of its intended ef fect ; and the evils intended to be prevented by the prohibitions on the States may all arise, and become ir resiatible and overwhelming in another fonn. But the Messsge intimates a doubt whether this pow er over the coin waa given to Congress to proserve the iicople from the evils of psper money, or only given to piotect the Government itself. I can not but think this very remarkable and very strange. The language of the President is, " there can be no doubt that those who framed and adopted the Conatitution, having in imme diate view the depreciated paper of the confederacy, of which five hundred dollars in paper were al times equal to only one dollar in coin, intended to prevent the re currence of similar evila, ao far at Icaat as related to the transactions of the new Government." Where is the foundation for the qualification here expressed' On what clause, or construction of any clause, ia it found ed .' Will any gentleman tell me what there is in the Constitution which led the President, or which could lead any man, to douht whether it waa the purpose of that instrument to protect the people, as well as the Go vernment, against the overwhelming evila of paper mo ney 1 la there a word or practice in the coinage power, or any other power, which countenances the notion that ihe Conatitution intended that there should bo one mo ney for the Government, and another for the people ; that Government ahould have the meana of protecting ita own revenuea againat depreciated paper, but should be still at liberty to suffer all the evils of such paper to fall with full weight upon the people! Thia i? alto gether a new doubt. It intimates an opinion, which, so far as it shall find those who are ready to adopt and fol low it, will aap and undermine one of the moat indis pensable powers of the Government. The coinsge power is given to Congress in general terms; it is alto gether denied to the Statea ; and tlie Statea are prohi bited from isauitig billa of credit for any purpose whst ever, or of any character whatever. Can any man hesi tate one moment to say that theae provisions are all in tended for the general good of the people ! I ?m,Uier? fore, surprised at the language of the Message in th particular, and utterly at a loss to know "hat should have led to it, except the apparent and focegonecoa clusion and purpose, of attempting to justify ongre a in the course which wss .bout to be recommended to it, of abstaining sltogether from every endeavor to im prove or maintain the currency, excep so ar as e ceipta and payment, of the Government itaef we e concerned. I repeat, air. that I should be obliged to any fnend of the administration, who would suggest to me on what ground thi. doubt, never expressed before, and now ao solemnly and gravely intimated, ia supposed to aund. Ia it, indeed, uncertain, ia it matter 01 grave and aolemn doubt, whether the coinege power itself, a* fully granted to Congreaa, and ao carefully guarded by reatrainta upon the States, had any further ot>iaet to enable Congreaa to furnish a medium in which taxaa might be collected f but this power over the coinage ia not the strongeet nor the broadest ground on which to place the duty of Congreaa. There is another power granted to Congreaa, which aeema to me to apply to thia case, directly and irresistibly, and that is the commercial power. The Constitution declsres that Congreaa ehall have power to regulate commerce, not only with foreign nationa, but be tween the SlaJtt This is a full and complete grant, and muat include authority over every thing which ia a part of commerce, or essential to commerce. And ie not money eeeential to commerce 1 No man, in hie aenaea, can deny that; and it is equally eloar, that what ever peper ia put forth, with intent to circulate aa cur rency, or to be used aa money, immediately affects commerce. IJank notes, in a strict and technical aenee, are not, indeed, money ; but in a general aenee, and often in a legal aenee, they are money. They are aub stanttally money, becauee they perform the functiona of money. They are not, like billa of exchange or com mon promissory notes, mere proofa or evidencea of debt, but are treated as money, in the general transac tions of society. If receipts bo given for them, they are given aa for money. They pass under a legacy, or other forin of gift, as money. And this character of bank notes was aa well known and understood at tha tune of the adoption of the Constitution as it is now. The law, both of England and America, regarded them as money, in the sense above expressed. If Congreaa, then, has power to regulate commerce, it muat bava a control over that money, whatever it may be, by which commerce ia actually carried on. Whether that money be coin or paper, or however it haa acquired the charac ter of mouey or currency, if, in fact, it haa become an actual agent or instrument in the [terformsnc* of com mercial transactions, it necessarily thereby becomes sub ject to the regulation and control of Congress. Tha regulation of inouey ia not ao much an inference from the commercial, power conferred on Congreaa, aa it ia a part of it. Money is one of the things, without which, in modern times, we can form no practical idea of com merce. It is embraced, therefore, necessarily, in tha terina of the Conatitution. But, sir, as will be seen by the proposition which I have staled, I go fuither : I insist that the duty of Con gress is commensurate with ita power ; that it has autho rity not only to regulate and control .that which othera may put forth as money and currency, but that it haa the power, and is hound to perform the duty, of seeing that there ia established and maintained, at all times, a currency of genersi credit, equivalent in value to apccie, adapted to the wanta of commerce and the buainess of the people, and suited to the existing circumstances of the country. Such a currency is an instrument of the first necessity to commerce, according to the commer cial system of the present age ; and commerce cannot bo conducted, with full advantage, without it. It ia in the power of Congreaa to furnish it, and .it is in the power of nobody else. The States cannot supply it. That resource has often been tried, and has always fail ed. 1 ain no enemy to the State banks; tliey may be useful in their spheres ; but you can no more cauae them to perforin the duties of a National institution than you can turn a satellite into a primary orb. They cannot maintain a currency of cqnal credit all over the country. It might be tried, sir, in your Slate of Kentucky, or our State of Massachusetts. Wo may erect Uanlta on all the securities which the wit of man can devise ; we may have capital, we may have funda, we may have bonds and mortgages, we may add the faith of the State, we may pile Pelion upon Ossa, they will be State institu tiona after all, and will not be ablo to aupport a National circulation. This is inherent in tho nature of things, and in the sentiments of men. It is in vain to argue that it ought not to be so, or to contend that one bank inay be as safe as another. Experience proves that it is so, and wo may be assured that it will remain so. Sir, mine is not the ruthless hand that shall strike at the State banks, nor mine the tongue that shall careless ly upbraid them with treachery or perfidy. I admit their lawful existence; I admit their utility in the circle to perform a National part in the operations of commerce. A general and universal accredited currency, therefore, is an instrument of commerce, which is necessary to the enjoyment of its just advantages, or, in other words, which is essential to its beneficial regulation. Congresa has power to establish it, and no other power can esta blish it; and therefore Congress is bound to exerciso ita own power. It is an absurdity, on the very face of the proposition, to allege that Congress shall regulate com merce, but shall, nevertheless, abandon to others the duty of maintaining and regulating its essential means and instruments. We have in actual use a mixed cur rency ; the coin circulating under the authority of Con gress, tho paper under the authority of the States. But this paper, though it (ills so great a portion of all the channels of circulation, is not of general and universal credit; it is made up of various local currencies, none of which has the same credit, or the same value, in all parte of the country, and therefore these local currencies an swer but very loosely and deficiently the purposes of ge neral currency, and of remittance. Now, is it to be contended that there is no remedy for this 1 Are we to "agree, that the Constitution, with all its care, circum spection, and wisdom, has, nevertheless, left this great interest unprovided for I Is our commercial system so lame and impotent t Are our constitutional provisions and our political institutions so radically defective 1 I think not, sir. They do not deserve this reproach; and think it inay now be easily shown that, under all administrations, from General Washington's time, down to the Jd of March last, the Government has felt and acknowledged its obligation, in regard to the currency, to the full extent in which 1 have stated it, and has con stantly endeavored to fulfil that obligation. Allow me to go back to the beginning, and trace this matter down to our own times a little in detail. In his first speech to Congress, in 1789, having just then assumed ins new office, GenenJ Washington re commended no particular subjects t<?tho consideration of Congress ; but in his spccch at the opening of the second session, he suggested the importance of a uni form currency, without distinguishing coinage from pa per ; and this body in its answer, assured hiin thst it was a subject which should receive its attention. Re collect, sir, at that time, that there were State banka having notes in circulation, though they were very few. The first Bank of the United Siate/*was estsblishcd at the third session of the Congress in 1791. The bill for its creation originated in the Senate ; the debates in which at that time were not made public. We have, however, the debates in the House, we have tho reporte of tho Secretaries, and we have the law itself. Let ua endeavor to learn, from theso sources, for what objectt thi* intlitulion teat created, and whether a nationa/ cur rency tcat one of those objectt. Certainly, sir, it must be sdmittcd that currency wta not the only object in incorporating the bank of 1791. The Government was new, its fiscal affairs were not well arranged, it was greatly in debt, and the political state of thinga at tho time rendered it highly probable that sudden occasions for making loans would arisa. That it might assist' the operationa of the Treasury, therefore, and that it might make those loans to Govern ment, if pressing occasions should arise, were two of the purposes liad in view in establishing the bank. But it is equally clear that there was a third puipose.and that respected commerce and currency. To furnith a cur rency for general circulation, and to aid exchange, wat, demonttrab/y, a clear, ditltnct, and avowed object, ix th* creation of the firtt bank On the 13th of December, 1790, the Secretary of tha Treasury made a report to the House of Representa tives, recommending a National Bank. In this report, he set forth the advantages of such an institution ; one of these advantages, he says, consists " in increasing tho quantity of the circulating medium, and quickening the circulation." And he then proceeds to observe :? " This last may require some illustration. When pay ments are to bo made between different places, having an intercourse of business with each other, if there hap * ?? -l?-? -rwl ?Kpm> am nn OS11UUUU . . ... . . Is not this clear proof, that one object in eatablishing . .. : .f Win.rv w? thi> crea which they properly cannot