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The Madisonian. [volume] (Washington City [i.e. Washington, D.C.]) 1837-1845, November 07, 1837, Image 1

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1 the MADISON I AH.
THOMAS ALLEN.
T.? Mamsonian is published Tri-we?Uy during the
ceVst $6 p? .unuoi * or six moi.il*, ??
No subscription will bo taken for a term abort of six
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rtici or advsbtmino.
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A literal dtacount made to thoee who advertise by
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hank., wotture paid, at our risk; provided it sfiall ap
pear by a postmaster's certificate, that such reuuttauce
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A liberal discount will be made to compete of /u
or more trsusmittmg their subscriptions together.
Poetmaatera, and otbera authorized, MiiMtf a. our
went*, will be entitled to receive a copy of the paper
gratu for every five aubaeribera or. al that rate hi[ cent,
on aubacriptione generally ; the term- being fulfilled
Letter* and communicationa intended for the estx
bliahment will not be received uoleee the %?
r???'?
PROSPECTUS.
Thb Madiboihaii will be devoted to the aupport ol
the principles and doctrine* of the democratic party, aa
delineated by Mr. Maduon, and will aim to consummate
that political reform in the theory and practice of the
national government, which haa been repeatedly indi
cated by the general sufferage, aa aaaentul to the peace
and prosperity of the country, and to the perfection and
perpetuity of it* free iuaUtutiona. At thia time a lingu
lar state of affaire i* presented. The commercial in
tere?ta of the country are overwhelmed wilh emUarr***
ment; it* monettry concerna are unuaually disordered ;
every ramification of aociety ia invaded by distress, and
the *ocial odifice aeema threatened with dworganiiation;
every ear ia filled with prediction* of evil and the mur
muring* of deapondcncy; tho general government ?e
boldly assailed by a Urge and reapcctable portion ol the
people, tt the direct csute of their difticultiee; open
resistance to the law* I* publicly encouraged, and a
apirit of in*iibordination is fostered, a* a ncce**ary
defence to the pretended u*urpstions of the party in
power; some, from whom better things were hoped, ire
making the ?? confuaion wor*e confounded," by a head
long pursuit of extreme notion* *nd indefinite phantom*,
totally incompatible with a wholesome state of the
country. In the midst of all these difficulties and em
barrassments, it i* feared that many of the lea* firm of
the friend* of the adminiatration and aupportera of
democratic principle* are wavering in their confidence,
and beginning, without juat cause, to view wilh distrust
those inen to whom they have been long attached, and
whose elevation they have laboured to promote from
honest and patriotic motive*. Exulting in the anticipa
tion of dismay and confusion amongst the aupportera of
the administration a* the consequence of these things,
the opposition are consoling themselves with the idea
that Mr. Van Buren'a friend*, a* a national parly, are
veiging to dissolution ; and they allow no opportunity lo
pas* unimproved to give eclat to' their own doctrinea.
They are, indeed, maturing plans for their own future
government of the country, with seeming confidence of
certain aucces*.
Thia confidence is increased by the fact, that visionary
theories, and an unwise adherence to the plan for an
exclusive metallic currency have unfortunately carried
some beyond the actual and true policy of the govern
ment ; and, by impairing public confidence in the credit
syitcm, which ought to oe preserved and regulated, but
not destroyed, have tended to increase the difficulties
under which the country is now labouring All theae
aeem to indicate the neceaaity of a new organ at the
seat of government, to be established upon souud prin
ciples, and to represent faithfully, and not to dictate, the
real policy of the administrstion, and the true sentiments,
measures, and interests, of tho great body of it* sup
porters. The necessity also appeara of the adoption of
more conservative principles than the conduct of those
?eem* to indicate who aeek to remedy abuse* by de
stroying the institutiona with which thev are found con
nected. Indeed some meaaure of contribution ia deemed
essential to the enhancement of our own self-respect at
home, and to the promotion of the honor and credit of
the nation abroad.
To meet these indications this undertaking has been
instituted, and it i* hoped that it will produce the effect
of inspiring the timid wilh courage, the desponding with
hope, and the whole country with confidence in the
administration of ita government. In this view, this
journal will not seek lo lead, or to follow any faction, or
to advocate the views of any particular detachment of
men. It will aspire to accord a just measure of aup
port to each of the co-ordinate branches of the govern
ment, in the lawful exercise of their constitutional
prerogatives. It will addrcs* itself to the under*tandings
of men, rather than appeal to any unwortl\y prejudices
or evil passions. It will rely invariably upon the prin
ciple, that the strength and aecurity of American mati
tutiona depend upon the intelligence and virtue of the
people.
The Madisommn will not, in any event, be made the
instrument of arraying the north and the south, the east
and the west, in hostile altitudes towards each other,
upon any subjcct of either general or local interest. It
will reflect only that spirit and those principles of mutual
concession, compromise, and reciprocal good-will, which
so eminently characterized the inception, formation, and
subsequent sdoption, by the several States, of the con
stitution of the United States. Moreover, in the same
hallowed spirit that has, at all periods since the adoption
of that sacred instrument, characterized its dgkkncb
by tub pkoi'lk, our press will hasten to its support at
every emergency that shall arise, from whatever quarter,
and under whatever guise of philanthropy, policy, or
principle, the antagonist power may appear.
If, in this responsible undertaking, it shall be our
good fortune to succeed to any degree in promoting the
harmony and prosperity of the country, or in conciliating
tealousies, and allaying tho asperities of party warfare,
ly demeaning ourself amicably toward* all; by indulg
ing personal animosities towards none; by conducting
ourself in the belief that it is perfectly practicable to
differ wilh others in matters of principle and of expe
iency, without a mixture of personal unkindness or loss
reciprocal respect; and by "asking nothing that is
not clearly right, and submitting to nothing that is
wrong," then, and not othcrwiae, will the full measure
it* intention be accomplished, and our primary rule
for its guidance be sufficiently observed ana satisfied.
This enterprize has not been undertaken without the
approbation, advisement, and pledged support of many
of the leading and soundest minds in yjie ranka of the
democractic republican party, in the extreme north and
in the extreme south, in the esst and in the west. An
association of both political experience and talent of the
highrst order will render it competent to carry forward
the principles by which it will be guided, and make it
useful as a political organ, and interesting as a journal
of news. Arrangements also have been made to fix the
establishment upon a substantial and permanent basis.
Tho subscriber, therefore, relics upon the public for so
much of their confidence and encouragement only a* the
fidelity of his press to their great national interesta shall
prove itaelf entitled to receive.
THOMAS ALLEN.
Washinotom Citv, D. C. July, 1837.
EXCIIANUK HOTEL.
THE SUBSCRIBERS, having leased the Exchange
Hotel, (late ruge*'*,) and having filled it up in first
rate atvle, will be prepared to receive visiters on MON
DAY the 9th inst. The location of the house, being w ith
in a few minutes walk of the depot of the lliiltimore and
Ohio, Washington and Baltimore, snil Philadelphia Rail
roads, as well a* the Steamltr.jt lo Philadelphia, Norfolk,
and Charleston, S. C., makes it a desirable plaee to all
travellers going to either section of the country. This
HOTEL attached to the Exchange Building* in this city,
has been erected and furnished at a great cost by the pro
prietors, and is designed to tie a first rate hotel, h ia
the intention of the subscribers to make it for comfort, re
spectability, Ate. iVc., equal to any house in the United
States. The undersigned flatter themselves that they
need only promise to all who may patronise the establish
ment, that their best efforts shall be exerted to please, and
at charges which they hope will meet their approba
ions.
JEWETT it DE BUTTS.
Baltimore, Oct. 7, 1837. 4w2i
HOUSE FURNISHING GOODS.?We have for
sale?
50 pieces ingrain carpeting, which we will sell low.
50 do Brussels.
62 do 5-4, 6-4, 10-4, snd 12-4 Linen Sheetings.
100 do 7-4, 8-1 Barnsly Diapers.
8-4, 10-4 and 20-4 fine Table Cloths.
Napkins to match.
1 tiale Russia Diaper.
1 bale wide ('rash.
Also, 50 Marseilles Quilts.
BRADLEY 4 CATLETT.
Se p 9? 3lw?w
THE MADISONIAN.
VOL.1. WASHINGTON CITY, TUESDAY, NOVEMBER 7, 1837. NO. 30.
, ^ T?OR SALE, OR BARTER, for property
r.??h. e?Y of New York, or land* in lilt
TlfllL '??"'m valuable property in the
village of Uiim:
07 The ramd growth of Oswego, ita ua
?artHMMd advantages Mid great proepecla, wo too well
and too geuerally known to Mquua a particular descrip
tion.
1CT A very raiauU description of the property ia doom
ed unnecessary as it is presumed that purchasers living
st ^ distance will come end see, before they conclude a
aarguin. Suffice it to My, that it is among the very best
bn the plat*
tW Www wt land# ?r ttir. flr?t quality, with a perfectly
near title, and free of tncumbr ace, will be taken in ex
tb
u_r toilets poM paid, addressed to the subscriber, at
Oswego, will meet with prompt attention. An ample de
scription of the property offered in exchange is requested.
Ik Em Oswgao.?The Eagle Tavern and Store ad
(oining, on First street, with a dwelling house and stables
on Second street, being original village lot no. 50, 66 feet
on First street, running east 200 feet to Second street.
The south half, or original village lot no. 44, being 33
foet on First street, running east 900 feet to Second street,
with the buildings erected thereon.
The north-east oomer of First and Seneca (lata Tau
rus) streets, being DO feet on First, and 100 feet on Sene
ca-streets, with the buildings erected thereon?comprising
part of original village lots nos. 41 and 42.
Three lota, each with a dwelling, fronting Second street;
the lots arc 22 feet wide by 100 deep, being part of original
village lot no. 41.
Lot, with dwelling house, [original village lot no. 36,]
being 66 feet on First street, running west about 350 feet,
across the canal .into the river, so that it has four fronts.
In West Oswgoo.?Lot corner of Fifth and Seneca
(late Taurus) streets, opposite the public square, being on
Seneca street 143, and on Fifth street 19H feet, withdwell
ing, coach house, stabling, snd garden. The latter ia well
stocked with the best and rarest fruit, ornamental shrub
bery, flowers, die.
A lot adjoining the above, being 78 feet on Fourth stmt
by 58 feet in depth.
Six lots on First street, each 22 feet in'
front, running east 100 feet to Water
street, with the buildings thereon. n ?
The Wharf and Ware houses on Wa- .^cwginal
ter street, opposite the foregoing, being } T1fl.ae lot, ^
132 feet on Water street, snd running
east about 110 feet to the river. (This
wharf has the deepest water in the inner
harbor.]
Lot comer of Seneca and Second streets, being 24 feet
on Seneca, and 66 feet on Second streets. Five Lots ad
joining the foregoing to the esst, each being 22 feet on
Seneca street, by 66 feet in depth. The above being part
of the original village lot no. 36.
The north half of block no. 63, beingpOO'feet on Utica
[late Libra] street, by 198 feet on Third and Fourth
streets.
On Van Bom Tbact.?Lotno. 1, Montcalm street,
(King 200 feet deep, and running north along Montcalm
street several hundred feet into the Lake.
Lots no. 2 and 3, Montcalm street, each 66 by 200 ft.
12 " 13 " "
13, 14, and 15,being 343 ft. on Bronaon at.
240 on Van Ruren St.
300 on Eighth st.
North 3-4ths of lot no. 25, corner of Van Buren
' Ad Eighth streets, being 200 feet on Van Buren, and 148
t eet on Eighth streets.
Lot 82, south-west corner of Csyuga and Eighth streets,
66 by 198 feet.
Lots 83, 84, 85, 86, 87, on Cayuga St. 66 by 108 ft.
88, s. e. corner of Cayuga and Ontario streets, 198
by 104 feet.
89, s. w. comer of do, 198 by 195 ft.
70, on Seneca St., 66 by 198 feet.
58, s. w. corner of Sencca and 8th sts., 66 by 198 ft.
50, n. e. corner of Ontario and Schuyler streets, 198
by 104 feet.
59. on Seneca street, 66 by 198 feet.
75, s. e. corner of Seneca snd Ontario streets, 198
by 104 feet.
76, s. w. corner of do. 198 by 130 ft.
61, n. c. corner of do. 198 by 104 ft.
46, 47, 48,49, on Schuyler st., 66 by 198 ft.
The incumbrances on the whole of this property do not
exceed sixteen thousand dollars, which may either re
main, or if desired, can be cleared off.
J. C. BURCKLE.
Oswego, N. V., Aug. 22, 1837. 2m6
village lots no.
3 ana 4.
PLUMBER'S BUSINESS.?The sul.srril.er, from
Baltimore, takes this method of informing the citizens
of Washington and vicinity, that he will remain a few days,
and make arrangements for undertaking anj? of the follow
ing kinds of wot* in his line of business, viz. The erect
ing of Water Closets, Force or Lift Pumps, Baths, hot or
cold, fitted in a superior manner, the conveying of water
from springs to dwellings, and through the different apart
ments, draining ouarries, or any kind of lead work. He
can be seen at Mr. Woodward's.
DAVID BAIN.
N B.?He has with him a few Beer and Cider Pumps,
to be seen as above.
CLEMENT WOODWARD,
Berweea 10th and 11th sts., Penn. Avenue.
Oct. lft?23
CHINA, GLASS AND QUEEN'S WARE.
MOSES POTTER,
46 South Charles St., Baltimore,
HAS just received and is now opening. Jive hundred
and forty packages of the above description of goods,
adapted for the Southern and Western markets?Con
stantly on hand, English, Iron-Stone, and Granite China,
suitable for extensive hotels and steamboats?all of which
will be sold on as favorable terms as can be bought in any
city in the Union.
Oct. 10. tft?
SAMUEL HEINECKE informs his friends and the
public, that he has taken a room four doors north ol
Doctor Gunton's apothecary store, on ninth street, where
he will carry on his business. He feels confident, from
his long experience in cutting all kinds of garments, that
general satisfaction will be given to such as may favor
him with their custom. scp 23 3taw3w
WILL BE PUBLISHED on Monday next. No I of
the UNITED STATES MAGAZINE AND DE
MOCRATIC REVIEW, with a full length engraving in
copper of Col. Benton addressing the Senate?after a fine
sketch by Fenderich.
TABLE OP CONTENTS.
1. Introduction. The Democratic Principle?
The importance of its assertion, and ap
plication to our political system and lite
rature. 1
2. The Battle-Field. By Wm. Cullen Bryant. 15
3. Nathaniel Macon. - 17
4. Autumn. By Mrs. E. L. Follen. ? ? 27
5. The Constitution Oak. 28
6. The Toll-Gatherer'# Day, a Sketch of Tran
sitory Life. By the Author of "Twicc
Told Tales." 31
7. The Worth of Woman. From the German
of Schiller. 35
8. Mexican Antiquities of Palenque and Mit
lan, in tho Provinces of Chiapa and
Oaxaca. ------ 37
9. Palestine, An Ode. By J. G. Whittier. 47
10. M iriam, a Dramatic Poem. 49
11. Storm Stanxas. .... - 67
12. Glances at Congress, by a Reporter, No. 1.
?The Extra Session?the A merican Union
?the Hall of tho House?the Speaker?
Henry A. Wise?Eli Moore?Caleb Cush
ing?John Quincy Adams?C. C. Cambrc
leng?Ogden Hoffman.
13. Enigma. By A. H. Everett, Esq., Boston,
Massachusetts.
14. Political Portraits, with the pen and pencil.
No. 1. Thomas Hart Benton. [With
an engraving.] .... 82
15. Epitaph. From the Greek Anthology. 90
16. European Views of American Democracy.
De Tocqueville. ... - 90
17. The River. - - ? ?
18. The .Moral of the Crisis. ....
19. Retrospective view of European Politics.
(Introductory Article to the Historical Register of European
Events.)
The svstem pursued at the Congress of Vienna?Its in
fluence on France?England in 1815 and 1835.?
FRANCE. Gain in Democratic Liberty since the Re
volution?Louis Phillipe?Boerne on Liberty. GER*
MANY. Policy and effect of abolishing the Empire.
PRUSSIA. Its policy and influence?Tne tariff union
and curTcnrv?Philosophy of the Germans?School
system?Military organisation?Municipal government.
AUSTRIA. Ita internal condition ana political posi
tion?Hungarian diet?and Baron Wesaeleny. MI
NOR STATES IN GERMANY. The Press?The
Polish Revolution. SPAIN AND PORTUGAL
HOLLAND AND BELGIUM. DENMARK AND
SWEDEN. SWITZERLAND. ITALY. Austri
an influence?Fortifications of Brixen. RUSSIA.
Probabilities of collision with England?Conseqnence
of the ascendency of the Democratic principle in Eng
land?Conclusion.
Office of the U. S. Magazine and Democratic, Review
corner of 10th and F. streets, Washington. 3t?23
[N. Y. Eve. Pott and Com. Adv.JJ
From Ikt AatiniV ImltUiftnetr.
IKKTCH Of MR. MOWMAM ?PKKCH
ON TIM BUB-TBXABUBY BILL.
Houte */ ReprtttiUalxvtt, Oct. IS.
Mr. H- would not offer an apology to the House
for addressing it upon a subject bo fraught with the
highest good or the deepest evil to hia own constitu
ents, as thai now before it. He had been aware when
he first took his seat in lhat body, that he would have
to contend against great power and patronage. There
has been a time in his political life when he thought
the arm of this Government needed to be strong to
regulate some of the consequences of the rapid in
crease, in extent and resources of the country. I he
usurpations of the Executive, which he had witness
ed for the last few years, had taught him a different
lesson. He now found the Government too strong
for the people; and that some of the memorable pre
dictions of the gentleman from South Carolina (Mr.
Picken>) and his friends in regard to the influence
of Executive dictation and usurpation, were in a fair
way to be realized. He had come to his seat prepa
red lo combat that usurpation, and to contend lor the
lost rights of the States; and he thought he should
find the bold, manly and chivalrous arm of the South
ron bared to aid him in lhat contest. What had been
his surprise to find that arm on which he had relied
for such aid, raised in the van of the attack he had to
resist 1 That gentleman, (Mr. Pickens") had said
that he had renounced no opinions he had entertain
ed before, and yet he is lending his aid in the ad
vancement of a scheme which is to unite in one
hand the purse and the sword of this Government,
and to make by his adhesion and support the bill be
fore the committee too strong for tne opposition of
those with whom he had been used to act in con
cert.
Commenting on the argument of Mr. Pickens as
to the character and influence of a National Bank,
Mr. H. demanded of that gentleman what would be
the influence of an Executive, in any action against
the rights of the States, who could wield so lor
inidable a weapon against those rights, as all the re
venues of this Government! And upon this sub
ject he enlarged extensively. ,
As to what had fallen from the gentleman in his
remarks of yesterday, in relation to the North and
South, as relatively placed, in interest and in policy,
with regard to each other, Mr. H. was very elo
quent and forcible. That gentleman (Mr. Pickens)
had threatened a servile war as the consequence of
a struggle between those interests, and had promised
to preach insurrection lo the laborers of the North, as
an offset to similar appeals to the South. That gen
tleman (said Mr. H.j is mistaken if he thinks that
there is any parity of reasoning as lo the laborers ol
the North, or the slaves of the South. They were
not, as was so baldly argued, under the domination
orconirol of the capitalists. They were freemen, con
scious of their rights and privileges. By the labor
ing classes of the North the banner of the revolution
had been unfurled, and the fields of Lexington and
Bunker Hill been won. By those classes there,even
in the cities so much vilified and denounced, were the
men who sit in that hall sent thither; and they were
alive to all the rights of freemen, which they sent
their representatives there to defend and advocate.
Mr. H. regretted that this ball of discord had been
set rolling there; that the Texas question had been
started on that floor to fright the House " from its
propriety." He was not unfriendly to the South.
Far from it. Many of his early and most friendly
associates were connected with that section. He
should ever bi found by the side of the people ol that
section, in resisting any invasion of their rights.
But still he had a paramount duty to perform?to
vindicate from attack, and to shield from reproach,
the people of his own part of the country.
Mr. Hoffman paid a deserved compliment to the
bold and frank manner in which Mr. Pickens had
come forward to the aid of the Administration in
support of this bill. That gentleman had not crept
into the ranks of his former enemies. He had, like
Tullus Aufidius, in Roman history, boldly told his
new allies of his former battles against them; he had
almost in bravado, indeed, spread before them the
records of his consistency as their uncompromising
opponent. They had taken him into their employ,
and being in the ranks of the enemy, he (Mr. H.)
must defend his countrymen though it be Coriolanus
who heads the Volsciansagainst Rome!
The gentleman (continued Mr. H.) is proud ol
the name of Loco Foco. Sir, it is a matter of taste.
[Mr. Pickens explained. He had said, in allusion
to a remark made on that floor some days since, by
an honorable member, that he was willing to be such
a Loco Foco as John Milton was,if he were, indeed,
one. He had not intended to be understood as de
claring himself a Loco Foco under the ordinary ac
ceptation of the term.]
Mr. Hoffman said that he ccrtainly did not mean
to misrepresent the gentleman from South Carolina.
He hardly understood what the term in question
signified. But he is not surprised to hear the gen
tleman declare that he is not one of the
him who had once sworn that his " mouth should be
the Parliament of England," and that " his horse
should graze in Cheapside."* But he had eulogised
Milton as his exemplar. For thai name, he too, (Mr.
H.) had great reverence. He remembered well the
noble dclence of John Milton, of the subject; and
yet this very man was choleric, hasty, and often rash
in his opinions. There was, said Mr. H., a striking
coincidence, which he could but allude to, in the his
tory of Milton, as applicable to our own times. 1 he
same intrepid patriot who, in his zeal for liberty, had
aided in bringing his monarch to thfe hlodc, after
wards threw himself into the arms of the Piotector
and supported the throne which was reared on tne
downfall of Charles. Here Mr. H. drew a parallel
between the succession of the present lothe late Exe
cutive, and that of the Protector to the King,^ and
between the conduct of the gentleman lrom South
Carolina and that of the great statesman he had al
luded lo under the parallel change of circumstan
Mr. H. was opposed to the Sub-Treasury bill, be
cause it violated the Constitution of ihe country?-il
not its plain and palpable literal language, its spirit,
which is its life-blood, and which alone recommends
it to the people of the nation. That spirit is the
principle that the people shall govern themselves.
The mode of choosing public officers, the appoint
ment of those officers duties, &c. are but the tn?I?
pings of the Constitution. But this principle, which
is its spirit, enters into the labors of the artizan, and
the researches of the scholar. It should be the at
mosphere by which we should be sustained and
strengthened, and from which we should receive the
buoyancy and vigor lo perform the duties of good
citizens and patriots.
The connexion between the Government and the
people of this Union, Mr. H. looked upon as a great
partnership. There should be a common credit or
discredit, a common interest in all things between
them. The distress, if there be any ol the Govern
ment, should ba reflected upon the people. The
arm of power should not be wielded over the govern
ed to be looked up to as paramount. The people
should not, while struggling amidst discontent, em
barrassment, and perplexity, be insulted by the spec
tacle of their government walking free, unlettered,
unembarrassed, and in prosperity.
Mr. H. remarked that it had been said that this
was no new proposition; that England and France
had furnished examples of similar schemes; and not
long since though not parliamentary to allude p-irt'
cularly to it on that floor, the great Mormon ol this
golden bible (Mr. Benton of the Senate) had"instan
ced Rome also as furnishing a similar example. In
reply to these allusions, Mr. H. adverted to the dif
ference between the institutions of England ana
France and those of our own country, and asked,
why not model our whole government upon those
examples 1 Why not establish " the divine right of
kings'' principle throughout, create a standing army,
authorize a system of passports, and a.ll the rest i
And Rome, too; Rome had her ouestors or nubltc
treasurers! Yes, (said Mr. H.) she had; and they
" grew by what they fed on." They followed the
Roman eagles to conquest, and in every situation
were ever the links between the worn down people
and the overbearing Government.
Mr H alluded to the provisions of the bill before
the committee. The public money is to be given by
the Executive to the different disbursing officers.
Defalcation would ensue defalcation as ihe conse
qur-nee of this provision. Besides the direct pilfering
and frauds of the officers who will have the charge
of the public revenues, there would be the brawling
sycophant,and the unscrupulous partisan, whose very
bread would depend upon his subserviency to Execu
tive dictation. He did not allude more to one ad
ministration than to another. This would ever be
the case were this bill to become a law. In ease or
an election depending in any State, or d.striet, or
town, there would be a call on the partisan office
holder's exertions One side would be honesty, and
on the other his office; and he would console him
? Jack Cade. See U part Henry VI., act iv.
?elf while making the sacrifice of the farmer to the
latter that the bread of hi* wife and children depend
ed upon it. And who will call the defaulter in such
case to account 1 The Executive 1 This would
never be: and aa to Congrewl That, too, waspow
erless. The proceedings of the last Congress, under
similar circumstances to those described, afforded a
sufficient proof that this was so.
Here Mr. H. alluded to the novel and monstrous
doctrine which has been broached under the late ad
ministration, that every officer of the government
was accountable to the Executive alone; and he only
to the impeaching power of Congress: and insisted
that no iieopie were ever strong enough to resist the
union of the purse and sword of government.
If the bill passes, he cqmtendeu the money of the
Rle would not be safe: it would be leas safe than
inks where the stock holders' interests require 1
the aelection of careful directors and officers, and
where there were many hands, and not a single
hand, to guaid those interests. And to this point
Mr. H. read from the Congressional Debates of
1835, an opinion of one who, he wished could take a
part in that debate, and sustain the views he had
once expressed, and which he would now quote
views which he was confident the high regards for |
his opinions, entertained by the members of that;
House, would lead them to regard with great re- ;
apect; he alluded to Mr. Speaker Polk, who, in the 1
course of a debate in 1835, had said that " corpora
tions were safer than any individual could be,as the !
depository of public moneys," because corporations
were bound together by the strongest ties oi interest,,
with an immense aggregate of-wealth, which fur- <
nlshed a safe security, &c.
But, (said Mr. H.J who can tell but that, if that!
8-nileinan could descend from the chair, and address
e House on this bill now, he would not also be
found to have undergone sotne change of sentiment
since the time alluded to ? This would not be more
surprising than that one of that gentleman's friends,
also on that floor, should have changed his views on
the subject within the same term of time. In a debate
upon a resolution offered in 1835 to that body by Mr.
Gamble, as to the best mode of keeping the public
moneys, Mr. Cambreleng was reported in the Con
gressional Debates to have uttered the opinion that
the Sub-Treasury scheme would find no friends
there, and that it was a proposition too Odious and
monstrous to be entertained.
[Mr. Cambreleng read, in answer to this allusion,
an extract from his own prepared report of the speech
adverted to, to the effect that he had expressed the
hope that the time would come when banks, as fiscal
agents of the Government, could be dispensed with
altogether.]
Mr. H. remarked that the gentleman had voted
against the scheme at the time, and was reported, in
the book of debates, belore he had time to prepare t
carefully his own report of the speech he hau made, I
to have said that such a proposition could fmd no ;
friends in that body. But still (said Mr. H.) I know :
that opinions often change, like the gourd of Jonah, j
in a single night.
Mr. H. here alluded to Mr. Foster's eulogy on the I
safety fund system, which he admitted to be appro
priate and deserved. And he eloquently detailed the
consequences of that system to the prosperity of the ;
State?the springing up of her western cities almost
at the very sound of the woodman's axe?the stretch
ing out of long lines of railroads, those avenues of
communication and social intercourse with the dif
ferent parts of the country. The North and East had |
made the West, aud the West had poured back her j
gratitude in increasing contributions to the wealth
and prosperity of the State;?and this was the work-'
ing of the safety fund system. It had worked well; !
and now he would ask, what was the reverse in the
country 1 The President now says thnt over-specii- j
lation is the cause of our present troubles. The phi
losopher, whose theory it was that the earth rested
on a tortoise, was puzzled to find a place for the tor-1
toise. And what was the true cause of this distress
and embarrassment 1 Mr. H. said that it was the
war on the United States Bank by the late Executive.
The first germs of all that Executive power which
now oppresses us was the withdrawal of the depo
sites. That was the fountain whence all these bitter
watars flowed. The hopes and wishes of the people
were involved in that institution. The boat was pro
ceeding on its way, in a swift but equable course,
when there had suddenly ensued a crash, which was
the prelude to a bubbling cry of agony and despair
from the passengers and crew. Tne balance wneel
had been removed by the ignorance or the wanton
ness of the engineer.
Mr. H. had never been the friend or the enemy of
the United States Bank; nornf the local banks. He
had not worshipped Pompcy, in all his pride of
power and place, when armies had sprung up at the
stamp of his foot; nor had he ever bowed the knee
to his great rival. Yet would he not withhold from
the latter the justice which he should extend towards
him; as
" in his mantle muffling up his face,
Even at the base of Pompey's statue.
Which alt the while ran blood, great Cmsar fell!
And now lies there,
With none ao poor to do him rcverencc!" .
After some discussion of the conduct pursued by
the State deposite banks, which he contended had, in
the majority of instances, bjen honorable and up
right, he insisted that it was inconsiseent for the
friends of the administration to decry and destroy
them. They had eaten of the fruit, and should not
now cut down the tree. The United States Bank
had been ruined to aggrandize the State banks; not
in accordance, as has b.'en asserted, with the people's
will. The people would never have destroyed that
institution ; but as a sacrifice to the popularity of the
late Executive. It was withered by the resplendent
" glory" from the brow of the victor of New Or
leans. It was destroyed, that the "weeds," as Mr.
Pickens had called the State banks, might grow and
flourish.
Mr. H. contended that there had been a time when
those "weeds" were shallow rooted, and might have
been easily eradicated. He then went on to show
that Mr. Van Buren originated and rose into power
by the aid of the safely fund system. That it still
continued its influence, politically, and procured a
Van Buren majority there of two-thirds; and that
Mr. Van Buren was bow kicking away the ladder
by which he had mounted, not even saying to those
who had been wondering at his ascent with upturned
eyes, " Stand from under!" This part of the speech
was very minute in its details, and excited a deep
interest.
Mr. H. said the bill before the commiUee had been
christened "a divorce bill." It was no such thing.
It was a bill authorising "a fatal marriage"?fatal
to the Constitution, and to the liberties and happiness
of the people. It was not a divorce bill. The "di
vorce" had already taken place, without cause or
right, by the act of one of the parties, and it was the
nuptial benediction or another alliance that the
House were now called on to pronounce. He who ,
was
" but yesterday a King,
And armed with Rings to strive."
Napolean Bonaparte loved Josephine. The con
queror of Italy had laid his laurels at her feet, and
whispered in her ear his aspirations of love as well
as ambition. By her were his troubles assuaged, and
she was ever his good genius, pointing him the path
to glory and renown, and with her, as nis companion
and adviser, he found himself upon the throne of
Charlemagne. But nosooner did the diadem glitter
upon his brow, than she, who had been ever true to
him, was cast off fyr the furtherance of schemes of I
policy. He was thus, but he would be safely and ,
ever thus, and he procured from a weak Senate a ,
divorce from hrr, and wedded Louise of Austria,
who mounted his throne only to see his crown
snatched from his brow 7 Sir, there may be a moral
even in the lesson read to our own Government from
the rock of St. Helena.
Mr. H. closed his remarks by warning gentlemen
of the consequences of passing a bill so fraught with
danger as that under consideration. He said, "the
bow is bent, make from the shaft!" unless by a bold
effort you can wrest the bow from the hands of the
archer! Rise from the mire of party! Sustain the
administration in every thing in which it is just and
right, but resist it when its measures are hostile to
the best and enduring interests of the people Do
not aid in that unholy alliance of the purse with the
sword in the hand of power; and
" never more
I?ot the great interest* of the Slate depend
Upon the thousand chances that may sway
A pieco of human frailty !"
When Gen. Duff Green was in Fredericksburg,
this last summer, on his tour through the Southern
States, to obtain subscribers for his paper, he ridiculed
Mr. Gouge's Sub-Treasury scheme ; as soon, how
ever, as Mr. Calhoun expressed sentiments favora-!
ble to it, his paper turned a complete somerset, and I
now advocates the necessity of separating the Go
vernment from all banks.
iraECH OV MH. WINTM,
or Minicuium,
In Senate, September vJH, 1837.?The Senate having
resumed the consideration of the bill " imputing
additional duties, as depositories in certain cases,
on public officers," with the amendment oflered
thereto by Mr. Caijmh'w?
[Concluded]
Is it the duty, then, of this Government to see thst
a currency be maintained suited to the circumstances of
the timesi end to the uaes of trsde snd commerce'
I need not, sir, on this occasion, enter hiatorically
into the well-known causes which led to the adopt ion of
the present Constitution. Those causes sre familiar to
all public men ; and among them, certainly, was thia ve
ry matter of giving credit and uniformity to the money
system of the country. The States possessed no sys
tem of money and circulation ; and that was among the
reuses of the stsgnation of commerce. Indeed, all
commercial affairs were in a disjointed, deranged, and
miserable etale. The restoration of commerce, the
object of giving it uniformity, credit, and national cha
racter, were among the firat incentives to a more perfect
union of the Statea. We all know thst the meeting at
Annapolia, in 1780, sprang from a desire to attempt
something which should give uniformity to the commer
cial operations of the severs! States ; and that in and
with this meeting arose the proposition for a general
convention, to consider of a new conatitution of Govern
ment. Every where State currencies were depreciated,
and continental money was depreciated alao. Debts
could not be paid, and there was no value to property.
From the close of the war to the time of the adoption of
thia Conatitution, aa 1 verily believe, the people suffer
ed aa much, except in the loss of life, from the disor
dered state of .the currency and the prostration of com
merce and boainesa, aa they Buffered during the war.?
1 All our history shows the disasters and afflictioua which
sprang from these sources ; snd it would lie waste of
time to go into a detailed recital of them, For the re
medy of these evils, as one of its great objects, and
as great aa any one, the Constitution was formed and
adopted.
Now, air, by thia Constitution, Congress is autho
rized to "coin money, to regulate the value thereof,
and of foreign coina and all the Statea are prohibited
from coining money, and from making any thing but
gold and silver coins a tender in payment of debts ?
Suppose the Conatitution had stopped here, it would
still have established the all-important point of a uni
form money system. By this provision Congress is to
furnish coin, or regulate coin, for all the States. There
is to be but one money standard for the country. And
ihe standard of value to be established by Congress is
to be a currency, and not bullion merely ; because we
find it ia to be cot* ; that is, it is to be one or the other
of the precious metals, bearing an authentic stamp of
value, and passing therefore by tale. That is to be the
standard of value. A standard, of value, therefore, and
a money for circulation, were thus expressly provided
for. And if nothing else had been done, would it not
have been a reasonable and necesssry inference from
this power, that Congress had authority to regulate, and
must regulate and control, any and all paper, which
either Statea or individual might desire to put into cir
culation, purporting to repreaent this coin, and to take
ita place in the uaes of trade and commerce 1 It is very
evident that the Constitution intended something more
than to provide a medium for the payment of debts to
Government. The object was a uniform currencv for
the use of the whole people, in all the transactions of
life ; and it was manifestly thi intent of the Constitu
tion, that the power to maintain euch a cutrency should
be given to Congress. But it would make the system
incongruous and incomplete, it would lie denying to
Congreaa the means necessary to accomplish ends which
were manifeatly intended, it would render the whole
proviaion in a great measure nugatory, if, when Con
greaa had established a coin for currency and circula
tion, it should have no power to maintain it as an actual
circulation, nor to regulate or control paper emissions
designed, to occupy its place, and perform the same
functiona that it would on the coinage power alone ;
and on a fair, and juat, and reasonable inference from it,
therefore, I should be of opinion that Congress was au
thorized, and waa bound, to protect the community
againat all evila which might threaten from a deluge of
currency of another kind, filling up, in point of fact, all
the channels of circulation. And this opinion is not
new. It has often been expressed before, and was co
gently urged by Mr. Dallas, the Secretary of the Trea
sury, in bis report in 1816. lie saya, "whenever the
emergency occurs that demands a change of system, it
seems necessarily to follow that the authority, which
waa alone competent to establish the national ^coin, is
alone competent to create a national substitute.
But the Constitution does not stop with th:s grant of
the coinage power to Congress. It expressly prohibits
the Slates from issuing bill* of credit. What a bill of
credit ia, there can be no difficulty in understanding by
any one acquainted with the history of the country.
They had been issued at different times, and in various
forms, by the State Governments. The object of them
waa to croate a paper circulation ; and any paper, issued
on the credit of the Stste, and intended for circulation
from hand to hand, is a bill of credit, whether made a
tender for debta or not, or whether carrying interest or
not. Is it issued with intent that it shall circulate from
hand to hand aa money, and with intend that it shall so
circulate on the credit of the State 1 If it is, it is a bill
of credit. The Slates, therefore, are prohibited from
issuing paper for circulation on their own credit ; and
thia provision furnishes sdditionsl and strong proof that
all circulation, whether of coin or paper, was intended
to be subject to the regulation and control of Congrcsa.
Indeed, the very object of establishing one commerce
for all the State*, and ono money for all the States,
would otherwise be liable to be completely defeated. It
has been supposed, nevertheless, that this prohibition
on the States haa not reatraincd them from granting to
individuala, or to private corjioratiotis, the power of
issuing notes for circulation on their own credit. This
power has long been exercised, and is admitted to exist.
But could it be reasonably maintained, looking only to
theae two provisions, (that is to say, to the coinage
power, which is vested exclusively in Congress, and to
the prohibition on tho Statea against issuing their own
paper for circulstion,) that Congress could not protect
its own power, and secure to the people the full benefits
intended by snd for them agsinst evils and mischiefs, if
they should ariae, or threaten to arise, not from paper
issued by Stale*, but from paper issued by individuals
or private corporations'! If this bo so, then the coinage
power evidently fails of a great part of its intended ef
fect ; and the evils intended to be prevented by the
prohibitions on the States may all arise, and become ir
resiatible and overwhelming in another fonn.
But the Messsge intimates a doubt whether this pow
er over the coin waa given to Congress to proserve the
iicople from the evils of psper money, or only given to
piotect the Government itself. I can not but think this
very remarkable and very strange. The language of the
President is, " there can be no doubt that those who
framed and adopted the Conatitution, having in imme
diate view the depreciated paper of the confederacy, of
which five hundred dollars in paper were al times equal
to only one dollar in coin, intended to prevent the re
currence of similar evila, ao far at Icaat as related to the
transactions of the new Government." Where is the
foundation for the qualification here expressed' On
what clause, or construction of any clause, ia it found
ed .' Will any gentleman tell me what there is in the
Constitution which led the President, or which could
lead any man, to douht whether it waa the purpose of
that instrument to protect the people, as well as the Go
vernment, against the overwhelming evila of paper mo
ney 1 la there a word or practice in the coinage power,
or any other power, which countenances the notion that
ihe Conatitution intended that there should bo one mo
ney for the Government, and another for the people ;
that Government ahould have the meana of protecting
ita own revenuea againat depreciated paper, but should
be still at liberty to suffer all the evils of such paper to
fall with full weight upon the people! Thia i? alto
gether a new doubt. It intimates an opinion, which, so
far as it shall find those who are ready to adopt and fol
low it, will aap and undermine one of the moat indis
pensable powers of the Government. The coinsge
power is given to Congress in general terms; it is alto
gether denied to the Statea ; and tlie Statea are prohi
bited from isauitig billa of credit for any purpose whst
ever, or of any character whatever. Can any man hesi
tate one moment to say that theae provisions are all in
tended for the general good of the people ! I ?m,Uier?
fore, surprised at the language of the Message in th
particular, and utterly at a loss to know "hat should
have led to it, except the apparent and focegonecoa
clusion and purpose, of attempting to justify ongre a
in the course which wss .bout to be recommended to
it, of abstaining sltogether from every endeavor to im
prove or maintain the currency, excep so ar as e
ceipta and payment, of the Government itaef we e
concerned. I repeat, air. that I should be obliged to
any fnend of the administration, who would suggest to
me on what ground thi. doubt, never expressed before,
and now ao solemnly and gravely intimated, ia supposed
to aund. Ia it, indeed, uncertain, ia it matter 01 grave
and aolemn doubt, whether the coinege power itself, a*
fully granted to Congreaa, and ao carefully guarded by
reatrainta upon the States, had any further ot>iaet
to enable Congreaa to furnish a medium in which taxaa
might be collected f
but this power over the coinage ia not the strongeet
nor the broadest ground on which to place the duty of
Congreaa. There is another power granted to Congreaa,
which aeema to me to apply to thia case, directly and
irresistibly, and that is the commercial power. The
Constitution declsres that Congreaa ehall have power to
regulate commerce, not only with foreign nationa, but be
tween the SlaJtt This is a full and complete grant,
and muat include authority over every thing which ia a
part of commerce, or essential to commerce. And ie
not money eeeential to commerce 1 No man, in hie
aenaea, can deny that; and it is equally eloar, that what
ever peper ia put forth, with intent to circulate aa cur
rency, or to be used aa money, immediately affects
commerce. IJank notes, in a strict and technical aenee,
are not, indeed, money ; but in a general aenee, and
often in a legal aenee, they are money. They are aub
stanttally money, becauee they perform the functiona of
money. They are not, like billa of exchange or com
mon promissory notes, mere proofa or evidencea of
debt, but are treated as money, in the general transac
tions of society. If receipts bo given for them, they
are given aa for money. They pass under a legacy, or
other forin of gift, as money. And this character of
bank notes was aa well known and understood at tha
tune of the adoption of the Constitution as it is now.
The law, both of England and America, regarded them
as money, in the sense above expressed. If Congreaa,
then, has power to regulate commerce, it muat bava a
control over that money, whatever it may be, by which
commerce ia actually carried on. Whether that money
be coin or paper, or however it haa acquired the charac
ter of mouey or currency, if, in fact, it haa become an
actual agent or instrument in the [terformsnc* of com
mercial transactions, it necessarily thereby becomes sub
ject to the regulation and control of Congress. Tha
regulation of inouey ia not ao much an inference from
the commercial, power conferred on Congreaa, aa it ia a
part of it. Money is one of the things, without which,
in modern times, we can form no practical idea of com
merce. It is embraced, therefore, necessarily, in tha
terina of the Conatitution.
But, sir, as will be seen by the proposition which I
have staled, I go fuither : I insist that the duty of Con
gress is commensurate with ita power ; that it has autho
rity not only to regulate and control .that which othera
may put forth as money and currency, but that it haa
the power, and is hound to perform the duty, of seeing
that there ia established and maintained, at all times, a
currency of genersi credit, equivalent in value to apccie,
adapted to the wanta of commerce and the buainess of
the people, and suited to the existing circumstances of
the country. Such a currency is an instrument of the
first necessity to commerce, according to the commer
cial system of the present age ; and commerce cannot
bo conducted, with full advantage, without it. It ia in
the power of Congreaa to furnish it, and .it is in the
power of nobody else. The States cannot supply it.
That resource has often been tried, and has always fail
ed. 1 ain no enemy to the State banks; tliey may be
useful in their spheres ; but you can no more cauae them
to perforin the duties of a National institution than you
can turn a satellite into a primary orb. They cannot
maintain a currency of cqnal credit all over the country.
It might be tried, sir, in your Slate of Kentucky, or our
State of Massachusetts. Wo may erect Uanlta on all
the securities which the wit of man can devise ; we may
have capital, we may have funda, we may have bonds
and mortgages, we may add the faith of the State, we
may pile Pelion upon Ossa, they will be State institu
tiona after all, and will not be ablo to aupport a National
circulation. This is inherent in tho nature of things,
and in the sentiments of men. It is in vain to argue
that it ought not to be so, or to contend that one bank
inay be as safe as another. Experience proves that it
is so, and wo may be assured that it will remain so.
Sir, mine is not the ruthless hand that shall strike at
the State banks, nor mine the tongue that shall careless
ly upbraid them with treachery or perfidy. I admit their
lawful existence; I admit their utility in the circle to
perform a National part in the operations of commerce.
A general and universal accredited currency, therefore,
is an instrument of commerce, which is necessary to the
enjoyment of its just advantages, or, in other words,
which is essential to its beneficial regulation. Congresa
has power to establish it, and no other power can esta
blish it; and therefore Congress is bound to exerciso ita
own power. It is an absurdity, on the very face of the
proposition, to allege that Congress shall regulate com
merce, but shall, nevertheless, abandon to others the
duty of maintaining and regulating its essential means
and instruments. We have in actual use a mixed cur
rency ; the coin circulating under the authority of Con
gress, tho paper under the authority of the States. But
this paper, though it (ills so great a portion of all the
channels of circulation, is not of general and universal
credit; it is made up of various local currencies, none of
which has the same credit, or the same value, in all parte
of the country, and therefore these local currencies an
swer but very loosely and deficiently the purposes of ge
neral currency, and of remittance. Now, is it to be
contended that there is no remedy for this 1 Are we to
"agree, that the Constitution, with all its care, circum
spection, and wisdom, has, nevertheless, left this great
interest unprovided for I Is our commercial system so
lame and impotent t Are our constitutional provisions
and our political institutions so radically defective 1 I
think not, sir. They do not deserve this reproach; and
think it inay now be easily shown that, under all
administrations, from General Washington's time, down
to the Jd of March last, the Government has felt and
acknowledged its obligation, in regard to the currency,
to the full extent in which 1 have stated it, and has con
stantly endeavored to fulfil that obligation. Allow me
to go back to the beginning, and trace this matter down
to our own times a little in detail.
In his first speech to Congress, in 1789, having just
then assumed ins new office, GenenJ Washington re
commended no particular subjects t<?tho consideration
of Congress ; but in his spccch at the opening of the
second session, he suggested the importance of a uni
form currency, without distinguishing coinage from pa
per ; and this body in its answer, assured hiin thst it
was a subject which should receive its attention. Re
collect, sir, at that time, that there were State banka
having notes in circulation, though they were very few.
The first Bank of the United Siate/*was estsblishcd at
the third session of the Congress in 1791. The bill for
its creation originated in the Senate ; the debates in
which at that time were not made public. We have,
however, the debates in the House, we have tho reporte
of tho Secretaries, and we have the law itself. Let ua
endeavor to learn, from theso sources, for what objectt
thi* intlitulion teat created, and whether a nationa/ cur
rency tcat one of those objectt.
Certainly, sir, it must be sdmittcd that currency wta
not the only object in incorporating the bank of 1791.
The Government was new, its fiscal affairs were not
well arranged, it was greatly in debt, and the political
state of thinga at tho time rendered it highly probable
that sudden occasions for making loans would arisa.
That it might assist' the operationa of the Treasury,
therefore, and that it might make those loans to Govern
ment, if pressing occasions should arise, were two of
the purposes liad in view in establishing the bank. But
it is equally clear that there was a third puipose.and that
respected commerce and currency. To furnith a cur
rency for general circulation, and to aid exchange, wat,
demonttrab/y, a clear, ditltnct, and avowed object, ix th*
creation of the firtt bank
On the 13th of December, 1790, the Secretary of tha
Treasury made a report to the House of Representa
tives, recommending a National Bank. In this report,
he set forth the advantages of such an institution ; one
of these advantages, he says, consists " in increasing
tho quantity of the circulating medium, and quickening
the circulation." And he then proceeds to observe :?
" This last may require some illustration. When pay
ments are to bo made between different places, having
an intercourse of business with each other, if there hap
* ?? -l?-? -rwl ?Kpm> am nn
OS11UUUU . . ... . .
Is not this clear proof, that one object in eatablishing
. .. : .f Win.rv w? thi> crea
which they properly
cannot

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