The Madisonian. [volume], November 28, 1837, Image 3

About The Madisonian. [volume] (Washington City [i.e. Washington, D.C.]) 1837-1845

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tHR MAPIIAN.
" WA8H1WOTOW CITY.
t^e^T^vkmbek ^ imt.
orrics ? ?!??**? - ??
jDOCTRINE.
? If we have a doubt relative to any power,
.. , cuvMoment h?U mgniher by
r .JL i?nIv requires much compromise oi
0 ,r? /An/ 'things even salutary should not
Turned down the throats of dissenting
b, cra?*??? whcn they may be put
T a'form to he willingly .wallowed, and
S a tea. .leal of indulgence i. "pessary
!o strengthen habits of harmony and fraterui
tv ??lb. p. 392.
l fondlv hope ' we may now truly say, we
u InMicans all federalists,'and that
r w yh,ich r" c"u",rf,
t?;v- ,^z??n,p
republican government. ?Jellerson, p. w
- Error of opinion may be \ole?Ud"??
reason is loft free to combat it. ? Ihomus
^ ? \bsolute acquiescence in the dec sions
of the majority, is the viul principle of re
publics, from which is no appeal but to force
the vital principle, and immediate parent of
despotism."?/4.
? a pure legislature being given 11*, I
should always be ready to acquiesce under
,hrir tzrtzi r:;JnZ~r,i;.:,
""phZZt iho wiu of ii>? b??Mdy
expressed, should give law.
MADMONIAN DOCTHIS*.
? It is. however, essential to every modifi
cation of the finances, that the benefits of an
uniform national currency should be restored to
the community. The absence of the precious
metals will, it is believed, be a temporary evil,
but, until they can again be rendered the ge
neral medium of exchange, it devolves on the
wisdom of Congress to provide a substitute,
which shall equally engage the confidence
and accommodate the ?rants of the citizens
throughout the Union." Message, December
'5, 1815.
" But for the interests of the community
at large, as well as for the purposes of th*
? Treasury, it is essential that the nation-hould
possess a currency of equal value, credit and
use, wherever it may circulate. The Consti
tution has entrusted Congress, exclusively,
1 nth the power of creating and regulating a
currency of 'hat description." Message, Dec.
3, 1816.
DOCTRINE OK A. J. DALLAS.
" It is, nevertheless, with the State Banks,
that the measures for restoring the national
currency of gold and silver must originate :
for, until their issues of paper be reduced,
their specie capitals be reinstated, and their
specie operations commenced, there will be
neither room, nor employment, nor safety, for
the introduction of the precious metals. The
policy and interest of the State Banks must,
therefore, be engaged in the great fiscal work,
by all the means which the Treasury can em
piny, or the Legislative wisdom shall provide."
Report, Dec. 6, 1815.
Otn PH1NCIPLES--THE RICHMOND
ENQUIRER.
In another column will be found, an able
article from the Richmond Enquirer, on the
subject of "position of parties." Called
upon, as we are, to give it our especial " at
tention," we present the article entire,that our
readers may bo enabled accurately to judge
of the merits of the question now arising.
In entering into a discussion, connected
with the subject of political tactics, or we might
even say, of national polity, we most frankly
acknowledge the inability we feel, to cope
successfully with so able and experienced a
veteran, as the Editor of the Enquirer.
The article from the Enquirer makes refe
rence to one contained in our paper of Tues
day last, headed " Our Principles," a part of
which it quotes, kindly complimenting it as
" an able one," and according to it the em
bodiment of the " Conservative Creed."
We find no difficulty in replying to the
Enquirer in the most frank and explicit man
ner. We have no concealment?no doublo
meaning, and no hesitation in declaring " our
position upon the chess board."
Before we put forth that paper to the world,
we weighed well its contents; considered
well the steps we were taking, and the con
sequences likely to be produced.
We had seen measures of great national
importance brought forward and recommend
ed for immediate adoption, that weYe to form
a part of the National Code, which met not
the approbation and concurrence of the editor
of the Enquirer, more than our own.
We had been the witnesses of an attempt
to force one of those measures upon the coun
try?without giving the people time to examine
into its wisdom, or its operation, or to express
their approbation or disapprobation of it?
through the means of accelerating legislation,
in a manner without a precedent in this or
any other country, in a matter so deeply af
fecting every member ot the community.
We had seen that, although the attempt
was unsuccessful, and the measure placed at
rest on the table of the popular branch of the
National Legislature, yet it was heralded
forth through the organs of its originators,
friends and supporters?and among those the
official organ of the administration, that it wa3
to be brought up again, and urged with re
newed zeal upon the country, in defiance of
its former fate, and the loud manifestations of
public opinion against it.
We had seen State after State, since this
measure was first urged upon the American
people, abandoning the administration party,
which they had for years before most strenu
ously and zealously supported, by the alarm
its measures excited in some, ami the luke
warmness they caused in others ; which,
together, formed an aggregate ; a part voting
for the opposition, believing that matters could
not be made worse, and others not voting at
all, thereby giving the party, opposed to the
administration, majorities, in States totally
unexpected to either party, and in numbers
frequently astounding to both.
j We had iron under these circumstance*,
and from these causes, thousands of indivi
duals whose locks had become silvered over
under the frosts of the many winters which
have found them heretofore battling in the
front ranks of the Jeflersouiun Republican
party, now withdrawing their support from
the men whom they had elected to represent
that party, because the measures which they
were called on to advocate and sustain, were
such as neither " their reason approves or
their conscience sanctions."
We had seen many of these patriarchs of
the party, for the legitimate exercise of their
understandings, impaled as the victims of
vindictive party presses, whose course has
been marked with scarcely less intolerance
than the Spanish Inquisition?reviled by
every vulgar and prescriptive epithet?loaded
with opprobrium, outcast, and shunned?and
by none was the war urged with more seal
and malignancy than the organ justified by
the countenance of the Executive, although
alienating by its course the foremost among
those who, by their suffrages and exertions,
assisted to elevate him to his present exalted
station.
We had seen agrarian, loco foco, and radi
cal doctrines, inculcated, cherished and en
couraged, by some holding high stations,
which we believed to be disorganising and
revolutionary in their character; which in the
end, if not restrained, must lead to overthrow
ing our public institutions, uprooting the foun
dations on which good ordor in society is es
tablished and maintained; and finally, leading
to anarchy and confusion throughout.
The signs of the times, indicated to our sa
tisfaction most clearly and distinctly, that the
measure which had been both unfavorably re
ceived by the Representatives of the people,
and condemned by the people themselves, as
far as opportunity had presented for thein to
pass judgment upon it, was to be recommend
ed anew ; and, with renewed zeal and energy
uttempted to be fastened upon the country in
spite of the repugnance which has been mani
fested against it. In this anticipation it seems
we did not err. An article contained in the
official, bearing more than a demi-official stamp,
of last Monday week, announces, that the
administration have resolved to continue to
" persist calmly but firmly" in the measure.
It was under these circumstances, that we
put forth the paper which the Enquirer deno
minates the " Conservative Creed, and which
we intended should be so understood. \V c
endeavored to embrace it in that paper, and-to
establish it in the true Republican doctrines,
that had their origin with, and were practised
by Jefferson and Madison ; whose doctrines
and principles are no less reverenced, we are
sure, by the editor of the Enquirer, than by
ourselves. If we have failed in what we
aimed at, we will adopt any suggestion which
that experienced editor may point out to ac
complish the object we attempted.
We saw an urgent and indispensable ne
cessity existing for the adoption of this step.
We saw that there must be a banner hung
out under which those who had already been
driven from the administration ranks by its
obnoxious measures, and the anathemas of its
Pres9, could rally. We saw, by the signs of
the times, that a renewed recommendation of
those measures will inevitably drive from the
support of the administration thousands that
still adhere to it; and this was an additional
imperative call for the step we have taken.
We now answer one of the interrogatories of
the Enquirer, and announce distinctly, that
the Conservative Republicans will pursue but
the one obvious course?they will " persist
calmly but firmly" in the line of party organi
zation already marked out. They repudiate
now and forever, the spirit of political intole
rance, which has been permitted already to
take too deep a root in our Republic, and
which is derogatory both to its principles and
its permanency.
What else can the Conservative Republi
cans do? Can they go back and unite with
those from whom they have been driven ?
Can they return to the intolerance of that
" holy alliance" of Calhoun?Nullijicrs
and loco-foco-dcstructives which has os
tracised them under the surveillance of the
Executive ? Can they return to permit ob
noxious measures,against which every thought
rebels, to be " calmly but firmly" crammed
down their dissenting throats? We answer,
No, never. Can the Conservatives unite
with the ultra Whigs and becomo the advo
cates of doctrines and principles which they
have opposed and battled against from the
period of their earliest manhood. No. That
is equally impossible. What else is left for
the Conservatives to do but to maintain firmly
and independently their stand. We confident
ly predict that the Conservatives will never
recede the thousandth part of an inch from
the stand which they have assumed in favor
of establishing, the most liberal and tolerant
political policy for the future. It remains to
be seen, whether the loco foco party, will aban
don entirely, the illiberal and intolerant poli
cy which has marked their course for somo
time past. Of which will the editor of the
Enquirer, wo respectfully ask, become the
future advocato ?
We believe we have in part, pointed out
the only mode through which " reconciliation"
can be reached, and parties become again
united; as well as furnished that, wherein a
reply to another of the interrogatories pro
pounded to us by the Enquirer can be found,
viz. : whether " Mr. Van Buren is to be
cashiered?" In addition, we most respectful
ly state, that we go for sustaining principles
and measures, according to the doctrines of
Jefferson, at the head of our column. A>ot
men only. We greatly deceive ourselves,
judging from the indications as far as they
have been exhibited, if the principles which
we have put forth and the doctrines which we
maintain, will not be as loudly responded to
in the State which fare birth to a Jefferaon
and a NladUon, as by any other Sute in the
Union.
To the Sub-Treasury scheme, our respect
ed coteinporary of the Enquirer continues
a persevering hostility ; and gives assurance
that the Republicans of Virginia are no less
hostile to it thsii himself. Our friend, how
ever, expresses a readiness to compromise the
mutter, and stills down upon the spedul depo
site system with the limitation he has to often
specified. Was not the door, to all appearances,
closed against such a compromise, by the de
claration to which we have already adverted,
that the administration will persist calmly but
firmly in the measures it has adopted ? Are
there no difficulties which will attend the spe
cial deposits system, interposing, to forbid us
being carried into practical operation, which
have not presented themselves Co its advo
cates ?
We apprehend there are. Some of those
obstacles we will endeavor to point out, and
respectfully submit to the editor of the En
quirer, and the friends of that system ger.eral
ly. in doing this however, we shall be obliged
to enter somewhat into the merits of the Sub
treasury bill which passed the Senate and was
laid on the table of the House at the late extra
session, and which we presumo the adminis
tration will" persist calmly but firmly" in their
endeavors to establish as a law of the land.
That bill had three important and distinct
features, via: First. Making the public re
ceiving officers, the depositaries of the public
moneys after they are collected, as well as
thereafter the general disbursing officers.
Second. The bill provided that for a certain
number of years, a specified proportion of the
public revenue should be collected in specie ;
and the other portion, in the notes oj specie
paying banks. Third. At the expiration of
the years named in the bill, the whole of the
public revenue should be collected in specie
only.
We will first inquire, what is this " special
deposits system" which some now advocate,
and which the editor of the Enquirer is willing
to settle down upon by way of compromise ?
What are its practical operations ? As we
understand it, they are these.?An individual
places in a bank, a chest of plate ; a keg of
gold or silver, or a parcel of bank notes, at
his credit; to be held as a special deposite,
placed by the bank to his credit, and subject
to his order; to be returned to him in the
identical state in which they were when
placed in the bank. This is one description
of special deposites. There is another that has
been in operation for some time past in New
York with the banks there. It is this. In
dividuals keeping accounts with the banks, de
posite what are called current bank notes,
though inconvertible, which it is specially
stipulated arc to be paid out by the bank to
meet the checks drawn by the individual on
such deposite?the bank specially protecting
itself, by the terms on which it received the
deposite from all liability to pay in any thing
else.
Now, as to the provisions of the Sub-trea
sury bill already referred to.
The first feature, making the collecting of
ficers the depositaries of the public moneys
until called for, we apprehend has been so
fully discussed, that its merits and demerits
are so fully comprehended by most of our
readers and the public, as to render it unne
cessary for us to dwell upon it, further than to
remark: that, il would be subverting the entire
policy of the Government from 1789 to the pre
sent time, and placing the public treasure in ,
situations to be plundered by a hundred hands, j
where one cannot now even touch it.
The second feature in that bill, making a
part of the public revenue for specified pe
riods receivable in the notes of specie paying
banks, comes now to be considered. We will
show, that unless the Government is willing
and intends to become a paper money Govern
ment, the proposition is utterly impracticable
both under the Sub-treasury scheme and the
special deposite scheme. We arc aware, that
this will be consideredlassuminghigh ground
and may startle some of the advocates of both
of the schemes. Nevertheless, we will main
tain the position by incontrovertible evi
dence.
It is well known, that the charter cf the
Bank of the United States made the notes of
the branches of that bank receivable every
where in payment of public dues, without re
gard to the places where issued ; and although
they were not convertible at the place where
they were offered in payment. The Bank of
the United States and its branches were bound
by its charter to receive all such branch notes
offered in payment to it of public dues, and
place them at the credit of the Government as
cash, and to hold itself ready to pay specie for
the amount of the same at any moment it
should be called for. The cffect was that,
the notes of the most distant branches were
first procured and offered in payment, be
cause they were the least valuable. In the
city of New York, the public revenue collect
ed in the year 1831 was $13,797,500 The
amount of the notes of distant branches of the
Bank of the United States, received by the
branch in that city towards paying the above
amount of public revenue collected was
.13 219,635. Could the branch at New \ork
pay'out these notes of the distant branches in
payment of the Treasury warrants drawn
upon it ? It could not. It was obliged to
pay in specie, or in such notes as were con
vertible into specie on the spot. 1 hose branch
notes were not so convertible. The bank
itself was obliged to collect the balances from
its branches, which the receipt of those notes
created against them.
Now, how wonld it be if the Sub-treasury
bill which passed the Senate at the late ses
sion had become a law. The collector at N.
York would be required to receive thr??
fourths of the revenue in the notes of specie
paying bank#. Tho Bank of Missouri has
been constantly a specie paying bank. So
also have some of the banks in Georgia ; and
some bauks in other places which suspended
but liave since resumed. The notes of these
banks would therefore be available for the pay
ment of public dues in the city of New York,
on which place checks drawn in the places
in which the banks enumerated are located,
are at two or three per cent, premium. 1 he
consequence would be, that the merchants
having remittances to make to New York
would transmit bank note*, and avoid paying
a premium; which notes would soon be
paid over to the collector or sub-treasurer in
that city. What is to be done with these
notes by the collector T Can he place thctu
at once to the credit of tho Government ??
Will he be able to meet the warrants of the
Treasury drawn on these funds in specie or
in notes of banks convertible into specie on
the spot ? No. He will have no other re
source but to pay out these identical notes, not
convertible except at the places where issu
ed. As soon as the banks resume specie
payments, the whole of the public revenue
will be paid in the notes of the most distant
banks from the places where the payments
are made ; because, they will be the least
valuable at those places.
This will also be the operation of the Bill
in case it becomes a law, and the Special De
pottle System be adopted in place of Sub-trea
suries.
The third feature of the bill provides
that after a certain period the whole of the
public revenue shall be collected and dis
bursed in specie only.
We have examined all ihe arguments which
we have seen adduced, to find out the benefits
which such a measure can confer on the
country generally,' either under the Sub
Treasury or the special deposite system. We
have discovered no benefits, but great evils,
which will follow the adoption of such a
scheme. Will it serve to enlarge the specie
basis of the circulation of the country ? We
are convinced that it will not. From the
speech of Mr. Wright, the alpha and omega
of the scheme, we make the following quota
tion:
" True, it might ba said that the plan of the Presi
dent did not act upon the banks by way of restraint
upon the amount or description of their issues. It
was true as to the description of their issues. That
was left to Slate legislation, the source from which
they derived their existences, and to which belonged
the limitation of their powers, so far as they were
to be limited by legislation. The plan of the Presi
dent sought to act upon these insiilulions in a differ
ent way, and by a more powerful lever. Specie was
their life-blood; and the creation of a demand for it
was the only efficient control over them. Bring the
public revenues, then, to a specie standard, and you
most effectually limit the amount of issues of the
banks, so far as your operations can itfcpose such a
limit.' Make your disbursements in gold and silver;
and although the small bank paper will displace it,
vour continued and perpetual action will draw the
same specie again from the banks, and will thus
keep an amount, equal to your receipts and disburse
ments, in a constantly active state. In this way
alone, in his judgment, it is in the power of this
Government to expand the specie bxsis for our im
mense paper circulation."
This description of the practical operations
of the plan, gives it as many hues as the rain
bow. We need not repeat the various influ
ences which the plan is to exert, counter and
conflicting, for which Mr. Wright claims
credit in the abovo extract. The reader will
appreciate them himself. It is sufficientforour
purpose, that Mr. Wright admits, that after
the public money has been collected in spe
cie, as soon as it is disbursed in specie, it
will be immediately thereafter displaced by
small batik paper, thrown out of circulation,
and returned to the vaults of the .banks, and
thus keep in constant active circulation an
amount equal to the receipts and disburse
ments, between the banks, through the hands
of the public debtors, and the receivers of the
public revenue; and between them, through
the hands of the disbursers of the public
revenue and the banks again. This is the
only mode, as expressed by Mr. Wright,
through which the Government can expand the
specie basis of our immense paper circulation !
The obtuscness of our intellect is too great to
enable us to discover any expansion of the
specie basis, through the gyratioi s of this
golden scheme of the Government, limited as
they must necessarily be, within the narrow
circle above described.
Mr. Wright has furnished incontrovertible
proof, in our opiuion, that the scheme is not
susceptible of any other operation, but to pro
vide a specie currency for the Government,
and leave the community to shift for itself.
While it will inevitably tend to cripple the
operation of the banks in some quarters, it
will exercise no influence or control over
those in other quarters. The collecting of
twelve to fifteen millions of dollars annually of
public revenue, in the city of New York, in
specie, will inevitably paralyze the operations
of every bunk in the place, while it cannot
lead to the exercise of any salutary influence
over the banks in the States of Ohio, or
Kentucky, &c.
The operations of such a scheme will lead
to the establishment of a National Bank by
acclamation ofj the people (which is so much
dreaded by the New York correspondent of
the Enquirer,) as certainly, as that we must
all sooner or later pay the great debt of Na
ture.
Wre are opposed to the Sub-treasury scheme
in every shape, believing that in any form in
to which it can be wrought it is cither im
practicable of application, or would conflict
with the best interests of the people and the
nation.
We go for the State Bank Deposite sys
tem, limiting the number to bo employed, to
the very smallest which the fiscal convenience
of the Treasury Department actually calls for,
and those to be selected from the most solid
and respoctable, where they arc called for.
Wo go for exercising a salutary control
over all the other banks in the country,
through tho exercise of the ample power
which the collection and keeping of tho pub
lie revenue give the Treasury Department,
judiciously applied by a compel*ut head.
Wo go for aecuring a metallic currency for
all the urduutry truiuiuclioue of daily occur
rence, and for securing a convertible paper
currency for the larger ones, and inspiring
universal confidence in it on the part of the
community, by cauaing it to be received in
payment of the public revenue.
We pray our reapectable friend, the editor
of the Enquirer, to " pause and ponder" be
fore he enters into compromise, by settling
down on the Special Deposite System.
PARTY SPIRIT.
" Party spirit drove our ancesiers from England;
and the party spirit which they brought with thein,
drove the English government out of America."?
Globe,'ibth .Yap.
As the Globe appears to be very familiar
with " spirits," (as well as suspectod of a " fa
miliar spirit",) we would respectfully inquire
what " spirit" ha? possessed it, in its assaults
upon the two distinguished Senators, as well
as Representatives, from Virginia, and New
York, Messrs. Rives and Tallmadge, Garland
and Clark ?
We would also aak, with what spirit this
" organ, at present distinguished by the confi
dence and favor of the administration," has so
long striven to drive from the support of thi3
administration and the ranks of the party,
these able, long-tried, and trusty friends ?
With what spirit is it, that they are denoun
ced,banished, hunted down and attempted to be
driven out of the Republican tanks ? Is it
that" party spirit" which drove their ances
tors from England?
We warn the Globe, that they inherit that
spirit which will drive it, with all its " disor
ganizing and revolutionary" allies, out of the
States, out of the Union and "out of America."
The Globe may have found itself equal to the
task of putting down the Telegraph, Mr. Cal
houn, and their allies?(the purpose for which
it was at first established,) but it will find it a
difficult matter, eren with its unhallowed alli
ance with all these old foes, to put down the
humblest individual in the Republican party,
much less the men, who, for the last ten years,
have mainly sustained that party, and who
have been the first and foremost in achieving
for the late administration, its first, as well as
its last victories.
PORTRAITS OP DISTINGUISHED MEN.
Mr. Haas, Pennsylvania Avenue, has just pub
lished a Lithographic portrait of Hon. Wm. C. Rives,
from a drawing by Swett. It is the best likeness we
have ever seen published of Mr. Rives, and is ex
ceedingly well executed. Those who wish to pos
sess themselves of a portrait of that distinguished
statesman, now have an opportunity by calling upon
Mr. Haas.
Mr. Fenderich, of this city, has also published
some very excellent Lithographic portraits of Hon.
H. Ci.ay and John C. Calhoun, forming a portion of
his " Port Folio of living American Statesmen."
They arc very faithful resemblances of the originals,
and very creditable specimens of art. The portrait
of Mr. Calhoun is strikingly accurate.
By an Express slip from the St. Louis Republican,
we learn that the State House of Missouri, on Wed
nesday, 16th inst., and part of the State Library, and
all the volumes and papers in the office of the Se
cretary of State were destroyed. The Slate House
was situated at Jctferson oity.
We regret to learn that, in consequence of serious
domestic calamities, the Hon. Mr. Mouton, of the
Senate, and the Hon. Rice Garland, of the House
of Representatives, from Louisiana, have been called
to their homes. They are now on their way to their
families, and will not ba able to return before the
first of January next. We mentioned the death of
Mrs. Mouton in our last paper.
CORRESPONDENCE.
New York, Nov. 21, 1837.
The officers of Banks, in this city, met yesterday,
and selected seven Delegates to attend the proposed
Bank Convention to bs held in this city on the 27tli.
Information has, at length, been received that the
Banks in Philadelphia, (including the Bank of the
United States,) have appointed seven Delegates to
represent them in the Convention, and every indica
tion points to a full attendance from the various sec
tions of the Union.
Nothing can more forcibly illustrate the injustice
of the assaults of the Globe and its kindred prints on
the Banks, than the correct and judicious course
these institutions have pursued since the suspen
sion.
Instead of increasing their issues and flooding the
country with a depreciated currency, they have, with
scarcely an exception, curtailed both loans and cir
culation, and continued steadily to increase their re
sources, preparatory to a resumption.
The Loco Focos here, are wofully in the dumps,
and not a few of the most active, at the polls, have
already abjured the radical creed, while others ap
pear in a state of betweenity, not being yet fully satis
fied on which side of the fence to leap.
Michigan is nearly, if not quite, revolutionized,
and I should like to know where the Idol of Loco
Focoism has a majority of the people to " do it rever
ence."
If, as is rumored, the President still clings to the
" new expedient," I shall be both surprised and mor
tified, and cannot, for the soul of me, account on any
rational principles for the infatuation.
Let those who commit political suicide, sutler the
odium. I, in common with all our old-fashioned de
mocrats " wash my hands" of the matter.
New York, Nov. 27th, 1837.
Dear Rut t?The Whigs have had their Jubilee,
and, in the present state of public feeling, it is but
justice to state that few intelligent or reflecting indi
viduals, regret the cause for their rejoicing. So fa
tal are the heresies of the Loco Focos, and so des
tructive to the prosperity of the country would have
been their succesr, that the greater portion of all
classes rejoiced that tkeir star was not in tho ascend
ant.
If the Globe or Evening Post takes exception to my
remarks, let them calmly reflect on the sweeping evi
dences that have rolled along, from every section of
our country, where elections have recently been held,
and if they still choose to pronounce me a dksertkr
from the ranks, I have the consolation to know that
a majority of the democracy of the country are my
co-conspirau>rs. From a recent number of the Globe,
I perceive that the editor charges the recent defeat of
the Loco Focos to the Banks, and with that jesuitieal
cant which characterises his miUrtt effusions, he af
fects to depl-M-c the dangers which beset the country
from the Bank Aristocracy. If the (Hoi#, by his ar
ticle, intended to convey the impression that all the
intelligent and reflecting portion of the community,
who had any stake in its future welfare, whether by
being in possession of property, or by the well found
ed expectation that their industry would meet here
after its appropriate reward, (Including the merchant
who owned his thousands [n Han* rfocft, aiid th?
mechanic and laborer whose fifty or an hundred-dol
lars was alike inverted in this species of property,)
if, I say, the Globe intended tkat tbe greater portion
of (his clam of our citizens, whether they belonged
to the party of th? Administration or not, were im
pressed with the dangerous doctrine* of the Loco
Focus, and either declined eaereismg their rights at
?he pulls, or voted, for the time being, wnh the whig*
he ig right: but if, tu is the case, he endeavora to
inculcate the idea that the officers, Directors and
Stockholder*, of Banks, attempted to bring their offi
cial power into the contest, his charge is utterly
rsutg, and nothing but the utmost mendacity could
have dictated the foul slander. It is well known that
the majority of the leading friends of Mr. Van Bu
ren, in this Slate, declined entering into the late con
test lrom a delicacy of leeliug toward one to whom
they had been sincerely attached, and whose present
course they could not approve. Many of these were
officers of Banks, who were "good enough" Demo
crats until the Presidential election was past, but
who now, it appears, are the especial objects of semi
official denunciation. That these gentlemen have
bjen in error in not voting is very possible, but the
Olobe is assured that hereafter they will wot subject
themselves to its animadveisions for the like cause.
They will never again endanger the national welfare
by tacitly permitting the Loco Focos to attain contt
qw.nce in political power if their votes can arrest the
evil.
In so prosperous a community as ours, few, but the
idle or the dissolute, are so destitute as not to feel a
deep interest in the future prosperity of the country,
nor will the attempt to create a false issue, by stig
matising every dissentient from the Loco Foco creed
as a Hank man, blind them to the real tendency of
public measures. Their only care for the Banks Is
dictated by the belief that they are necessary to the
success ol all classes, by granting facilities to the
enterprising citizen, without means, so that he can
successfully compete with his more wealthy neigh
bor?nor will the cant phrases of the Globe, and i?s
allies, prejudice them against such an one properly
conducted. You, perhaps, will ask, what will the
Conservatives do 1 They will stick to the old Demo
cratic platform?leaving those who choose to chase
political and perennial Will-o'-the-ieisps, to their fate.
If they flounder in the bogs of error and delusion,
the Conservatives may pity, but will not follow
them.
Niagara county, (N. Y.) Nov. 18th, 1837.
Dear Sir:?You will, undoubtedly,have received
full returns of the result of the late etestion in this
State, before this will rcach you. The issue has been
one of unparalleled defeat to the Democracy of the
Empire State.
Those who have calmly and candidly studied pub
lic sentiment here, are not disappointed. We only
regret the influence which this electi<5n will exert
upon our sister states. The example uf New York,
which has, for years, stood one of the proudest and
firmest pillars in the Temple of Democracy, t^us
suddenly prostrated before the whirlwind of Whig
gism, must excite the surprise if not the fears of ma
ny true Republicans throughout the Union. But we
here believe jmd know that our defeat is temporary.
I know we have the rfrtmglA,.and.l sincerely trust we
shall have the union, to recover our" fallen fortunes"
at the next year's election. Tho causes which have
operated to accomplish our disastrous rout, are deep
and manifold. Although a casual observer would
have seen little commotion of the political waters,yet
men of reflection read in its eddying surface the
counter-currents gurgling beneath. The truth is,
that a settled disaffection prevailed among a large
numb?rofthe old friends of Mr. Van Buren, at the
radicalism and vltraism of some of his leading sup
porters in Congress. Hundreds, therefore, either
declined attending the polls at all, or cast a silent
vole. In the Eastern counties this was particularly
the case. They honestly repudiated the war upon
the credit system, believing the prosperity of the
country depended upon its preservation. The spec
tacle whit?, the Republican party of the city ol New
York presented, when it joined the linil embrace of
Loco Focoism, shocked, if it did not disgust, many
respectable men in the interior. The-Sub-Treasury
plan, although approved of, to order,.in many county
conventions, was secretly unpopular with a very
large number of the people. The friends of Mr.
Wright pressed every nerve to sustain this favorite
measure. Many, proud of his talents, regretted to
desert a measure which they considered wonld be
deserting him. Mr. Tallinadgc had been condemn
ed in advance, by some of our presses, as a disorgan
ize^ a OoN.iKHVATtvH. Conservatism was a new
name. You know how suspicious Republicans are
of new names. And although thousands in New
York approve of the credit system,, approve of Con
servative ducrines, as promulgated in the Madisoni
an, and now admire the fearless,.patriotic, and lofty
position of Mr. Tallmadge, yet, before the election,
they were wafted along the current of Radicalism.
This election has opened the eyes of the people.
The result has shown them where they stand. Van
Burenism is temporarily overthrown, and by whom ?
By the Loco-Fotos, the Destructives.
Now, I rentureto predict, that those high-minded,
noble and truly patriotic Senators, Messrs. Rives and
Tallmadgn,. will bs sustained by the great democratic
party of Sew York. The doctrines maintained by
your paper with, so muck dignity and force, strength
ened as they always are by fact*, by the opinions of
so many illustrious statesmen of former times, are
rapidly rising into the ascendant. We are all aware
of the delicate-situation of the President at this time.
His native State, has for once, given way, and is is
terim in the hands of his enemies. But he, too, well
knows the deep attachment which New York enter
tains for his onward race<o fame, to doubt or distrust
her. Shi will twt fail hiin, unless driven to it for self
protection. May God grant that one who has done so
much to exalt her in the scale of our political Union,
who has been the advocate as w^ll as the originator
of so many of her cherished institutions and liberal
improvements, may never?however unwittingly?
be instrumental in checking her upward career. The
course of policy which Mr. Van Buren shall recom
mend at the approaching session of Congress, and
which the democratic majority pursue, will have a
serious influence upon this State at the next election;
with harmony at home we can again triumph. That
harmony can only be gained by wisdom and conces
sion in our Representatives, patriotism and Jcflcr
sonian principles in our President.
MARRIED,
On Thursday, the 2d inst., neas Charlotte, Dick
son county, Tennessee. Sami ei. B. Lut-Esq., of Duck
River Furnace, Hlelcman county, Tennessee, to
Miss Scsan Amanda, daughter of John W. Napier,
E?q.
DEATH OF GOVERNOR KENT.
With a saddened spirit we have sat down to an
nounce to our readers the news, which reached us
when this paper was nearly ready for the press, of
the death of Dr. JOSEPH KENT, the beloved and
respected Senator of the United Slates from the
State of Maryland, who was killed yesterday morn
ing by a fall from his horse, as he was riding over
his farm, or in the neighborhood of it. Of the par
ticulars of this fata) accident; the cause of so la
mentable a bereavement, we know no more than
we have stated, as derived from a person who came
to this city express from Rosemount, the residence
of the deceased, (about Id miles distant,) yesterday
afternoon. We hsve not the heart, if time allowed
us, now to portray to cmr readers. In fitting terms, the
public and private virtues which endeared Govern
or Kent (*? usnaliy called from his having.fqrmerly
filled ihe office of (Jovernor of his Bute) to all who
knew bin*.
... I.? I I III
POTATOES.?J. B. MORGAN & CO. hs?e for sale
at their grocery store. Venom's Row. Penasylrsnia
avenue, 1000 bushels of the best quslity Mercer potatoes.
To families who want eieht or ten bushels they wilt be
soM low ?"? 28-3t