The Madisonian. [volume], December 23, 1837, Image 1

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THE MADISONIAW.
THOMAS ALLEN,
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PROSPECTUS.
Tits MaDIsonur will be devoted to the support ol
the principles and doctrines of the democratic party, a*
delineated by Mr. Madison, and will auu to conauuimate
that political reform in the theory and practice of the
national government, which has been repeatedly indi
cated by the general suflerage, as aascututl to the peace
and prosperity of the country, and to the perfection and
perpetuity of its free institutions. At this lime a singu
lar state of atlairs is presented. The commercial in
terests of the country arc overwhelmed with embarrass
ment ; its monetary concerns are unusually disordered ;
every ramification of society is invaded by distress, and
the social edifice seems threatened with disorganization;
every ear is filled with predictions of evil and the mur
muring* of despondency; the general government is
boldly assailed by a Urge and reanectable portion of (he
people, as the direct cause of their difficulties ; open
resistance to the laws is publicly encouraged, and a
spirit of insubordination is fostered, as a necessary
defence to the pretended usurpations of the party in
power; some, from whom better things were hoped, are
making the " confusion worse confounded," by a head
long pursuit of extreme notions and indefinite phantoms,
totally incompatible with a wholesome state of the
country. In the midst of all these difficulties and em
barrassments, it is feared that many of the less firm of
the frieilds of the administration and supporters of
democratic principle* are wavering in their confidcnce,
and beginning, without just cause, to view with distrust
those men to whom they have been long attached, and
whose elevation they have laboured to promote from
honest and patriotic motive*. Exulting in the anticipa
tion of dismay and confusion amongst the supporters of
the administration as the consequence of these things,
the op|M>sition are consoling themselves with the idea
tiiat Mr. Van Burcn'a friends, as a national party, are
verging to dissolution ; and they allow no opportunity to
pass unimproved to give eclat to their own doctrinea.
They are, indeed, maturing plans for their own future
government of the country, with seeming confidence of
certain success.
This confidence is increased by the fact, that visionary
theories, and an unwise adherence to the plan for an
txclustre metallic currency have unfortunately carried
some beyond the actual and true policy of the govern
ment ; and, by impairing public confidence in the credit
system, which ought to be preserved and regulated, but
not destroyed, have tended to increase the difficulties
under which the country is now labouring. All theso
seem to mdicato the necessity of a new organ at the
seat of government, to lie established upon sound prin
ciples, and to represent faithfully, and not to dictate, the
real policy of the administration, and the true sentiments,
measures, and intcrcsta, of tho great body of its sup
porters. The necessity also appears of the adoption of
more conservative principles than the conduct of those
seems to indicate who seek to remedy abuses by de
stroying the institutions with which they are found con
nected. Indeed some measure of contribution is deemed
essential to the enhancement of our own self-respect at
home, and to the promotion of the honor and credit of
the nation abroad.
To meet these indications this undertaking'haa been
instituted, and it is hoped that it will produce the eflfect
ot inspiring the timid with courage, the desponding with
hope, and the whole country with confidence in the
administration of its government. In this view, this
journal will not seek to leod, or to follow any faction, or
to advocate the views of any particular detachment of
men. It will aspire to accord a just measure of sup
port to each of the co-ordinate branches of the govern
ment, in tho lawful exerciso of their constitutional
prerogatives. It will address itself to the understandings
<>f men, rather than appeal to any unworthy prejudicea
or evil passions. It will rely invariably upon the prin
ciple, that the strength and security of American insti
tutions depend upon the intelligence and virtue of the
people.
The M.tmsoNUN will not, in any event, be made the
instrument ol arraying the north and the south, the east
and the west, in hostile altitudes towards each other,
upon any subject of either general or local interest. It
will reflect only that spirit and those principles of mutual
concession, compromise, and reciprocal good-will, which
?') eminently characterized the inception, formation, and
subsequent adoption, by tho several States, of the con
stitution of the United States. Moreover, in the same
hallowed spirit that has, at all periods since the adoption
of that sacred instrument, characterized its defence
bv the people, our press will hasten to its support at
every emergency that shall arise, from whatever quarter,
and under whatever guise of philanthropy, policy, or
principle, the antagonist power may appear.
If, in this responsible undertaking, it shall be our
good fortune to succeed to any decree in promoting the
harmony and prosperity of the country, or in conciliating
jealousies, and allaying the asperities of party warfare,
by demeaning ourself amicably towards all; by indulg
ing personal animosities towards none; by conducting
ourself in the belief that it is perfectly practicable to
differ with others in matters of principle and of expe
lency, without a mixture of personal uukindncss or loss
reciprocal respect; and by "asking nothing that is
no clearly right, and submitting to nothing that is
wrong," then, and not otherwise, will tho full measure
its intention be accomplished, and our primary rule
for its guidance be sufficiently observed and satisfied.
This entcrprizc has not been undertaken without the
approbation, advisement, and pledged support of many
of the leading and soundest minds in the ranks of the
ilemorractic republican party, in the extreme north and
in the extreme south, in the cast and in the west. An
association of both political experience and talent of the
highest order will render it competent to carry forward
the principles by which it will be guided, and make it
useful as a political organ, and interesting as a journal
ol news. Arrangements also have been made to fix the
establishment upon a substantial and permanent basis.
The subscriber, therefore, relies upon tho public for so
much of their confidence and encouragement only as the
fidelity of his press to their great national interests shall
prove itself entitled to receive.
THOMAS ALLEN.
?\Vashinotom City. D. C. July, 1837.
HARD OF HEARING.
1VTR- PRINTER.?V\ liatever has a tendency to lessen
1?X the sum of human misery, ought to be published and
made known to the distressed and to the sick.?Extract
J ram l)r. Franklin's work*.
York CotxTY, Pa. Sept. 1, JSM.
Dear Sir: I have U-en informed of your helping those
that were troubled with deafness, and as I have, for fifteen
V irs past, been more or less troubled with this affliction
ami by the information I have of your honor and good'
sense, I put complete confidence in sending money to vou
and expfPt not only an anawer, hut help also.
I have heretofore heard much about such a man as vou.
nut never saw the person who had received anv benefit
from your medical skill, until Mr. John Chandler, one of
<"ir neighbors, alter usincyour remedy, has got his.hearing
again us good as ever, and by him learning where vou live.
I make bold in addressing you in hope* that I may receive
nUX'rlhd'' g<-t hc'ir,nK "'"O. ?" ">y neighbor
I send Five dollars, and 1-e pleased to send the remedy
U J TI""""' ?,f l'"!"a*r' ? 1 am told y?? sometimes
do for that sum. one for a poor neither of mine, and wish
>011 would do as well to me as you have done to others.
IV) try your liest.and make me hear again, as 1 and all
our neighlwr* have such great faith in what we have heard
and seen.
Your friend and well wisher.
J. TISSANY.
York County, State nf Pennsylvania.
To IV Green, Bethlehem, Pa.
ti"mr f"lks in our parts have had their eyesight
r. ii iv tu ? ?trengthenMig virtues of lh? name
Tm* ?',f t re*l<wd the hearing of Joseph Chandler.
I Ills gives to us additional hope* of help. decSl
THE MADISONIAN.
VOL.1. WASHINGTON CITY, SATURDAY, DECEMBER 23, 1837. NO. 46.
Fr*m the American Monthly Magazine.
SKETCHES OF PARIS.
LH4MMR Or DBPtTlE*.
I have, for three months, been observing
the proceedings in tho two politic*! chambers
of France. Their legislation, the bills ap
proved, the bills rejected, the various opinions
evolved in their discussion,?these constitute
one broad and significant type of tho time.
I he Chamber of Peers is, as you may be
aware, composed of iwo hundred and fifty
nine members. They are appointed by the
king, out of certain classes of notable citi
zens, designated in the charter. At the age
of twenty-five they may sit in the chamber;
at that of thirty, they vote. Their various
titles are of Duke, Marquis, Count, Viscount,
and Baron. The Princes of the blood royal
are Peers by biribright. The body's sanc
tion is indipensable to the enactincnt of all
laws, and it constitutes the only tribunal
1 whereby ministers, accused by the Chamber
of Deputies, may bo tried, and all per&ons
charged wiih high treason, or any offences
against the surely of the state. It holds its
sessions, far away from the other Chamber,
over in the old palace of the Luxembourg,?
a palace that has around it as much of revolu
tionary, consular, imperial, and Bourbon histo
ry, as any edifice in the kingdom. You enter
beneath a lofty portal, into a large open court.
Through a door at one of its corners, yoii
pass up a flight of stairs, showing your yel
low ticket, first to a national guard, and then
presenting it to a liveried huisaier, who con
ducts you up a narrow staircase, dimly lamp
lighted, and dreary enough to recall cerlain
avenues in the old prisons of state at Venice.
Cut from that staircase, you pass into tho
strangers' gallery, and now down before you
may be seen whatever Franco possesses of
Peers of the realm. The charter which an
nulled every creation of nobility by Charles
X., permits no exclusive privileges to that ex
isting for life, under Louis Phillipe and his
successors. Tho king may make nobles at
his pleasure, but he can give them only rank
and honors, without any exemption from the
charges and duties of society.
The Peers sit in a semicircular hall, not un
like the Senate room of the United States,
resembling also the Chamber of Deputies,
though much smaller. Its diameter is about
eighty feet. At the middle of this diameter
is a carved-out recess, wherein stands the
chair of President Pasquier, who is, more
over, Chancellor of France, circled behind
which are several statues, and between them
hang many standards captured in old wars.
The member's benches are ranged amphithe
atrically in front of the President. Whoever
would address the assembly, may ascend the
tribune. Seldom, however, have I seen any
of them taking that trouble. Generally their
few ideas have been delivered without moving
from their place. In personal appearance,
they differ somewhat from the members of the
other house. The coats of each are gold
embroidered. They likewise present a less
number of juvenile heads ; and as for the mat
ter of tumult and lively action, they are quite
tame in such comparison. Thenard, the
great chemist, attracted eyes by his shaggy
head of hair ; Victor Cousin, by his spirituali
ty and airs of pertness ; and long 1 looked
upon the worn and impressive features of
Marshal Soult. Looking is indeed the only
purpose for which, this winter, I have ever
visited tho Chamber of Peers. Had my ob
ject been hearing, I should invariably have
come to be disappointed. Except the Mar
quis de Dreux Breze, there is hardly an orator
in the whole assembly. And as for interest
ing discussion, the enunciation of principles,
the developement of reasous for this or that
policy, there has not, thus far in the session,
?I write upon the" 10th of April, 1837,?
been an occasion worth crossing tho Seine to
enjoy. Until my recent experience, 1 had no
jujt conception of the political zrroism of tho
French Chamber of Peers. The present
opinions and feelings of the nation, the wants
and progress of society, have not therein
been, this year, revealed. There they sit,
three or four days of each week, listening to
tedious reports, talking lazily about bills be
fore them, looking forward to the trial of Meu
nier, Lavaux, and Lacaze, and then adjourn
ing. How wide the contrast between the po
litical importance of this assembly and that
of the United States' Senate or the English
House of Lords ! The daily political press
discusses none of their proceedings, speaks
seldom of their men. When the political
progress of tho week is summed up, little or
no allusion is made to that body. .The min
isters are seldom in their benches there.
Had the Chamber of Peers never been, by
tho king, convoked in December, 1836, 1
firmlv believe that public feeling and public
knowledge would have been no other than
what they are at present. A report of one of
their sessions is barrenness itself, and the
occasional news of journalists about them is,
that the affair of Mcunier has been, by the
Peers, postponed to the latter part of next
week, or next month.
YV here, then, shall wo look for the present
politics of Franco ? About what is this loud
political discussion of the press ? Where are
tho ministers upon their benches ? When
may you see the great results, and also one
great source, of public opinion ? Only at the
Chamber of Deputies. This is the sole na
tional chamber of France. Co, then, and
watch its fluctuations and its pernmnences, if
you would know in what corner sits the wind
of general feeling. Go there, moreover, if
you would hear France's best orators and her
most stupid readers. Go there if you would
see the finest parliamentary hall in the world, |
and likewise assembled therein four hundred
and fifty-nine law-makers, more turbulent, |
more disorderly, more abounding in chat and
motion, than any law-makers whereof Chris
tendom, or even Pagandom, can be possessed.
In this assembly are one hundred and sixty
nine public functionaries, whereof seventy
tour arc magistrates of different French courts,
and forty are military gentlemen. Of the two
hundred and ninety members, not public func
tionaries, forty-six are advocates, eight are
doctors, three are bankers, six arc manufac
turers, eight are masters of forges, five are
notaries, and the rest are proprietors, cultiva
tors, or rentiers. An American, accustomed
to hear the voice of every citizen in the elec
tion of his representatives, is somewhat sur
prised on learning that these so called repre
sentatives of France, of thirty-three and a
half millions of people, are elected by only
highly thousand of the qualified. The phrase
Representative Government, as understood
broadly and liberally in the United States, is
applicable to no political organization in
I* ranee, or eveu in Englund. IIow slow is
progress towards that sute, now so generally
deemed the end of all political association,?
the application of the opinions, the senti
ments, the feelings, the demands of the gene
ral people.
I was first in this chamber on the 17th of
last January. The subject before the assem
bly was the address to the king io reply to his
opening speech. The debates upon it con
tinued nine days. They engaged the first
men of tho chamber, among whom as orators
stood foremost, Odillon Barrot, Guizot, Passy,
Thiers, Duvergier do Hauranne, and Berryer.
1 he chiel article in the address related to in
tervention in Spain. The question, you are
awure, destroyed the last and created the pre
sent Cabinet,?the Cabinet of the 6th Sep
tember. Its agitation in the Chamber was
tremendous indeed. I heard speak upon it
Pierre Antoine Berryer.
The Chamber, as you know, is in form a
hemisphere. 1 he seats rise gradually, each
behind the other, as they radiate out from the
centre. At that centre, in a somewhat elevat
ed chair, sits President Dupin. Before him
is the tribune or pulpit, up to which each
member ascends, who would speak out or
read forth his speech. I like this idea of the
tribune. It isolates the orator. It brings him
more conspicuously before the eyes of the
House. It gives a more parliamentary form
to his delivery. . I object to it, however, as
not isolating tho orator enough. It still con
ceals just half his form. It gives him where
withal to lean his gaucherie and awkwardness
upon. Favorablo this doubtless is, to the
careless and the unstudied. By one who
knows that eloquence is greatly an art, among
whose elements are figure and position, as
well as face-expression and gesture, such pul
pit-screen cannot be desired. Nay, by such
it will be desired away.. It helps to destroy
the dramatic part of his situation. No portion
of the deilvery of Marc Antony's speech over
the body of Cesar, was ever to me so unim
pressive as that which precedes his descent
Irom the Roman pulpit. I thought Mr. Ber
ryer, as he mounted into the tribuno, wished
its elevated front away, that his compact and
muscular frame might stand full forth in tho
open presence of the whole assembly.
Ere he commenced, Mr. Berryer looked
around hiin for a moment amidst profoundest
silence. At his left hand was tho extreme
gauche, on one of whose front seats sat Odil
lon Barrot, in folded arms, with Lafitte and
Arago. That portion of the Chamber repre
sented the radicalism and the republicanism
of France. Between its opinions and his
doctrines rolled oceans broad and for ever un
passable. At its side was the party called
the centre gauche. Here was seated the brisk
and spectacled statesman, Thiers. Around
that leader were beating fifty hearts, not one
of whose throbs were in political sympathy
with those of tho man at the tribune. Right I
abroad before him extended the large centre,
tho two hundred and forty-two sustaincrs of
the present ministry, the redoubtable doctri
naires. On the throe front seats were ranged,
with their portfolios before them, every mem
ber of the Cabinet. Mr. Guizot was Minister
of Public Instruction. Count Mole, Minister
of Foreign Affairs, was there. Pcrril was
Minister of Public Justice. Duchatel had
the portfolio o! the Pittances. Gusparin was
Minister of the Interior, Martin of Commerce.
Bernard and Rosamel were there?the one
Minister of War and the other of the Marine.
Between this centre body and Mr. Berryer
were a very few sentiments in common.
Next to the centre, and, as it were, interdove
tailed with it, sat the centre droit. With the
opinions in those seats, Berryer was far from
being at war. 1 hey were ultra doctrinaires,
and they embraced, though with no cordial
hand, the opinions, the feelings, the hopes
and tho fears of tho party on their left, the
extreme droit, the sombre and sullen party of
the Legitiinatists, the few fond rememberers
of tho dynasty of Charles X. Among them
sat Lamartine, and from their ranks had just
walked forth the orator. Their opinions he
was now about to develop?. Around the
Chamber, in the galleries, in the royal and
diplomatic boxes, were ambassadors, princes,
and gentlemen-?duchesses, and many titled
dame?, among whom was chiefly conspicuous,
tho Princess Lieven, and elegant ladies, not
merely from all parts of Euiope, but of the
world. 'I hey had here assembled only to hear
the eloquence of yonder man in the tribuno.
Their eyes rested on a body of middling sta
ture, thoughly built, just forty-seven years of
age thirteen days before, and buttoned tightly
up to tho chin in a blue frock-coat. His face
was of determined {and massive make, sur
mounted by a forehead, calm and rather ex
pansive. i hat face and forehead were, two
hours hence, to be charged with blood, and
flaming like firebrands. Mr. Berryer was a j
lawyer. He, moreover, centered around him
the love and tho hopes of the old Royalist
party. To hiur that party ever looked for
mouth-defence and vindication. He had al
ways been tho defender of the La France and
tho Quottdiennr, so often in the last six years,
dragged into the culprit's box at the Cour
d'Assizes. Ho had written much in a sort
of thundering style; his voice had sounded
like thunder many a time from the spot where
on he now stood; and in this Chamber lie was
representing tho department of Haute-Loire ;
a department which, on that educational map
picturing the comparative intelligence ef va
rious sections of France, by various colors,
from the very dark to the very bright, looks
black as Erebus.
Mr. Berryer's position was peculiar. He
was the man of a proscribed and fallen dynas
ty. What right had he to be discoursing to,
such an assembly as this ? Will he bo listen
ed to ? What dare he say ? How will he be
received ? 1 was captivated by the easy non
chalant manner with which he now thrust his
left hand deep down into his bosom, and the
sort of bull-dog defiance with which he looked
around upon his audience, as placing his right
hand upon the tribune before him, ho uttered
his first idea : " The subject now before the
assembly is the grandest which has occupied
France forthc last six years." He then went
on enunciating his thoughts. He attackedand
he denounced. He seized upon the ministry,
as it were by the throat, pinning it against the
rail. Leaving the ministry, he dashed over
to the opposition. He blazed away at them
without Tear and without remorse. He attack
ed the policy of Intervention, and also of Non
iniurventior.. He moved about his scythe
into this and that opinion, this and that feel
tug, this and that policy, always with fearless
ness, always with power. ? Why do thev en
dure this ?" said I. " Why do they not, as
usual, interrupt the speaker V First, Mr. Ber
ry er belongs to the past. His words will do
no harm. Second, Mr. Berryer has a splendid
voice, and a certain resistless grandeur of
manner. But he was interrupted. " I tell
you, said Berryer, " there can bo no inter
vention in Spain." " Pourquoi T" asked a pip
ing voice in the centre guache. " Pourquoi?"
shouted Berryer with scorn and energy. Then
was a movement general. " Parceque," con
tinued Berryer, and then paused. The agi
tation in the Chamber suspended him for a
moment. " Because" resumed the speaker,
all reasons for so intervening involve conse
quences which you will unhesitatingly reject,
otrause what this ministry desires is impossi
ble in Spain. Because what the opposition
wishes can never be accomplished. You asked
mo the pourquoi, you have my three par
ccques." After a pause, he said, '? I am now
going to develope these truths. 1 shall wound
your ideas, but that's another reason for hear
ing me with attention." And so he went on,
developing truths and wounding ideas. The
interruptions soon became very frequent. He
called Don Carlos by the recognition of
Charles V. Said a voice in the gauche " We
know nothing of Charles V. any more than
of Louis XIX.or of Henry V." Mr. Berryer
went on, " When Charles V. shall be trium
phant"?(tremendous interruptions,)?"When
Charles V. shall be"?here the confusion had
grown into what the French call un bruit epou
vantable. The President rang his bell inces
santly. I recalled certain sittings of the Con
vention in the old Revolution. The minister
of public instruction arose, and in his place
declared, with emphasis, that such words
could not come forth from that tribune. " We
know 110 Charles V," said he. ? We have to
do only with Don Carlos." " Eh bien," says
I>erryer. ?? I care not about worda. When
Don Carlos" and hero the satisfactory
ejaculations of " Ah, ah, enfin," were mur
mured throughout the assembly, and the ora
tor, shrugging significantly his shoulders, went
on. He went on to new denunciations and
to new interruptions. " Silence !" exclaimed
Berryer. " I'll stand here till I am heard. I
have ideas to speak forth, and I will speak
them and then he placed himself into a
dogged, obstinate position, which declared
emphatically, no budging hence. Silence wa9
at length restored, and Berryer continued. A
little man on a distant seat in the centre inter
rupted him, saying?" Mais non, ce n'est pas
cela, ce n'est pas cela." " Come down to the
tribune, sir, if you wish to speak," shouted
Berryer,^" but, for God's sake, do not interrupt
me thus." To one quite green in French po
litical assemblies, the scene was altogether
extraordinary. In what is called an interrup
tion, every member moves with discontent in
his seat, tosses up impatiently his hands,
mutters something to himself, his neighbor, or
the speaker; some ten or twenty rise up
passions flare in the eye, the President rings'
loudly his bell, the sworded huissiers cry out
?" silence. Messieurs, silence;" and the ora
tor in the tribune, looking solitary and sullen,
merely sips by way of diversion, some sugar
ed water from the glass at his right hand. Mr.
Berrv er spoke two hours. His voice con
tinued clear and powerful. His gesture was
chiefly with his right hand, and not unlike the
sledge-hammer style of Webster. His posi
tion and manner were full of vigor and inde
pendence. So much for the vehiclo. His
thought was dramatic in a very high degree.
His ideas wero condonsed into the smallest
possible quantity of words. Hisspoech sound
ed well, and it reads well. Its delivery, right
in the face of that opposition, and those Doc
trinaires, seemed to me proof of no ordinary
moral courage. When it was concluded, Mr.
Berryer descended into the extreme right. Se
veral gentlemen of that section felicitated him,
and Lamartine shook him warmly by the'
hand. The whole assembly arose. Several
went into the conversation rooms. Many
gathered in groups, gesticulating violently.
The hall, for fifteen minutes, was all in hub
bub. One of the huissiers in sombre livery,
placed a fresh glass of sugared water at the
tribune. The President rang his bell to or
der. Cries were frequently heard of en place,
Mrssicurs, en place; and looking down into
the tribune, 1 saw, leisurely leaning upon its
desk, a little, thin, bronze-complexioncd man,
in a black dress coat and white cravat. His
face was rather solemn and impressive. The
brows projected, and from light falling down
through the chamber's single window in the
ceiling, cast sombre shadows over all his fea
tures. This was Mr. Guizot, the author,
amongothcr works, of thirty volumes of French
history ; lately made member of the Acade
my of Moral and Political Sciences, Minister
of Public Instruction, and Chief of tho Doc
trinaires.
" It is but seven years," ho slowly began,
still leaning familiarly on tho tribune, " it is
but seven years since, that the last honorable
speaker and myself entered this chamber ; ho
to sustain the ministry of M. De Polignac, I to
batter it tlown, (tres bien, tres bien, muttered
twenty voices,) he to oppose the Address of
the 221, I to support it, (new acclamations.)
W e have both ot us boon, since that time, and
we are still to-day, true to our origin and to
our principles. W hat ho did seven years ago,
he has just now done. What I then did, 1 do
to-day. I was much pleased by this quick
grouping of tho preceding and the present
speaker. A few words had opened the wide
chasm that yawned between them. They
showed Mr. (>uizot belonging to tho present,
Mr. Berryer standing on the past. The little
statesman went on. I was charmed with his
distinct and slow enunciation. His voice was
firm, though it lacked the volume of Berryer's
tones. I was pleased with the compressed
neatness of his dolivery, and tho luminous ar
rangement of his thoughts. Others seemed
equally pleased. The ejaculations of tres hen.
tres bun, bravo, out, om, oui, chased each other
up, for the next half hour, very rapidly from
the centre. He went on developing himself
with few interruptions, but with many senst
tions, many marks of anheswn, many, what the
French call, vifs assentiments. He declared
that Franee would continue in her recent and
present course with regard to Spain; that she
would not engage herself, but would attempt
to act, and would act, so as to serve that coun
try, and to baffle the designs oftho Pretender.
I fere Odillon Barrot cried out, " Je demande
la parole." It was to signify thst he desired
to speak, at this sitting or on the morrow.
I havo often heard Mr. Guiaotat the tri
bune. I have always been impressed by hi*
solemn and conciliatory tone and mariner. I
lilt3 his terseness of thought, aud the mea
sured precision of his speech. I like his
neatness, his netette, as his friends call it. 1
like him for never wandering out of the cir
cumference of hi* subject. Ten times a day
ho will ascend thetribuno to answer questions
or objections, llow swiftly does he conceive
out the necessary answer, and with what con
cise distinctness does he not enunciate it! I
know of nothing in its way, more delightful
than t<? hear Mr. Guizot, after announcing that
he rises to place the subject before the Cham
ber on its true foundations, go on to separate
from it the nets and entanglements, flung
around it by preceding speakers, and in five
or ten minutes, to make what was dark con
fusion regular and transparent as the day. Mr.
Guizot's doctrines are terribly attacked, never
his character or his intellect. There is no
thing about him of blaze or fire. All is calm,
practical, passionless. I think him the most
?droit speaker in the cabinet. Indeed, he is
| almost the only speaker. Count Mole reads,
and so do others of the ministry.
When Mr. Guizot had concluded, Mr.
Sauzet ascended the tribune, and after him
| Mr. Iiemusat, with a little bundle of manu
scripts lie commenced reading his speech.
I confess I am surprised to find so many
members of this assembly reading their
speeches. I was not prepared for such exhi
bition, in a nation famed for their much and
admirable conversation. The French are re
puted quick and nimble of thought and tongue.
1 hey are so. But they do not seem capable
of sustained efforts. They can chat with the
best parrots in the world. Very few of them
care about speaking consecutively, three, lour,
or five hours, on a single theme. There is
no continuing over a speech, as with us, to
the second or third day. Spoken or written
it is never what wo call long-winded. The
reading of speeches, however, is becoming of
less and less favor. The press endeavors to
laugh it down. The chamber itself does not
seem altogether to like it. The taking out of
a manuscript is generally one signal for inat
tention. Mr. Remusat, as I said, began to
read, and immediately twenty members get
ling up, walked into the couloir and hemi
cycle for conversation. Twenty others took
up pens for letter writing. A half dozen
stared at the Princess Lieven through lor
gnettes. The extreme gauche betook them
selves to lively talk around Odillon Barrot.
The extreme right glowered at them in mo
rose and bitter silence, while every moment
President Dupin arose to ring his bell. ? The
session, which commenced as usual, at two
o'clock, closed as usual, at Bix. The debate
on the Address continued three dayB longer.
It was finally adopted by a majority- of eighty
five voices. Such vast majority produced
wide sensation. I he opposition were not
prepared for it. The ministry had not dared
to reckon upon it. The debate had stirred
up and evolved the opinions of the chamber.
The vote had settled them into form and dis
tinctness Eh bien, thought Mr. Guizot, rub
bing his JJands?we are well sustained. We
shall go strongly and triumphantly on. Let
us congratulate ourselves upon ihis fi,rst mani
festation of attachment to the Cabinet of Sep
tember Cth. We shall carry out some grand
measures. We shall make permanent a grand
policy. I am at the head of the Doctri
naires. A future of success is before me.
Do not dream too confidently, Mr. Guizot.
You are indeed strong now. Beware how you
presume upon your strength. There aro
storms in the future. You are to be railed at
by 4saucy voices from yonder tribune, and
saucier tongues in the Parisian press. You
are to meet with shocks?nay, with reverses ;
and there is one defeat awaiting you, that
shall make yon start in yonder ministerial seat,
and shall half snatch the portfolio from your
hand.
MASSAC III'SETTS BANKS.
The Secretary of Stato has sent us a copy of the
Bnik Returns, made in November, as prepared for the
use of the Legislature, and ahowing the stale of the
Banks in Massachusetts on the first Saturday of October
lata:
AUUREOATB ACCOUNT OF THE BANKS.
Capital Stock paid in, - - $538,290,000 00
Bills in circulation of fire dollars and
upwards, ..... 7,654,366 46
Bills in circulation less than five dot
lars, ...... 5,618,752 25
Netl profits on hand, - - 1,514.535 39
Balances duo to other Banks - - 5,721,969 54
Cash deposited, tVc , not bearing in
terest, - - - . - 8.467,198 02
Cash deposited, bearing interest, - 5.592.250 59
Due from ihc Banks, ... 69.860,128 45
Gold, Silver, &.C., in Banks, - ? 1,517,984 02
Real estate 1,155,722 96
Bills of Banks in this State, - - 2,796,976 13
Bills of Banks elsewbete, - ? 191,641 29
Balances due from other Banks, - 5.814.224 04
Due to the Banks, excepting balances, 58,414,182 39
Total Resources of the Batiks, - - 69,940,048 83
Amount of the last semi-annual Divi
dend, 1.069,350 00
Amount of reserved Profits, - - 1,555,551 99
Debts secured bv pledgo of Stock, - 2,139.525 52
Debts due and considered doubtful, . 750,540 57
Rate of semi-annual Dividend on amount of Capital of
the Banks, as existing when dividend was made, a
fraction more than 2 and 13-16iha of one per cent.
REMARKS.
The Franklin Bank, in Boston, has not made a
return.
The Lafayette Bank, in Boston, has given ihe state
of the Dank as it existed on the 14ih of November, in
stead of the first Saturday of October, as required by
the OovemOT ; its dividend ia declared for eight months.
The Fulton, Middling Interest and Shawmul Banks,
in Boston ; Danvers Bank, in Danvrrs ; Grand Bank,
in Marblchead; Neponset Bank, in Canton; and the
Wareham Bank, in Wareham, have only given the talc
but not the amount of the laat dividend, as required by
the statute.
The Ipswich Bank, in Ipswich; Mercantile Bank, in
Salem ; Chicopee Bank, in Springfield ; Bank of Nor
folk, in Roxbury, made no dividends in October, but
made their laat dmdnnds in April, 1837?and the Paw
tucket Bank, in Pawtneket, slates its laal dividend to
have been made in July, 1835
The City and Globe Banks, in Boston, returned, in
addition to their capital stock paid in, the amount
borrowed by them from the Slate, vix :?the City Bank,
$100,000. and the Globe Bank, $54,000 These suma
are transferred to the column of '? Cash deposited,bear
inginterest," and are included in it.
The Faglo Bank, in Boston, has embraced in the
amount of " Cash deposited, bearing interest," 996,* J
794 81, borrowed of the Slate.
The Northampton Bank, in Northampton, declared
I la dividend on $160,000, and (or five ntonlha.
Tbe City book, in Lowell, commercial operations on
the 2d October, 1837
The lioibwji Bank, in Roibory, did not commence
operations until the 17th October, 1887?although it
capital wee paid in on the SOth December. 18M.
The Farmer*' and Mechanlea' Bank, in Adame, from
>he return of the CoMMuiaaKMiera appointed to count
Ihs Specie in aaid Bank, doee not appear to ha?e gone
into operation until aubaoquoot to the first Saturday u>
October.
The amount of Bank Capital in the State, actually
paid in, on the ftm Saturday of September, 1886. (a*
specified in the Abstract of that year,) was #34,478 110;
bill* in circulation, 110,892,249; gold, adtrer, die,
ft 1,456,230.
COMPARATIVE CONDITION OFTHE NEW
YORK BANKS
"* From tke Albany Argue of Dec. 15.
Baku or the State or Nkw You?We pub
lish to-day the monthly return of the Bank* of this
State, for the 1st December in*. A comparison with
preceding reports will show the following results:?
Nov. 1
56,091,276
3,1**,518
15,184,702
2,436,745
209,177
30li, 161
16,272,0791
6,957,2791
Dec 1.
54,80!), -205
3,482,620
13,908,893
2,803,464
214,391
196,113
16,100,937
7,210,870
June 1,1837.
Loans and disc'ts 64,391,299
Specie, 2,802,313
Circulation, 14,940,49M
Due canal fund, 3,062,950
" State treas'r 2,152,950]
" U. S. treas'r 4,143,389|
" Ind dep'tors 14,516,813]
Profits, 6,329,726|
These statements show a decrease of loans and
discounts in the month of November of 81,881,771;
an increase of specie of $354,102; a diminished cir
culation of ?l,275,H06;an increase of the canal fund
depositee of ?466,719 ; a decrease of ?84,786 in the
Suite Treasurer's deposite ; a decrease also of ?109,
521, in the U. S. deposite, and leaving only ?166,64a
due the government; and a fluctuation of only ?171,
149 of the large amount of individual deposite*.
The increase of spccie, since the suspension of
specie payments, is $6H0,307; the diminution of
loans and discounts ?9,581,794 ; and the payments to
the general and state governments ?6,034,629.
For the month of November, the decrease of tbe
loans and discounts ot the banks in the city of New
York, is ?1,002,697. The decrease ib October was
?1,567,685. The increase in specie is ?*272,443; and
the diminished circulation ?823,230. The diminu
tion of circulation by the city banks for October, was
?61-1,049.
Since the first of January last (eleven months) the
banks of this state have reduced their loans and div
counts ?9,249,904, and their circulation ?8,156,230,
and have paid the U. S. Treasury ?7,686,396.
From tke Albany Argue.
Aogreoate Statement of the condition of the Bank*
of the State of Nev> York, on the first duy of Decemlter,
1837, taken from their reporta to the Bank Commiaaion
ers, pursuant to law: ?
RESOURCES.
Disct'd bills and notea
Other loans
Real estate
Overdrawn accounts
Expenses and per. eata.
Bank fund
Spccie
Notes of other banks
C'ks ta other cash items
Due from city banks
Due fin oth bks & corpo
Other invcstmcats
Total resources.
liabilities.
Capital stock
Bank notes in circu'tion
Loans to the banks
Diiec.-tnal fund
Due State Treasurer
Due U. S. Treasurer
Due individual deposits
Dividends unpaid
Due city banks
Due other bka and corpa.
Profits
Other liabilities
Total liauilitie*.
27,324,276
3,745,524
057,268
82,364
162,476
366,082
2,373,632
4,656,902
454,509
4,680,252
6,770,490
4,057,059
21
N. York.
City Bks.
55,620,834
18,111,200
4,004,059
2,664,500
1,290,706
5,349
131.237
12.843,437
54,643
3,838,910|
5,884,144
3,774,2121
3,018,437
27
N. River
&L. l.Bks
,780,083|
741,222
436,068
91,596
63,112
107.048
576,923
543,951
502,360
,696,052
409,232
358,796
17.306,443
7,085,260
2,667,597
301.200
823,812
31,588
7,600
1,696,143
15,680
703,371
2,377,939
1,538.793
57,460
55,620,834 17,306.443|21.914,933
47
Country
Banks.
15,705,146
470,898
511,864
92,670
113,972
161,750
532,066
462,808
213,948
2,943,746
516,844
189,213
>21,914,933
9,155,000
7,237,237
209,041
778,950
177,454
57,806
1,561,350
4,272
251,271
448,851
1,897,873
135,628
. Total Resource* of the 96 Banks.
Discounted bills and notes, -
Other loans, -
Real estate.
Overdrafts, - - - - -
Expenses and personal estate,
Bank fund; ,
Specie,
Notes of other banks,
Caah items, -
Due from city banks, -
Due from other banks and corporations,
Other investments,
54,809,505
4,957,644
1,706.200
266,938
339,560
628,880
3,482,620
5,663,661
1,170,817
9,320,050
7,696,566
4,605,068
Total resources,
Total Liabilities.
Capital Stock, -
Circulation, - - -
Loans, - - -
Due canal fnnd, -
Due State Treasurer, -
Due U. S. Treasurer, - - -
Due Individual depositors
Dividends unpaid, -
Due city banks, - - -
Due other banks and corporations,
Profits - - -
Other liabilities, -
$94,842,210
34,351.460
13,908.893
3.174,741
2,893,468
214,391
196,643
16,100,930
74,595
4,793,552
8,710,934
7,210,878
3,211,525
Total liabilities,
994,842,210
Statement of the Banks of the Slate of New York, loca
ted in the City of New York, for the month of Decem
ber, 1837.
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II
Patent Mai hive.?The fate of Messrs. Mav,
Capev and Hvvni:n, the present representatives in
Congress from Illinois, is a most striking illustra
tion of the mutability of human affairs.?Those
gentlemen entered the special session of Congress
endorsed by the Van Buren press of their neighbor
hood, and of the whole Union, as " DemocraU," df
the most approved New York patent brand; but hav
ing voted against the Sub-Treasury'system, they are
now (denounced by their quandum associates, (like
Rives, Tallmadge, &c.) as incurable "federalist* f
They may talk about the Yankee machine, into
which a hog maj'be thrust alive and kicking at dne
end, and, in a few seconds come oat at the other,
manufactured into Bologna sausages and patent
scrubbing brushes! It is a "mere circumstance"
when compared to the New York patent machine
for manufacturing " democrat*" ana " fedcralisa I"
? Wabash Courier.