The Madisonian. [volume], April 02, 1840, Image 1

About The Madisonian. [volume] (Washington City [i.e. Washington, D.C.]) 1837-1845

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THE MADISONIAN.
f
VOL III.?NO. 81. WASHINGTON CITY, THURSDAY, APRIL 2, 1840. WHOLE NO. 334
TI1E MAUIHONIAN.
THOMAS ALLEN,
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AG IS N TB.
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SPEECH OF MU. PROFFIT,
OP INDIANA,
ON THE CUMBERLAND ROAD QUESTION
CONTINUED.
llouss OP RKPK?SKNTATIVK*, Feb. 13, 1840.
Mr. Speaker, 1 heard my colleague speak
more than once, air, during that canvass, and
well dn 1 remember the bitter denunciations
poured out by him on the late President and
hid policy. I was at Indianapolis, sir, when
the election to All the vacancy occasioned by
the untimely death of Mr. Kinnard took place.
My colleaguo then took the field a third time
as a candidate professedly belonging to no
party, and was again defeated by Mr. Herod,
who was an open and avowed Whig. Mr.
Speaker, it is painful for me to dwell on this
subject, for I sec it gives my colleague pain,
and 1 will close this brief and mild history of
his political course by saying that, at the late
election, my colleague, who is much admired
fur his tulcnts by all panics at home, became
an independent candidate against Mr. Herod;
and what with the failure ol the Cumberland
nud and bis own popularity and acknowledg
ed ability, he out-Hcroded-Hurod, and he is
here, at last, a member of Congress. That
he'belongs to a party now is not to be doubt
ed or denied. I, sir, said Mr. P., have no ob
jection to be called a Federalist by any gen
tleinan on this door who, throughout the last
and present Administrations, has differed with
me in politics; because, sir, a majority of
those who hero prate about Democracy and
Federalism know not what the terms mean.
But, Mr. Speaker, I will not suffer one who
has changed so recently to assume all the
Democracy, and to call me a Federalist, with
out administering such reproofs as may be
fit the place and "tho occasion.
But, Mr. Speaker, my colleague, Mr. How
ard, after vainly endeavoring to exculpate the
President for opposing the West, says that
the President has always signed the bills pass
ed for appropriations on the road ; and my
colleague seemed very much elated with this
act of Executive kindness. All that 1 can
say, sir, is, that if my colleague is grateful
on that account, he is in my opinion thankful
for very small favors. Sir, this opposition to
the West by Mr. Van Buren is not new or
unexpected to me. He has always voted
against us. He voted against the Cumber
land road when in the Senate in 1824 and
1825, as shown by the journal now before me,
pp. 192, 193. Again, in 1827, ho voted
against appropriations on the road.?Senate
Jour p 265.
He voted against the graduation anil reduc
tion of. the price of the public lands at a time
when that measure was deeiqed of vital im
portance for the settlement of the Western
country.
A bill passed Congress once, sir, to appro
priate money on the Wabash river. The veto
was applied, sir, and the reason given was,
that the appropriation was in bad company,
and was united with injudicious works of im
provement. We were given to understand,
then, sir, that, if Congress would pass a bill
for the improvement of the Wabash, discon
nected with any other work, it would receive
the cheerful sanction of the Executive. The
people of Indiana, with that credulity which
is the accompaniment of honesty, believed
these assertions. How, sir, were these pro
mises fulfilled? At the next session, a bill
providing for the improvement of that river
passed both Houses of Congress, and was
sent to the Executive fur bis approval. It
went, sir, into the pocket of the President.
He did not even give the body in which it
originated an opportunity to pass it by the
constitutional majority. And now, sir, Mr.
Van Buren glories in his promise to " fol
low in the footsteps." But, sir, I will give
you another striking instance of the Presi
dent's opposition to the interests of Indiana.
Some years ago Congress, with its usual
liberality, made a donation to the State of In
diana for the purpose of constructing a canal
to connect the navigable waters ol the Wa
bash with Lake Erie?the grant being the
alternate section for six miles on each side of
the canal. The State selected some 500,
000 acres, but neglected to select all that
was due her by the terms of the grant. Since
then, the State, through the Executive, Gov.
Wallace, proceeded to select tho remainder
of the lands due her, and notified the Presi
dent of her action. Mr. Van Buren consult
ed the Commissioner of the General Land
Office, Mr. Whitcomb, and the Commissioner
reported favorably to the right of the Stalo to
select the lands. But, sir, Mr. Van Buren had
no idea of permitting her thus easily to re
ceive a benefit. He referred all the docu
ments on the subject, together with the re
port of the Commissioner, to the Attorney
General?thinking, no doubt, that some sur
mi3e or doubt could possibly be tortured into a
construction against us ; but in this he was
disappointed. The Attorney General, in an
able report, decided that the State was en
titled to the land. Did this satisfy the Pre
sident, sir ? No, Mr. Speaker, his opposition
to our interests was not to be defeated thus
easily. Instead of notifying the Governor of
Indiana, as he was bound to do by all prece
dent, ho ordered all the papers and both the
favornble reports to be laid before the Solici
tor of the Treasury. The opinion of his
highest legal adviser was referred to a sub
ordinate ; and at last, sir, the President was
gratified in his wish to do us injustice, by re
ceiving from the Solicitor a report unfavorable
to our claim, and then, sir, he eagerly availed
himself of an excuse to throw the whole mat
ter before Congress. And here it is in this
political vortex, still undecided ; Indiana, in
the mean time, must suffer injustice. Now,
sir, I challenge my colleagues, or any other
friend of this Administration, to justify or ex
cuse this conduct of the Executive. But,
sir, I have no fears on the subject of this
claim. I know, sir, that we will succeed in
obtaining justice, in despite of the opposition
of the President. The case is too plain to
admit of doubt.
Mr. Spcnker, I could proceed for hours lo
multiply evidence upon evidence of the op
position of the Executive to our Western in
terests, but I must turn my attention, for a
few minutes, to the subject of the public
lands, which is a favorite topic with Western
gentlemen, and one which the friends of the
Administration seemed determined lo discuss.
They tell us, sir, that the Executive is on this
P?>int "ultra liberal toward* the Went." flow,
r, I m*h to u??t no uncourteous lanuuaae]
nut r f|'U8j sn^ ,*1'" ?'d BonK "bout the
P ? 'c land* w not onlydisgurfing, but name
? I he President, as usual, for political
enecf, recommend- a graduation of tho price
I the public lands, but I demand to know,
u .11 '? ,rie"d" ln Congress do not an a*
> as talk . Why these unceasing deelam
landl ?' "J"*'?1*' t(' 'educe tho price of the
thi< n . } 0t made b)'gentlemen on
thufloor , o prove the sincerity of those pro
u.? w y ncts LV,sib,e and ?"betanfial ? To
to e?. 4Chlf''" ph,r,asc? 8ir' il is ? gull-trap, set
det?> C ' Vj **" ^ul' "'r* ns gentlemen seem
cuST? f? '? ' '? thi" '"a,,er in thi? d?
Mve debate, I, to accommodate them, will
ai short sketch of my experience of the
operations of this question. Within tho last
,, "y*ar,? IV8ir-" ? r??i?lent of Indiana,know
'" tt this subject of tho public lands has as
suined at least a dozen different shapes ; all,
* used ?? political hobbies, by deshroma
"en, to attain popular favor. The first which
I recollect was, to make n donation of land
to -very actual settler. 'I his hobby, sir, sent
I ,e?st a score of Representatives to Con
grew. I h? theory was very good?but no
. beinK d"nate<l, the People became restive,
and a new shape must be assumed ; and so
ThJ'k*! 1qUeSt'?M Was "e">'neut domain."
. . ! fi . y, I""' 8avored Pretty strongly of
IS tho n" |tS advoSatea professed to claim
all ho land-. Iy?,g within the Slates as the
rightful property of the sovereign States. And
sir, they talked right valiantly of seizing them'
regardless of Congressional displeasure.
Mr. Speaker, it would have amused you to
hear tho many thousand grand schemes, the
countless fairy castles predicated upon tho suc
cessful prosecution of this claim. Every
village politician was promising the people a
home, a handsome freehold, at a few cents an
acre We are always eloquent in the West,
but the splendid declamation of that day, sir I
is beyond my feeble language to describe.'
And, sir, do you know that they even talked
about gunpowder and chivalry, and vowed by
all the -pirtfs of our ancestors that the Federal
government should no longer lord it over us ?
M,r* *?pe?ker, courage will cool, espe
cially when it is laughed at; and as Congress j
treated us rather cavalierly on the subject, we
smothered our wrath, and muttering between 1
our teeth certain threats of vengeance to come,
abandoned the celebrated "eminent domain "
and took to tho next hobby, a "reduction of
the price of public lands." Sir, this was a
hobby indeed, long-winded, high-mettled, fleet
footed. Sir, the friends of the Administration
| havebeen riding this hobby for years, and I fear
that, carrying such a I ad in such long heat*
it is now nearly jaded and broken down. But
Mr. . peaker, I assert without hesitation that
his question has filled more seats upon this
floor a,,d has operated more to the injury of my
State than any other question with which thev
have been cheated and deceived. Sir, the
Administration, confident of it.s efficacy, h;,s
TheVm?, us<I of "?and 1 win tel1 y<>" b?"
DubL i? C?, "r grac,uate tho price of
vrnr I ^ the Senate re?"'arly every
y?nr, because the small States have in thai
body as much weight as the large States. I?. I
? ' Michigan, and Illinois can there give '
six votes ? New York, Pennsylvania! and
Virginia can give no more; so that by a com
bmation of the small States the bill could,
with party aid from some of the Administra
lon States having no public lands within their
borders be passed at any time. But how
stands the question, sir, in this House? Here
he forty votes of New York rise up against
the one vote of Michigan, tho twenty-eight
votes of Pennsylvania against tho seven voles
of Indiana, the twenty-one votes of Virginia
against the three votes of Illinois; and then,
sir, the Administration, collecting just votes I
euough to give the measure a show of great
strength, suffer it to fail in this House by a few
votes; and then, sir, in the next canvass in
the West, every brawling candidate catchim*
the pass-word from this Capitol, could be heard
exclaiming, "Oh, send me to Congress; your
favorite measure came within two votes ol
passing, and it is sure to pass next year ; the
Administration is devrted in its friendship to
us ; its influence, with my aid, will succeed
next Congress," And so, Mr. Speaker, from
year to year, this reduction of the price of
land has been used as an electioneering theme i
and still, sir, we are to be insulted by the same '
stale, deceptive story. I, sir, always told the
People that they were duped. I prophesied 1
that these golden promises would fail; and.
sir, I had a right to prophesy ; for I am not
only a 1 rofhl, but the son of a l'roftit.
[Laughter.]
Mr. Speaker, the hill providing for a distri
bution of the proceeds of th* public lands
amongst the States was introduced into the
SenaU, and came before this Hou^e. Its
fate, sir, is known. I, as a Western man,
used every exertion to convince the People
that it was their interest to accept of its pro
visions. I introduced a joint resolution into
the Legislature of the State, in every can
vass I made it a prominent feature in my po
litical creed. Uut, sir, the tide of prejudice
set hard, and the reduction hobby carried the
day. 1'he People were told, sir, that it was
not just that New York, where there was no
public land, should receive three or four times
as much money as Indiana. They were told
that it was derogatory to their character as a
People to accept of such terms as the distri
bution bill proposed. In short, sir, every
prejudice that party ingenuity could devise
was put in requisition to defeat that salutary
measure, and to bolster up the promised re
duction. Well, sir, the Administration has
been for years in power, and where is this
promised reduction? What has been done
lor Indiana to repay her for the sacrifice she
has made to party ? What have we to show
for the millions lost by our reliance on the
promises of the party in power? By the
provisions of that bill, Indiana would have
received #2,997,280, up to the 1st day of Ja
nuary, 1840, as by information received from
the Commissioner of the General Land Office,
and also 115,272 acres of land, which, located
to advantage, would have produced at least
five dollars per acre, or $576,272, making in
all $3,573,640. This amount, invested by
the State in the stock of her Slate bank,
would have produced ten per cent per annum,
which would have paid nearly all the interest
due upon our State bonds for internal im
provements ; or, if it had been appropriated to
purposes of education, would have given to
each county in the State about $42,000, the
interest of which would have established a
free school in every Congressional township
in Indiana.
Mr. Speaker, I will not amplify on thu be
nifit which my State would have derived from
this lund. 1 will leave the subject by saying
that, instead ol receiving this large sum, there
has been expended in Indiana the trifling
amount of SAO,000, to improve the harbor of
Michigan city. My Administration colleagues
are welcome to all the honor their party cau
derive from this sacrifice of the interest of In
diana. They are welcome, sir, if it suits
their tastes, to continue to shout hosannas to
the President for his great kindness in telling
us the old story abodt the public lands.
I could, Mr. Speaker, if time permitted,
give you the history of a few other public
laud schemes which have been for years held
up to the People of the West for their admi
ration ; but will leave this subject with barely
reminding our Administration friends that they
had better not rids the "graduation" hobby too
hard, or it may break down before its great
patron, the 41 Man of Missouri," can reach
the Presidential chair. Thev, sir, had better
bestir themselves, and pass the bill this year;
for, if they are not on the alert, Mr. Calhoun,
with his scheme of giving us half the land
within our borders, will, to use a fashionable
" Globe" phrase, out-huinbtig the " Great Ex
pnnger." But, sir, 1 must return to a review
of this debate.
Another friend of the Administration, who
made a spcech against this appropriation, is
the gentleman from Alabama, (.\lr. Hubbard.)
1 cannot doubt but that he performed his duty
to the entire satisfaction of the Administration.
He talked, sir, of inonpolies, of aristocracy,
and of democracy; he spoke of this work as
one benefitting only towns and cities. He
told us of the sweat-drops poured out by the
labor of the country, that luxury tnay riot, and
pampered wealth enjoy. lie discoursed elo
quently for nearly an hour about the "poor
Ptople" the oppressed People, and the dan
gerous tendency of those kinds of expendi
tures. Sir, this attempt to array one class of
the community against the other?the poor
man against the rich?is a favorite theme of
the partisans of this Administration. It is the
language of every popularity hunter of every
age ; and, if the courtesy of debate did not
prevent me, I would say of every designing
demagogue in this and every other country.
"Lc Pauvre Pcuple," was the cry of Danton,
and Robespierre, and Marat, and Couthon,
when revelling in the blood of the honorable,
the%rave, the virtuous of France. Was judi
cial iniquity required to sanction murder? Did
drunken women and ferocious blood stained
men viulate with their foul presence the Hall
of Assembly ? Did au infuriate band of assas
sins, marking their innocent victims, cry,
"A la lanlerne ?" The deed was consum
mated amid the coward and approving shouts
of those who professed to worship and to love
" the poor People,'?" the dear People." Sir,
for years, France, under the influence of these
doctrines, was but a blood-stained shamblo?
one vast charnel-house. Corruption, with
giant stride, stalked through the land, and all
of virtue, and innocence, and patriotism, that
escaped that scene of slaughter, fled from
her soil, or wept in obscurity and concealment
the disgrace of their country. I will not
speak, sir, of tho despotism which followed
'hat revolution. But, sir, I point to it as a
beacon to warn gentlemen of the frightful
tendency of the doctrines they inculcate. Sir,
tho curse of our country is the demagogues
that infest it. Tho same language, with but
slight alteration, serves them in every need.
In docoptive guise it comes to us in a message
from the Executive, or disgusts us in the ra
vings of the hirod partisan brawler. It is
always effective. It serves, sir, to discuss
a Sub-treasury bill, to disfranchise a State,
or to sack a flour store. I, sir, for ono, vow
unceasing opposition to this spirit of agrarian
ism and anarchy; and, sir, I have a confi
dence, yet unshaken, that the mass and body
of the American People are yet too pure, too
honest, much too intelligent, to be misled by
the audacious doctrincs of the Jacobins and
the Cordeliers of this couutiy.
With this hasty notice of the speech of tho !
gentleman from Alabaimi, Mr. Hubbard, 1 j
shall now, according to promise, review, 1
briefly, the speech of my colleague, Mr. How-!
ard, and, iti doing so, it will bo necessary for
me to refe ? to the peculiar situation in which |
he stands before the people of Indiana. 1 will j
say, sir, that his position is un honorable I
though n<>t an enviable one. I hope my col- i
league will not take ofieri' e. 1 mean none, I
But it is necessary for me to expose some of
the political pranks?a few of the sleight-of
hand tricks by which the people of the we*t
are imposed upon ; and I will do so, sir, in
my usual good-natured way.
I said, sir, in the commencement of my re
marks, that I did nut think the gentleman from
Maine was sincere when he poured out the
vials of his wrath upon the people of the west.
I will tell you, sir, what inclines me to that be
lief. My colleague is the Van Buren candi
date for Governor of Indiana. Now, sir, we
know not how soon he may be ordered home
to open the campaign ; but every person from
the west knows that he must take the field in
person. Custom demands it, and a bad cause
requires an able advocatc. In the mean time,
the Sub-treasury bill has been sent to us from
the Senato. it must be passed, a id that, too,
before ny colleague resigns his scat; for a
Whig will come in his place. In the mean
time, sir, my colleague must make n speech
for home consumption?for Buncombe, as he
expressly termed it. This Cumberland road
afforded an opportunity. Hut, sir, it is a dry
matter. It legitimately afforded no material
for a slump speech. A consultation is held.
And now, sir, in "my mind's eye," I see. the
President, my friend nndcolleague, Mr. How
ard; the gentleman from Maine, Mr. Parris,
from Alabama, Mr. Huhbard, from South Ca
rolina, Mr. Picken?. A beautiful group, sir,
all met in caucus. And now, sir, methinks I
hear the head of that caucus say, "A speech
must be made that will tell well in Indiana.
We cannot get these rascally M higs to say
one word against the ' squatters.' \\ e cannot,
with u 11 our ingenuity, provoke them to utter
one syllable against th" 'l<ojr ( abin' men.
Thus far their action cannot be tortured into
error, even by the fault finding spirit of the
Globe itself. Now, I suggest a plan. You,
Parris, livs in Maine. You csnoot be injured
by abuMitg the western people. Now, upon
the firsl oppoi (unity, pour out a torrent 01 re
proach ana obloqiy upon the veat; don't
spare them. You, Hubbard, must follow in
the same strain. And thou you, Howard,
must rise and defend your people; talk elo
quuenily about the backwoods settlers ; de
fend the equators ; swear, if necessary, that
they are the very salt of the earth, aud then
publish the speech, scatter it at home, and you
are Governor of Indiana."
[Here Mr. Pa a k is rose and said that no
concert w an had ; the coincidence was purely
accidental.]
Sir, said Mr. Provpit, 1 did not assert
positively that there was concert ; 1 merely
drew (i fancy i-ketch. But, sir, if the coinci
dence was accidental, it is the most curious
train of accidental circumstances that has
ever engaged my attention. (Great laughter.)
Well, Mr. Speaker, the next singular circum
stance that presents itself is that, on the next
day after (he gentleman from Maine made his
speech, it appeared in the columns of the
Globe; but not one word of the gentleman's
remarks about the squatters, which afforded
my colleague so fine an opportunity to mako
his home-consumption speech, is there re
ported.
[Here Mr. Parris asked to explain. He
did not authorize the Globe to suppress that
part of his speech; it was done without his
knowledge.]
Mr. Speaker, said Mr. PnorriT, this only
strengthens my position, flaughter.] I um
under obligations to the gentleman for his ex
planation. Why, sir, the editor of the Globe
then suppressed these remarks himself. Thts
proves thai ii was a plan matured under the
eye of the administration. The remarks of
the gentleman from Maine answered well to
afford my colleague room for display: but, sir,
it must not appear iri print that a man pro
fessing to bo a Democrat, u liege man of a
Democratic President, abused (ha tenants of
the log cabins, and denounced the squatters us
land pirates. That portion of tho speech
must be suppressed. Sir, what do we learn
further from this explanation ? That the
Globe exercises over its partisan fiiends a
supervisory care, and prints what, ill its opi
nion, they ought to say, and suppresses what
in its judgment it would be injudicious aud
impolitic to avow. So much, Mr. Speaker,
for my colleague's unnecessary defence of the
squatters. Sir, if the gentleman will examine
the speech made by a Whig member from
Massachusetts, Mr. Cushing, on the pre
emption law, he will indeed find an uble de
fence of the w estern settler.
Mr. Speaker, we must talk a little, sir, about
the Florida war. This war, sir, is dragged
into this discussism, aud my colleague pre
tendingly complains of this. Who, Mr.
Speaker, is in fault on this subject but my col
league ? He would make it a part of his
speech in despite of every explanation and
all remonstrance. A speech for homo con
sumption, sir, would, 1 know, be dull, very
dull and unreadable, without a spice of war
about it. A little about the Cumberland road,
a good doal about the virtues of the squatter;
still more of the glories of the Florida cam
paign, and a vast deal about the proud honor
of being called a Hoosier. All this, sir, ta
pered off with a pompous announcement of
disinterestedness and patriotism, altogether
constitutes the material for much eloquent dis
play. And what led, sir, to all this ?
The gentleman from Pennsylvania, Mr.
Diddle, in commenting upon the systematic
concealment and want of candor in the Pre
sident and his message, and the messages of
his Secretaries, mentioned the omission to
mako estimates for the Cumberland road, also
the omission to recommend appropriations
for the Florida war, and complained that tho
responsibility of recommending appropriations
for that war was thrown upon the Committee
of Military Affairs. Not one word, sir, was
said by the gentleman from Pennsylvania with
regard to the conducting of that war, us it is
called. My colleague, sir, seizing upon the
bare mention of the Florida war, commenced
a defence of the Administration, or rather
lectured us upon the respect due to the army
and complained that an attack had been mado
upon the gallantry of our officers. '1 he gen
tleman from Pennsylvania, rose and denied
having made any charge against the army.?
My colleague, sir, was not to be estopped by
that explanation. He grew still more elo
quent ; talked of victories concealed and de
feats magnified, of the injustice and cruelty
of such censure, Ac. The gentleman from
Pennsylvania again rose, sir, and informed
my colleague that he was misrepresenting his
language, and protested against such misre
presentation. Did this arrest his warlike re
marks, sir? No; that Florida war speech
must be made, and made it was, sir, and print
ed it will be, for my colleague says so.
Mr. Speaker, this passage between my col
leage and the gentleman Irom Pennylvania
reminds mo of a circumstance which occur
red in the Indiana Legislature. I hail mado
some remarks, sir, upon a subject of some
imparlance. 1 was followed by a gentleman
in opposition, who immediately commenced
misrepresenting my language. I corrected
him, sir, He received my explanation appa
rently in all sincerity, but continued to mis
represent me. 1 again, sir, with some littlo
warmth, corrected him, and complained of the
course he seemed determined to pursue. I he
gentleman, alter a moment's hesitation, cast
an imploring look upon me, and, with much
candor, said: Well, Mr. Proffit, I know that
you did not exactly use the language attribut
ed to you ; but, sir, 1 have been lor six weeks
preparing a speech on this subject, and, in
order to give it effect, it is necessary lor some
person to use the language attributed to you.
1 know of no one who can stand it better than
yourself, and so you must excuse ine. ((treat
laughter.) This created quite a laugh, sir,
much such a one as we now hear. Hut, Mr.
Speaker, I wish to ho distinctly understood
that I do not charge my colleague with hav
ing prepared his speech more than two weeks
before it was delivered. But, sir. I ought not
to criticise to<> severely. You and 1 know
how to sympathize with mv colleague. It is
extremely unpleasant to he disappointed in an
anticipated opportunity for display of elo
qucncc. But, Mr. Speaker, iny colleague
speaks of victories concealed. He says that
if he was an officer, he would be almost
tempted to dash Ins armor al our feet, and re
sign his command. He says further, sir, that
he has seen tho scarred soldiers returned
from this mighty w ar, looking as though dis
graced.
[ Tn be conlinwil |
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U lumc*. Minninif from th* rr .Srnrv is
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itt.t publish* and lU t.y r.c?.'?d, for sals by ' -J*
BCT.