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Washington city. FRIDAY, APRIL 16, 1841. In TH0SB THINOa WHICH ARC ESSENTIAL LET T Hit RE be unity?in mom-bmntulb, liberty ; and in all THINIM (.'HAEITY.?Augustin. THE BELLICOSE TEMPER OF THE GLOBE AND OTHERS. The Globe had a long article on Monday evening under (his apparently innocent question: "Are the United Slates loo weak to maintain their Independence the true version of which would be,?Are we not ready for war? and ought we not forthwith to plunge into it? We have never doubted, that the aiin of Mr. Pickens's Report on the McLeod and Caroline case, was to provoke this result. Such, mani festly, was the impression at the moment among those members of the House who felt it their duty to speak against it, as Messrs. Adams, Granger, Everett, and others. And what u>tw the result? The last news has shown us that it has set London and England in a blaze. We have too much reason% know that, since the de.eat of the late Administration, the leaders of that patty have been more than willing to see the Government and country embarrassed by whatever means. This might seem loo unpa triotic a motive to ascribe to political opponents, and doubtless it ought to be so far qualified as to suppose, that they would as willingly see the country, after having been driven to the verge of ruin, saved at last, if they could have the credit of it. But such is poor human nature, that be ing beaten, it cannot easily be kind to those who beat. As if it were not enough utterly to have des" troyed the prosperity of a glorious country, and the happiness of a happy people; as if it were not enough to have used and dissipated all the public wealth, and left the Treasury bankrupt; but it seems to have been devised and planned, if possible, wantonly to plunge the nation in war. The Globe, in the article to which we have alluded, ha* proved, doubtlesa to its own satis faction, not only that we are ready for war, but that we ought to go at it. None, according to the Globe, could suffer by it but our adversary, or she principally. '4 Are not the United States able to mainiain their independence?" What a singular beat to arms is this ! Who would think that it meant wah ? There is an elaborate argument, composed of political reasons, backing this call, the amount of which, we suppose is, that as soon as we can prove war to be good policy, that is a sufficient justification. This, we know, is the doctrine of despots, whose traders the profession, and whose aim is the prowess of arms. And sometimes with more pacific governments, the question of peace or war turns on a question of policy. But it is time that Americans should be con cerned, when such calculations arc coolly made, by those among us who set up as guides of opi nion, without any question of conscience. In the true American creed, we know of no ade quale occasions of war, but the calls of honor or of justice. From the beginning of our his tory this has been our profession before the world. But now, for the first time, we begin to talk of advantages and disadvantages, and to en ter into nice calculations which party will pro bably get the heaviest blows; and if we can prove that England, or any other power, that we can provoke into war, will get the heaviest, why then let us go at it with all vengeance! There will doubtless be talk about honor and justice ; but the great question is one of policy?simple policy. The Globe has proved, or affects to have proved, that England, in case of a war, will get the worst of it. If war must come, we hope this prediction will prove true. And the Globe, in its calculations, relies much upon the contin gent, and by the Globe assumed to be favorable disposition of other European powers. This, at best, is a precarious dfpendence. We have many tokens of late, that the powers of Europe would not be unwilling to see this Republic en tirely suppressed. We are moreover advised very recently, by no mean authority from the continent, that our cause of war must not only be just in our own esteem, but just in the eyes of the world, before we can expect any sympa thy or aid in that quarter, direct or indirect.? Suppose one or moie of the great Eutopean powers should be pleased to find an apology to decide this question against us, form alliance, defensive and offensive, with our great foe, and join their forces to put an end to our great, and to them unwelcome experiment of a Republican Government. For ourselves we firmly believe, that we could stand against the world, and that the aspect of such a conspiracy would itself make us invinci ble, and in the end triumphant. Neverthe less, all history proves, and we, of all people, should never forget, that war is a doubtful and fearful game. No American principle or senti ment, recognised in our history, or institutions, or public State papers, would justify it to be waged as a game. In the war of the Revolu tion, our cause being just, we dared to appeal to the God of battles, and he sustained us. We also felt, that the last war with the same power was also provoked by insults and injuries insuf ferable. We risked the consequences, and we came off with credit, though not, perhaps, with much advantage. We did not fight for advan tage, but lor honor and justice. Of the provocations we may now have for such an encounter, there is no occasion at present to speak, inasmuch as the immediate occasion is, we believe, very unjustly put to our account, as a provocation, by the operation of our laws on a British subject. Before the provocation was theirs; ?ioir it is affirmed to be ours. Then we were the accusers of wrong and insult; now they are the accusers, however unjustly. Our position, therefore, is materially, radically, fun damentally different, aa to the dispute between us; we say, not that it is not equally just and unassailable. We believe it is. But since we arc not the party that complains of insult and wrong, so far as the arrest of Mr. McLeod is concerned, we can, then, without any compromise of honor or justice on our own part, consider, gravely and conscientiously, how far the claims of humanity, on an immense scale, and of peace between nations, may demand of us, to suspend the operations of law by the action of those authorities which hold the law in their hands. It may also become us to con sider,how the whole mutter will be viewed in the eyes of the world, if, with the paidoning power in our hands, which, when exercised, always satisfies the law, we put iu peril the peace of two great nations, and risk the How of rivers of blood for the sake of vengeance ou an humble individual. This, as it seems to us, is the light in which the matter stands. The law must have its course. Pardon is an act of generosity, and when there are sufficient reasons to justify it, to call for it, the law is not dishonored, while the clemency of the dispensing power imparls lustre to authority, and detracts not from the effi ciency of good government. In case of the con viction of McLeod, we have nothing at stake in pardoning him, but should receive much credit for it from all the world, as the motive would be appreciated. It would not be called fear?for nations know not fear, as individuals do?but it would be regarded as a generous satisfaction to the feelings of an interested party. Why, then, this talk about war, as a matter of policy, even if it could be proved to be such, since the motive is unknown to our Government, and repudiated in our whole history ? It is a sad evidence how easily some people may b# tempted to swerve from principle,and that going down hill in moruls is easy, and going up hard. We persuade ourselves, however, that they who are hoping aud trying to pluuge us into war, on account of McLeod, will be disappoint ed. The people of this country, we believe, will never desire such an event, nor consent to it, unless national honor or national justice should require it. We see not how either would call for the death of McLeod, though he should be convicted. On the contrary, our national honor would be tarnished with a spot before the world, that could never be wiped away, if, with the pardoning power in our hands, we should oiler up a victim to the law, which is liable to become a provocation to tens of thousands of victims to the sword. England, we trust, will be better advised than to say, our laws shall not have their course, when it happens that one or more of her sub jects have fallen into their hands. If not, our honor would be touched. But when she avows the acts which constitute the offence as her own, we may pardon the individual without dis honor, and look to the nation for satisfaction, if any other is demanded, after the forms of law have been sustained. The sacrifice of the indi vidual in such a case would chance to bring down upon us, from that public, called the world, the charge of an infraction of the law of nations. Let those who think and talk lightly of war, as if it were a light thing to be engaged in, stand by themselves, and act on their own re sponsibility. We have no fellowship with such minds; much less with those who only inquire whether it will be jrrofitablc. Whenever the United States shall go to war for profit, we are lost?lost to principle, and lost to our claims on the protection and blessings of heaven. We shall then have lost our high and proud distinc tion among the nations of the earth. We have publicly repudiated the motive of conquest for the acquisition of power or the extension of empire, and stand alone upon our rights?rights, as they relate to sovereignty, to honor, and to justice.? The nation that touches these, touches our hearts, and will feel our resentment, however powerful, while the weakest and most defenceless of the tribes of the earth are safe from our invasion.? W? oruuoli not ?o ?, ?ua Ms wb respect the rights of all, we claim that our own shall also be respected. We do not envy the position of those who have the responsibility of endeavoring to stir up a strife of nations for such a cause. It is more than inconsiderate and rash. We will not trust ourself to speak out all that we feel. We have shown that it is anti-American, unpatriotic, and as to its positive character, let the conscience of those concerned?if yet there remaineth such a virtue in their bosoms?let the spontaneous sen timents of a peace-loving, yet not the less honor loving and justice-loving community, pronounce. As to our readiness for a war with England, which is presupposed by the artful question of the Globe?''Are not the United Stales able to maintain their independence?"?the real question here intended, being an affirmation, thai we are ready for war, is ridiculous, as a question of policy. Was there ever a nation more unprepared than we are to plunge instantly into such a war, if we consider our own condition and that of Great Britain? No money in the public Treasury, brought deeply in debt on a peace establishment, no currency worthy of the name, no Navy that could safely go to sea against the force to be op posed lo us, and where are the troops to encoun ter the first regiment of the numerous British Army now in the border provinces, that should cross the lines ? What is the condition of our sea-board and frontier fortifications? Where are the ways and means to give efficiency to the War Department in the exigency of sudden hostilities? And yet, if war comes on account of McLeod, it will come in a moment, like a clap of thunder. In this critical situation of our domestic af. fairs, in this utter destitution and helplessness, at all points and in all respects, Mr. Pickens' re port, supposed in Great Britain to be adopted and sanctioned by Congress, though it was not, but only ordered to be printed?this Report, un der such aspects, and clothed with such suppo sed authority, throws down defiance at the feet of the most powerful nation on the globe, and one every way ready for war by sea or land ! It does it, too, at a moment, when the popular pas sions of that Empire are liable by a single torch, to be fanned into the flames of war, by sympathy with a fellow subject, who is the subject of con troversy, and whom they suppose we are about to hang. It is evident that the action of the municipal authorities in the case must be sustained. This, of itself, misapprehended as it is in England, and by the British Government, was bad enough to manage without an open broil. Such a report, therefore, coming out at such a moment, backed by such a supposed sanction, could but be re garded by every wise and prudent statesman, as rash and reckless in the extreme. There is yet one other consideration in this case, which does not ordinarily strike ihe mind: The British Government and people will pro bably still say, that, as the acts charged on M'Leod are assumed as having been autho rized by the Government, therefore, by the principles of the law of nations, the Government of Great Britain is brought into court and tried iu the person of M'Leod. Hut when it cornea to be understood, that the Federal authorities of the nation cannot inter fere with the action of the municipal authori ties of the States, this whole matter, we trust, will be duly appreciated. EXCHANGE AND CURRENCY. That the currency is deranged and ruinously depreciated, and Exchange interrupted il not destroyed, is a proposition which no sane man will contradict. The evil is so great and injuri ous, that an immediate remedy is absolutely ne cessary, and loudly demanded. That this Gov ernment is competent, and indeed in duty bound, to provide a remedy, none but the most narrow minded will deny. But it is not so much the power and control of the Government over this subject, which consti tute topics of inquiry and solicitude, as the nature and the form of the remedy to be provided. The Government is in wantoi a fiscal agent the people desire a well regulated system ol Ex change, and u sound and uniform currency. These are wanted speedily. How they shall be obtained, is a branch of inquiry, which is begin ning to claim a very comprehensive share of anxious public attention. It is even now discus, sed in social circles, and in the public journals ; and the next Congress will find it one of the first and most important subjects which will come lie lore them to be investigated and settled. At the present time, it cannot be denied, ex tensive ignorance on this subject prevails. And it arises as well from the intricacies of its nature, as from the fact that a knowledge of it, derived from practical experience, or long observation, is confined lo a few only. For ourself, we confess our inability to con tribute much from our own stock of information, to enlighten the public mind. Fortunately, how ever, time and experience have garnered up a store elsewhere, which, we are happy to find is not to continue hidden under a bushel, nor to be buried altogether when its possessor dies. In a series of inquiries, on various branches of the subjects of exchange and currency, addressed to a distinguished gentleman now in Richmond, consecutive answers have been received, calcu lated in our judgment to throw light much need ed before the country. We are glad that the author's modesty has yielded to the claims of the crisis, and that he will permit us to lay some of the results of his long observation and practi cal experience, before our readers, in a series of familiar letters. The answers will be found to be full and able, yet concise, and interesting and valuable. We commend them for the study of the reader, and particularly request that he may pursue the train of argument to the conclusion. It will be observed that the author very kindly promises to answer any interrogatories on this subject, which may be put to him by our corres pondents. Richmond, April 10,1841. Dear Sir:?Your kind, and very complimentary letter of the '2d inst. was received in due course of mail, and as soon as the melancholy event we have just witnessed would permit 1 hasten to say that you have much overrated the amount of information I ran communicate to you relative to the peculiar situation of the local as well as general trade of our country, and the cause of the inability of the banking system to continue commercial intercourse with any section of our country, and resume specie payments. The subjects referred to in your letter are of vital interest to the welfare of our common country and the perpetuity of the U nion. I feel that 1 am now too much retired from the active business of life, and am too far advanced in years to wish for any notoiiety.? The only condition, therefoie, upon which 1 can con sent lo answer vour questions in, that no one shall b? Sr?r...n-It ??? hm u?ui?\m cofiCTjJwtiuei.v. ir fun are willing to comply, as a man of honor, with these terms, 1 will reply, from time to lime, to such inter rogatories as you or vour correspondents may put to rne, touching the situation of the monetary condition of the country, and the natural and easy remedy that is pointed out by the laws of Irade according to the ex- i uerience of the past. If these conditions are satisfac tory you arc at liberty to insert the enclosed in your paper. Yours, truly, Letter II. Richmond, April 10, 1841. Dear Sir:?I will place your questions in a form that will enable you to understand my answers more easily, and require a less number ot words to illustrate my meaning. Uuestion. Exchange and currency are so unequal throughout the Union, and cause so much suffering and discontent among the people, that il has become necessary to provide some remedy. I wish you lo propose some mode of relief that will be acceptable to the country. Answer. Before we speak of a remedy, will it not be well to understand the cause and nature of the complaint for which a remedy is sought 1 U. I think so, and therefore allow me to ask, why is the rate of Exchange so high upon the different sections of the country 1 A. Because the Banks do not pay specie. U. And why do they not pay specie 1 A. Because from tho irregular action of credits, for a few year* jiast, the balance of tiade or indebted ness has become so located, that the South and South west cannot find a sufficient amount of produce or specie to pay the current demands of the Eastern and Noithern creditors. U. How long will this continue 7 A. If you moan how long will this state of trade continue, I ran only say, that the amount of indebted ness is very large, and from the present low prices of produce, it may continue from one or more years,? but, if you mean to inquire how long will the Banks l?e unable to resume specie payments and continue to do business 1 1 answer, lhat it must depend upon the tranquil stale of ihe Exchanges, as well as the balance of trade. U. Will you tell me what you mean by Exchange 1 A. This word is used in a twofold sense?fir**, as referring to the balance due from one community to another?and, lecondly, in reference to the mode of drawing for the?c balance?. A bill of Eichange purport* to be a draft, drawn by a merchant, banker, or other person, upon another person, in another, and generally a distant place. These drafts are for money supposed to be in the hands of the person or institution drawn upon.? These bills are generally sold to some person who wishes to place money that he has in possession, in the place upon which the bills are drawn. By this means funds in one place are exchanged for money in an other without changing the location of the specro upon which these credits rest. To make this answer bet ter understood by those unacquainted with this sub ject, a further illustration may be necessary. Suppose Mr. H., a citizen of Richmond, has funds in New York thai he wishes to use at home, ?nd his neighbor, Mr. B., wishes to trsnsmit funds in New York. If Mr. B. cannot get a draft on New York, ly mast send on the specie, and if Mr. H. cannot sell his order on New York, he must bring the specie from that city to Richmond; therefore, if Mr. B. and Mr. H. shall exchange funds, each will be accommodated wilhout the expense and risk of shipping specie. Q. Does this plan of Exchange prevent the ship ment of specie I A. Ym, so lung as Exchange can be had below the par of specie?in other word*, if ? Bill of Exchange can bf bought for the Mine price that it will cost to deposii ihe (periein the place where payment is to be made,?but, if ? lull cannot lie obtained without a premium beyond the coal of transporting the specie, together with insurance, then merchants find it for their interest to shiptlir coin. You will then perceive, that the aggregate indebtedness of New York to Rich mond, or Richmond to New Yoik, under a system of Exchange governs the price of money to be drawn for, and not individual cases. Questions to be answered in next communication. What causes Exchange to fluctuate on this continent'! Woes the high rate or price of domestic Exchange and consequent transportation of specie within the United States prevent the Banks frotu paying specie for their notes I The Address of President Tyler is winning golden opinions from all quarters. His prompti tude and decision also are qualities which the people admire in a Chief Magistrate. The New York Journal of Commerce says, " in re viewing Mr. Tyler's political career, it will be found replete with instances of sturdy inde pendence, of patriotic disinterestedness, of cir cumspection and toleration. His private life has been marked, in a no less eminent degree, by strict justice, scrupulous honor, amiable sen timent, and moral purity." Loco-tocoism, abusive and unprincipled as it has been, can scarcely find any ground for oppo sition to John Tyleh, the Republican Pkehi dent. [The following communication was handed to us about the time General Harrison was taken sick, and was deferred by that event. We pre tend not to say how pertinent it may be now, but there are perhaps some thoughts in it worthy of consideration.?Ed.] A FEW PRACTICAL QUESTIONS. 1. What is a re-organization qf the Government ? Clearly, not simply the Inauguration of the Presi. dent, and the appointment of his Cabinet. The Gov ernment of this country extends to the whole list of Executive appointments throughout the Union. 2. /> the Government then re-organized? This question answers itself, in view of the liule, extremely little that lias been done, in the execution of this task. 3. Hare the Ins, though no fau't could be found in the discharge qf their duties, any better claim than the Outs. In my judgment no better, other things being equal. 4. What respect should be paid to the democratic principle qf rotation 7 This is a question of no small consequence. If pos session of place gives title to it, we have then aban doned the democratic principle, and passed under a lije-lease government. 5. Is no consideration in appointments to be paid to those who hnve made great rffurts and great sacri fices in the late reform, being otherwise worthy ? If such are rejected, to retain known Loco Focos we fear the injustice will be deeply and extensively felt. Men who have spent all, to save all for the coun try, and the country so ruined by Loco Focoism as to atford no employment, set aside, that they who havs brought on thi< ruin may still riot on the public reve nues extorted from those who have dune and sacrificed so much! 6. What was expected by the people in the accom plishment of the great end qf their late struggle, in regard to the re-organization of the Government ? W as it expected that the Government would still remain in the same handsl I should think not. 7. llow far does the question, "is he competent?' extend, as a rule qf appointment to qffice 7 Does it mean, is he morally competent, all whose sympathies have been on the side nfthe late adminis tration ? This, if I mistake not, is one of the most important practical questions that could be mail' this deeply practical concern. Who does "ul know, that a man's physical abilities are controlled by his wild 8. Has the present administration been too slow in the reorganizati n of the Government ? This is a very grave question, and 1 think it is not too much to say, that the country has already become very anxious on that account. I have heard deep and loud murmurs from those who have no interest in the bestowmentof offices. They ask, "is it true or not, that the official corps of the late administration had the faults we ascribed to them1" And tliey answer, " we believe it is true. How, then, can they merit to bere tained ! This change is one great object we had in view, scarcely second to the choice of a President. We cannot think the interests of the country safe in such hands." 9. What will be the effect of this sl,w movement on the elections 7 It is to be feared they will go by default, and be lost, and that in Bix months we shall lose all we have gained in a year. No one can doubt, that the revolution of 1840 requires a spirited and active reform. A looker on in Vienna. REV. MR. GURLEY, he. In publishing the subjoined extracts from the mi nutes of the Executive Committee of the American Colonization Society, we lake occasion to say that we wish not to lie made responsible for the articles which have recently appeared in this paper from correspon dents in relation to the Rev. Mr. Gurley. Believing thein to have come from reliable sources we published them, in that spirit of freedom which we love to enjoy in the management of a press, anil because we agree that a decent and manly examination of public matters is not only to be tolerated but encouraged. The thought of committing an injury to the Colonization cause did not enter our mind?nor do we now think it possible for us to do that cause an injury so long as it is justly conducted. Our disposition was and is to deal impar tially with all the parties in this matter, not permitting our press, knowingly, to be the organ of injustice to either. In this spirit our columns have been open to the Executive Committee, and we cheerfully give place to the following communication emanating from them : COMMVNICATED FOR THE MADWOMAN. Colonization Rooms, Washington, April 12,1841. Present, Messrs. Seaton,Garland, Ellsworth, Clark, Cox, and Lindsly. In reference to repeated publications in the newspa pers respecting the Rev. R. R. Gurley's relations with this Society, his agency to England, salary, corres pondence, &c., it is ordered, that the following extract from the minute* of the Executive Committee of 21st Sept., 1840, be published, as composing the action of the Committee in regard to Mr. Gurley's agency to England, and his salary as such, he having been ap pointed to that duty by the Board of Directors, and not by the Executive Committee, which latter body had previously declined appointing Mr. Gurley, orany other agent whatever, to England. Extract from the minutes of the Ex. Com. 21st Sep tenilier, 1840. "Letters from Mr. Gurley having been read, ask ing specific instructions on certain propositions, and involving his protracted continuance in England, it was, on motion of Dr. Lindsly, " liesolred, That the Executive Committee do not feel authorized, or deem it expedient to enter into sn^r of the arrangements with the British African Civih zaliun Society, or other British authorities, suggested ?? i ?ur'?Jr> or to '"Urge or contract the simple object for which Mr. Gurlay was commissioned by the Board of Directors to yo to England. " I hat they ilo not le?-| themselves authorized to ex tend the term of hia absence prescribed by the Board ot Dircctois, and that if Mr. Uurley shall feel ao far iiupreaaed with the ri|iedi< ncy of continuing in En( land, to effect more fully the object had in view by I he Hoard in tending him to Eugland, aa to induce him to transcend the term to which he was limited, the Com mittee leave it to Mi. Uurley to act on thia point en liia own responsibility to the Boarit of Directors, both for approval and for compensation." OFFICIAL APPOINTMENTS BY THE PRESIDENT. James D. Doty, to be Governor of the Terri tory of Wiakonsati. ^ W alter Forward, of Pennsylvania, to be I" irst Comptroller of the Treasury of the United States. Joseph Ritneh, to be Treasurer of the Mint at Philadelphia. Hkkhy Harrison, Register of the Land Of fice at Du Buque, Iowa, vice Benj. R. Petrikin. John Wei.l?, jr., to be Justice of the Peace for the county of Washington, in the District of Columbia. ATTORNEYS. Ahhalom Fowler, for the District of Arkan sas. Charles Chapman, for the District of Con necticut. Joel Eastman, for the District of Ne>v Hamp shire. John Holmes, for the District of Maine. Ciiahles Davis, for the District of Vermont. MARSHALS. Joshua Howard, for the District of Michi gan. Minor Walker, for the Middle District of Florida. W it.liam S. Russell, tor the District of Mis souri. William Prentiss, for the District of Illi nois. Isaac Otis, for the Eastern District of Penn sylvania. Sylvester Hartshorn, for the District of Rhode Island. Israel W. Kelley, for the District of Now Hampshire. John D. Kinsman, for the District of Maine. Alexander K. McCluno, for the Northern District of Mississippi. Anderson Miller, for the Southern District of Mississippi. DhUabrlphfa Correspondence. t * Si Rank?Mr. Middle's letters?Columbia Hallroad?Mtocks?1The President's Address. Philadelphia. April 12, 1841. The afTairs of the U. S. Bank yet continue to agi tate tho public mind. A full development of the causcs of the fall of the Bank ia now being made. The report of the Stockholdera' Committee is regarded by all dirintcrcttrd persons as a candid though severe exposition of the facts and proceedings which have , produced the present disasters of the Bank. Mean while Mr. Biddle has published two exculpatory let I ters, the object of the first of which was to prove th?? he gained no personal advantage from the i?non spec ulations, and that, as conducted him, they were promotive of the welfare o( the Bank. The second > letter recites the history of his connection with the | Bank, defends his administration, and concludes with a brief review of the errois into which it fell since he ? left it. The fust blow the credit of the Bank received after the retirement of Mr. Biddle was the protest of the drafts upon Hottinger & Co. of Paris. These drafts were mad? without *u?bi?iHy, nor were there fund* ?- tr,B hands' of the Hottingers to meet them. l'he next error was a premature resumption. It is not to be denied that the disasters of the Bank occurred during the administration of Mr. Biddle's successors, but the question at issue between him and the stockholders, is whether the investments he made, and the settlement of accounts allowed by him, in stocks, that have since become almost worthless, were judicious, and if they have not materially diminished the value of the assets of the Bank. Mr. Biddle is also accused of favoritism to Corporations and Brokers over business men. His defence amounts simply to this?He left the Bank in a sound condition?ergo its ruin cannot be ascribed to him. The mismanagement of the Bank, under the Dunlap administration, has displayed incapacity, and an unmethodical mode of transacting business that is astonishing. Mr. Biddle should be heard witfc impartiality, but he would be moio clear and satisfactory, were he more particular in his proofs. Bold generalities arc deceptive, t,hey strike the >ulgar mind, but alarm the judicious. Mr. Flcnmken has reported to the Legislature a bill authorizing the leasing of the Columbia Railroad, to gether with the trotive |>ower and fixtures thereof, for five years. Made the order for to-mo row. It is a serious quesUon this. The Erie Canal is a source of profit, and more than pays the interest of its cost. Our brokers have never paid the interest of their first cost. They are now a grievous burden, but it is in a great measure owing to theii prostitution to party purposes. This State has suffered greatly from the fanaticism of parties and jiarty men. The fault lies with the peo ple. If they will not send men of capacity and cha racter to the Legiblature, they must cxpect bad legis lation. The Philadelphia county delegation, composed of Loco Focos, is a satire on the intelligence of our citizens. The only talking member among them is Mr. Penniman, and the only thinking member, Mr. Btown, of the Senate. We have been visited to-day with a furious storm of snow, which has occasioned the postponement of the Funeral Ceremonies in commemoration of the death of Gen. Harrison, until to-morrow week. Stocks have improved. To-day U. S. in quoted at 19 1-2, Girard at 31, Wilmington Railroad at 35, Vicksburg (!. The address of President Tyler is no leas admirable for its terseness and vigor of style, than for its candid exposition of principles, and iu orthodox doctrines. We look for a firm, dignified,constitutional, temperate and lieneficial administration of the Government by President Tyler. Mr. Van Buren displayed nothing more than the sagacity of a common lawyer. He was of a very petty order of mind, and magnanimity was as much a stranger to his liosom, as duplicity and meanness is foreign to the bold and manly character of John Tyler. g-^. CCy'Our exchange papers from every part of the country in which the mournful intelligence of the President's death has been received, are crowded with official notices of the tokens of res pect paid to the memory of the dead, by the va rious societies, institutions and associations, ci vil, military and religious, in the towns and states from which they come. The legislatures in session have all adopted solemn and impres sive modes of signifying their mournful sympa thy with the people under the common calamity, and their veneration for the charncter of the late Chief Magistrate. (Jo*. Chambers and Col. Todd have left the ?ity for their homes in the west. Veto York Corrrsponti nut. NEW YORK CHARTER ELECTION New York, Wednesday, April 14. Ovu Charter Election took place yester day, and the hubilually active portion of the Whig party made a gallant tight of it. I am sorry to be obliged to add that the constitution ally passive portion of our party were shame fully apathetic, and through their imbecility and faithlessness the victory ha* been a veiled, when just within our grasp. Hubert H. Morris, the paper-snatcher and midnight inquisitor, is elect ed Mayor by about 400 majority ; I think rather less, with a reduced Van Uuren majority in the Common Council. I send you the Evening Post's statement of the majorities for Mayor in the several Wards, which agree very nearly with my own, and are as follows : Wards. Morris, (Dem ) Phoenix, (Whig.) 1 524 8 358 3 777 4 55 5 908 6 ... 352 7 102 8 ... 66 9 ... 482 10 218 11 835 12 128 13 312 14 274 15 821 1C 324 17 - - - 134 3153 2790 2790 Morris' majority ahsut 303 I hope the majoiity will be reduced a few votes below even this ; but it is over 300. I think the entire vote polled is about 35,000. Is it not too bad that we should be baffled in this way when we had Whig voters enough within gunshot of the Exchange only to have gi ven us Mayor, Council, every thing! The first and second wards could have easily elected I'hcenix, while I believe Front and South streets alone could have elected our Alder men in three Wards which are lost by a handful of votes. But our merchants and clerks ?in whose cause the whole country has battled bravely for years?could not stop five minutes at the polls on their lyay down to business, and preferred to let the city remain in the hands of the Philistines. In one store in south street were eight Whig voters, but not one of them voted, in one block forty-seven. So we lost it. A plague on such backers! say I. Still, we did a good business. Last spring, we were beaten on Mayor 1,628 votes; now perhaps one-fourth so many and perhaps not.? Last fall, the average against us was over 1,300. On President 970; on Governor 2,205. We have carried all our old Wards by strong majorities ; the Fourth throughout by 61 for Aldermen, 45 for Assistant, ic., though beaten a little on Mayor; we have redeemed the Seventh on every ticket, and we have elected some of our candidates in the Eighth, Tenth, and Twelfth. We lost the Alderman in the Sixteenth by 47; in the Seventeenth by 71; in the Eighth by about as many ; in the Tenth by 111, &c. Any two of these Wards would have given us the Corporation. But I have not pa tience to dwell on this subject. The day was cloudy and in good part un pleasant; si* inches of snow on the ground this morning Stocks are all down to-day; U. S. Bank clos ing at 17 3-4. 1 know no special reason. Our State Canals are to be opened on the 24th inst. The season is very backward here, as the snow now lying in heaps in our streets will attest. It is snowing and raining together here. Our Election yesterday was very quiet. I saw only one small fight in the Sixth Ward, where Alderman Ferris was roughly handled by an Irishman. It was a family affair. IX. O -i ?vlIfVID U auuic on Agriculture before the American Institute this evening, which will be very fully attended. Shenectady, Poughkeepsie and Hudsou have chosen Whig officers. Yours, Harold. Ex-Governor Gilmer has finally consented to serve in Congress if elected?his friends still insisting upon holding a poll for him. He is favorable to Mr. Tyler, but opposed to a National Bank andtho Sub-treasury, and in favor of some system of special depos^es with the State Banks. The series of letters on the subject of Exchange and Currency which we commence to-day, consider ing the present condition of the country, will be found worthy of a place in the columns of every Republican paper in the country. EXPORTS OF AMERICAN COTTON TO AUSTRIA. Official Custom House returns show that tha aver age amount of Cotton eX|>orted from the different Poits of the United Slates to Trieste, from the year 1830 to the year 1839, was 4,046,368 lbs. For the year 1840 the exports were? From New York 3,4t>4,054j lbs. " Philadelphia 35,155 " " Norfolk 171,050 " " Charleston 457,794 " " New Orleans 7,422,934 " Total amount for the year 1840, 11,550,989 lbs. President Tyler yesterday left his lodgings at Brown's hotel, and removed to the Executive Mansion. Hon. Mr. Badger, Secretary of the Navy, returned to this city on Thursday evening from his visit to North Carolina. Mr. Crittenden, the Attorney General, left the city on Thursday on a short visit to Kentucky. The Charleston Mercury says of Mr. Tyler W? leave him to declare himself at his leisure, and shall neither make o pposition nor offer sup|>ort to him till we see what he would he about. fir'or. R. K. Call.?Fifty-four Guns were fired in this city by the Whig Parly, on the receipl of the in telligence of Richard K. Call being appointed Gov erner of this territory.?St. Augustine Xtitt, In the t\ineral Procession at New York, on Sat urday, the British and French consuls rods together in an open carriage, each hearing the flag of his na tion throuded ?n crape. This token of reipect was adopted at the suggestion of Mr. Buchanrfl, the Brit ish Consul. In our paper, to-day, will he found the Report of the Committee of Stockholders of the Pennsylvania Bank of the U. 8., and the first of a series of letters from Mr Biddle, in answer toil. The develojmienls are interesting and important. It will be seen thst Mr. Biddle explains the cotton speculations, and intimate* that the real causes of the disasters of the Bank wa. the efforts to break down the baaks of New York ! BfeU, On the afternoon of Easter Sundsy the 11th inst in the ~9th year of his age, after a most distressing illness of thirty hours, preceedeil hy s lingering disease of manj years' duration, Mr. P L Dt'Pour, a native of Paris, in France; and for the last 51 years a highly resprctshle adopted citiien of the United Stales most of that lime of Georgetown and this city.