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The Madisonian. (Washington City [i.e. Washington, D.C.]) 1837-1845, April 16, 1841, Image 3

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M ADISONIAN.
Washington city.
FRIDAY, APRIL 16, 1841.
In TH0SB THINOa WHICH ARC ESSENTIAL LET T Hit RE
be unity?in mom-bmntulb, liberty ; and in all
THINIM (.'HAEITY.?Augustin.
THE BELLICOSE TEMPER OF THE GLOBE
AND OTHERS.
The Globe had a long article on Monday
evening under (his apparently innocent question:
"Are the United Slates loo weak to maintain
their Independence the true version of which
would be,?Are we not ready for war? and
ought we not forthwith to plunge into it?
We have never doubted, that the aiin of Mr.
Pickens's Report on the McLeod and Caroline
case, was to provoke this result. Such, mani
festly, was the impression at the moment among
those members of the House who felt it their
duty to speak against it, as Messrs. Adams,
Granger, Everett, and others. And what u>tw
the result? The last news has shown us that
it has set London and England in a blaze.
We have too much reason% know that, since
the de.eat of the late Administration, the leaders
of that patty have been more than willing to see
the Government and country embarrassed by
whatever means. This might seem loo unpa
triotic a motive to ascribe to political opponents,
and doubtless it ought to be so far qualified as to
suppose, that they would as willingly see the
country, after having been driven to the verge of
ruin, saved at last, if they could have the credit
of it. But such is poor human nature, that be
ing beaten, it cannot easily be kind to those who
beat.
As if it were not enough utterly to have des"
troyed the prosperity of a glorious country, and
the happiness of a happy people; as if it were
not enough to have used and dissipated all the
public wealth, and left the Treasury bankrupt;
but it seems to have been devised and planned,
if possible, wantonly to plunge the nation in
war.
The Globe, in the article to which we have
alluded, ha* proved, doubtlesa to its own satis
faction, not only that we are ready for war, but
that we ought to go at it. None, according to
the Globe, could suffer by it but our adversary,
or she principally. '4 Are not the United States
able to mainiain their independence?" What
a singular beat to arms is this ! Who would
think that it meant wah ?
There is an elaborate argument, composed of
political reasons, backing this call, the amount of
which, we suppose is, that as soon as we can
prove war to be good policy, that is a sufficient
justification. This, we know, is the doctrine of
despots, whose traders the profession, and whose
aim is the prowess of arms. And sometimes
with more pacific governments, the question of
peace or war turns on a question of policy.
But it is time that Americans should be con
cerned, when such calculations arc coolly made,
by those among us who set up as guides of opi
nion, without any question of conscience. In
the true American creed, we know of no ade
quale occasions of war, but the calls of honor
or of justice. From the beginning of our his
tory this has been our profession before the
world. But now, for the first time, we begin to
talk of advantages and disadvantages, and to en
ter into nice calculations which party will pro
bably get the heaviest blows; and if we can
prove that England, or any other power, that we
can provoke into war, will get the heaviest, why
then let us go at it with all vengeance! There
will doubtless be talk about honor and justice ;
but the great question is one of policy?simple
policy.
The Globe has proved, or affects to have
proved, that England, in case of a war, will get
the worst of it. If war must come, we hope this
prediction will prove true. And the Globe, in
its calculations, relies much upon the contin
gent, and by the Globe assumed to be favorable
disposition of other European powers. This, at
best, is a precarious dfpendence. We have
many tokens of late, that the powers of Europe
would not be unwilling to see this Republic en
tirely suppressed. We are moreover advised
very recently, by no mean authority from the
continent, that our cause of war must not only
be just in our own esteem, but just in the eyes
of the world, before we can expect any sympa
thy or aid in that quarter, direct or indirect.?
Suppose one or moie of the great Eutopean
powers should be pleased to find an apology to
decide this question against us, form alliance,
defensive and offensive, with our great foe, and
join their forces to put an end to our great, and
to them unwelcome experiment of a Republican
Government.
For ourselves we firmly believe, that we could
stand against the world, and that the aspect of
such a conspiracy would itself make us invinci
ble, and in the end triumphant. Neverthe
less, all history proves, and we, of all people,
should never forget, that war is a doubtful and
fearful game. No American principle or senti
ment, recognised in our history, or institutions,
or public State papers, would justify it to be
waged as a game. In the war of the Revolu
tion, our cause being just, we dared to appeal to
the God of battles, and he sustained us. We
also felt, that the last war with the same power
was also provoked by insults and injuries insuf
ferable. We risked the consequences, and we
came off with credit, though not, perhaps, with
much advantage. We did not fight for advan
tage, but lor honor and justice.
Of the provocations we may now have for such
an encounter, there is no occasion at present to
speak, inasmuch as the immediate occasion is,
we believe, very unjustly put to our account, as
a provocation, by the operation of our laws on a
British subject. Before the provocation was
theirs; ?ioir it is affirmed to be ours. Then we
were the accusers of wrong and insult; now
they are the accusers, however unjustly. Our
position, therefore, is materially, radically, fun
damentally different, aa to the dispute between
us; we say, not that it is not equally just and
unassailable. We believe it is.
But since we arc not the party that complains
of insult and wrong, so far as the arrest of Mr.
McLeod is concerned, we can, then, without
any compromise of honor or justice on our own
part, consider, gravely and conscientiously, how
far the claims of humanity, on an immense
scale, and of peace between nations, may demand
of us, to suspend the operations of law by the
action of those authorities which hold the law
in their hands. It may also become us to con
sider,how the whole mutter will be viewed in the
eyes of the world, if, with the paidoning power
in our hands, which, when exercised, always
satisfies the law, we put iu peril the peace of
two great nations, and risk the How of rivers of
blood for the sake of vengeance ou an humble
individual.
This, as it seems to us, is the light in which
the matter stands. The law must have its
course. Pardon is an act of generosity, and
when there are sufficient reasons to justify it,
to call for it, the law is not dishonored, while
the clemency of the dispensing power imparls
lustre to authority, and detracts not from the effi
ciency of good government. In case of the con
viction of McLeod, we have nothing at stake in
pardoning him, but should receive much credit
for it from all the world, as the motive would be
appreciated. It would not be called fear?for
nations know not fear, as individuals do?but it
would be regarded as a generous satisfaction to
the feelings of an interested party.
Why, then, this talk about war, as a matter of
policy, even if it could be proved to be such,
since the motive is unknown to our Government,
and repudiated in our whole history ? It is a
sad evidence how easily some people may b#
tempted to swerve from principle,and that going
down hill in moruls is easy, and going up hard.
We persuade ourselves, however, that they
who are hoping aud trying to pluuge us into
war, on account of McLeod, will be disappoint
ed. The people of this country, we believe,
will never desire such an event, nor consent to
it, unless national honor or national justice should
require it. We see not how either would call
for the death of McLeod, though he should be
convicted. On the contrary, our national honor
would be tarnished with a spot before the world,
that could never be wiped away, if, with the
pardoning power in our hands, we should oiler
up a victim to the law, which is liable to become
a provocation to tens of thousands of victims to
the sword.
England, we trust, will be better advised than
to say, our laws shall not have their course,
when it happens that one or more of her sub
jects have fallen into their hands. If not, our
honor would be touched. But when she avows
the acts which constitute the offence as her
own, we may pardon the individual without dis
honor, and look to the nation for satisfaction, if
any other is demanded, after the forms of law
have been sustained. The sacrifice of the indi
vidual in such a case would chance to bring
down upon us, from that public, called the
world, the charge of an infraction of the law of
nations.
Let those who think and talk lightly of war,
as if it were a light thing to be engaged in,
stand by themselves, and act on their own re
sponsibility. We have no fellowship with such
minds; much less with those who only inquire
whether it will be jrrofitablc. Whenever the
United States shall go to war for profit, we are
lost?lost to principle, and lost to our claims on
the protection and blessings of heaven. We
shall then have lost our high and proud distinc
tion among the nations of the earth. We have
publicly repudiated the motive of conquest for the
acquisition of power or the extension of empire,
and stand alone upon our rights?rights, as they
relate to sovereignty, to honor, and to justice.?
The nation that touches these, touches our hearts,
and will feel our resentment, however powerful,
while the weakest and most defenceless of the
tribes of the earth are safe from our invasion.?
W? oruuoli not ?o ?, ?ua Ms wb respect the
rights of all, we claim that our own shall also
be respected.
We do not envy the position of those who
have the responsibility of endeavoring to stir up
a strife of nations for such a cause. It is more
than inconsiderate and rash. We will not trust
ourself to speak out all that we feel. We have
shown that it is anti-American, unpatriotic, and
as to its positive character, let the conscience of
those concerned?if yet there remaineth such a
virtue in their bosoms?let the spontaneous sen
timents of a peace-loving, yet not the less honor
loving and justice-loving community, pronounce.
As to our readiness for a war with England,
which is presupposed by the artful question of
the Globe?''Are not the United Stales able to
maintain their independence?"?the real question
here intended, being an affirmation, thai we are
ready for war, is ridiculous, as a question of policy.
Was there ever a nation more unprepared than
we are to plunge instantly into such a war, if
we consider our own condition and that of Great
Britain? No money in the public Treasury,
brought deeply in debt on a peace establishment,
no currency worthy of the name, no Navy that
could safely go to sea against the force to be op
posed lo us, and where are the troops to encoun
ter the first regiment of the numerous British
Army now in the border provinces, that should
cross the lines ? What is the condition of our
sea-board and frontier fortifications? Where
are the ways and means to give efficiency to the
War Department in the exigency of sudden
hostilities? And yet, if war comes on account
of McLeod, it will come in a moment, like a
clap of thunder.
In this critical situation of our domestic af.
fairs, in this utter destitution and helplessness,
at all points and in all respects, Mr. Pickens' re
port, supposed in Great Britain to be adopted
and sanctioned by Congress, though it was not,
but only ordered to be printed?this Report, un
der such aspects, and clothed with such suppo
sed authority, throws down defiance at the feet
of the most powerful nation on the globe, and
one every way ready for war by sea or land ! It
does it, too, at a moment, when the popular pas
sions of that Empire are liable by a single torch,
to be fanned into the flames of war, by sympathy
with a fellow subject, who is the subject of con
troversy, and whom they suppose we are about
to hang.
It is evident that the action of the municipal
authorities in the case must be sustained. This,
of itself, misapprehended as it is in England,
and by the British Government, was bad enough
to manage without an open broil. Such a report,
therefore, coming out at such a moment, backed
by such a supposed sanction, could but be re
garded by every wise and prudent statesman, as
rash and reckless in the extreme.
There is yet one other consideration in this
case, which does not ordinarily strike ihe mind:
The British Government and people will pro
bably still say, that, as the acts charged on
M'Leod are assumed as having been autho
rized by the Government, therefore, by the
principles of the law of nations, the Government
of Great Britain is brought into court and tried
iu the person of M'Leod.
Hut when it cornea to be understood, that the
Federal authorities of the nation cannot inter
fere with the action of the municipal authori
ties of the States, this whole matter, we trust,
will be duly appreciated.
EXCHANGE AND CURRENCY.
That the currency is deranged and ruinously
depreciated, and Exchange interrupted il not
destroyed, is a proposition which no sane man
will contradict. The evil is so great and injuri
ous, that an immediate remedy is absolutely ne
cessary, and loudly demanded. That this Gov
ernment is competent, and indeed in duty bound,
to provide a remedy, none but the most narrow
minded will deny.
But it is not so much the power and control of
the Government over this subject, which consti
tute topics of inquiry and solicitude, as the nature
and the form of the remedy to be provided.
The Government is in wantoi a fiscal agent
the people desire a well regulated system ol Ex
change, and u sound and uniform currency.
These are wanted speedily. How they shall be
obtained, is a branch of inquiry, which is begin
ning to claim a very comprehensive share of
anxious public attention. It is even now discus,
sed in social circles, and in the public journals ;
and the next Congress will find it one of the first
and most important subjects which will come lie
lore them to be investigated and settled.
At the present time, it cannot be denied, ex
tensive ignorance on this subject prevails. And
it arises as well from the intricacies of its nature,
as from the fact that a knowledge of it, derived
from practical experience, or long observation, is
confined lo a few only.
For ourself, we confess our inability to con
tribute much from our own stock of information,
to enlighten the public mind. Fortunately, how
ever, time and experience have garnered up a
store elsewhere, which, we are happy to find
is not to continue hidden under a bushel, nor to
be buried altogether when its possessor dies. In
a series of inquiries, on various branches of the
subjects of exchange and currency, addressed to
a distinguished gentleman now in Richmond,
consecutive answers have been received, calcu
lated in our judgment to throw light much need
ed before the country. We are glad that the
author's modesty has yielded to the claims of
the crisis, and that he will permit us to lay some
of the results of his long observation and practi
cal experience, before our readers, in a series of
familiar letters. The answers will be found to
be full and able, yet concise, and interesting and
valuable. We commend them for the study of
the reader, and particularly request that he may
pursue the train of argument to the conclusion.
It will be observed that the author very kindly
promises to answer any interrogatories on this
subject, which may be put to him by our corres
pondents.
Richmond, April 10,1841.
Dear Sir:?Your kind, and very complimentary
letter of the '2d inst. was received in due course of
mail, and as soon as the melancholy event we have
just witnessed would permit 1 hasten to say that you
have much overrated the amount of information I ran
communicate to you relative to the peculiar situation
of the local as well as general trade of our country,
and the cause of the inability of the banking system
to continue commercial intercourse with any section
of our country, and resume specie payments.
The subjects referred to in your letter are of vital
interest to the welfare of our common country and the
perpetuity of the U nion. I feel that 1 am now too
much retired from the active business of life, and am
too far advanced in years to wish for any notoiiety.?
The only condition, therefoie, upon which 1 can con
sent lo answer vour questions in, that no one shall b?
Sr?r...n-It ??? hm u?ui?\m cofiCTjJwtiuei.v. ir fun
are willing to comply, as a man of honor, with these
terms, 1 will reply, from time to lime, to such inter
rogatories as you or vour correspondents may put to
rne, touching the situation of the monetary condition
of the country, and the natural and easy remedy that
is pointed out by the laws of Irade according to the ex- i
uerience of the past. If these conditions are satisfac
tory you arc at liberty to insert the enclosed in your
paper.
Yours, truly,
Letter II.
Richmond, April 10, 1841.
Dear Sir:?I will place your questions in a form
that will enable you to understand my answers more
easily, and require a less number ot words to illustrate
my meaning.
Uuestion. Exchange and currency are so unequal
throughout the Union, and cause so much suffering
and discontent among the people, that il has become
necessary to provide some remedy. I wish you lo
propose some mode of relief that will be acceptable to
the country.
Answer. Before we speak of a remedy, will it not
be well to understand the cause and nature of the
complaint for which a remedy is sought 1
U. I think so, and therefore allow me to ask, why
is the rate of Exchange so high upon the different
sections of the country 1
A. Because the Banks do not pay specie.
U. And why do they not pay specie 1
A. Because from tho irregular action of credits,
for a few year* jiast, the balance of tiade or indebted
ness has become so located, that the South and South
west cannot find a sufficient amount of produce or
specie to pay the current demands of the Eastern and
Noithern creditors.
U. How long will this continue 7
A. If you moan how long will this state of trade
continue, I ran only say, that the amount of indebted
ness is very large, and from the present low prices of
produce, it may continue from one or more years,?
but, if you mean to inquire how long will the Banks
l?e unable to resume specie payments and continue to
do business 1 1 answer, lhat it must depend upon the
tranquil stale of ihe Exchanges, as well as the balance
of trade.
U. Will you tell me what you mean by Exchange 1
A. This word is used in a twofold sense?fir**, as
referring to the balance due from one community to
another?and, lecondly, in reference to the mode of
drawing for the?c balance?.
A bill of Eichange purport* to be a draft, drawn by
a merchant, banker, or other person, upon another
person, in another, and generally a distant place.
These drafts are for money supposed to be in the
hands of the person or institution drawn upon.?
These bills are generally sold to some person who
wishes to place money that he has in possession, in the
place upon which the bills are drawn. By this means
funds in one place are exchanged for money in an
other without changing the location of the specro upon
which these credits rest. To make this answer bet
ter understood by those unacquainted with this sub
ject, a further illustration may be necessary.
Suppose Mr. H., a citizen of Richmond, has funds
in New York thai he wishes to use at home, ?nd his
neighbor, Mr. B., wishes to trsnsmit funds in New
York. If Mr. B. cannot get a draft on New York,
ly mast send on the specie, and if Mr. H. cannot sell
his order on New York, he must bring the specie from
that city to Richmond; therefore, if Mr. B. and Mr.
H. shall exchange funds, each will be accommodated
wilhout the expense and risk of shipping specie.
Q. Does this plan of Exchange prevent the ship
ment of specie I
A. Ym, so lung as Exchange can be had below the
par of specie?in other word*, if ? Bill of Exchange
can bf bought for the Mine price that it will cost to
deposii ihe (periein the place where payment is to be
made,?but, if ? lull cannot lie obtained without a
premium beyond the coal of transporting the specie,
together with insurance, then merchants find it for
their interest to shiptlir coin. You will then perceive,
that the aggregate indebtedness of New York to Rich
mond, or Richmond to New Yoik, under a system of
Exchange governs the price of money to be drawn for,
and not individual cases.
Questions to be answered in next communication.
What causes Exchange to fluctuate on this continent'!
Woes the high rate or price of domestic Exchange and
consequent transportation of specie within the United
States prevent the Banks frotu paying specie for their
notes I
The Address of President Tyler is winning
golden opinions from all quarters. His prompti
tude and decision also are qualities which the
people admire in a Chief Magistrate. The
New York Journal of Commerce says, " in re
viewing Mr. Tyler's political career, it will be
found replete with instances of sturdy inde
pendence, of patriotic disinterestedness, of cir
cumspection and toleration. His private life
has been marked, in a no less eminent degree,
by strict justice, scrupulous honor, amiable sen
timent, and moral purity."
Loco-tocoism, abusive and unprincipled as it
has been, can scarcely find any ground for oppo
sition to John Tyleh, the Republican Pkehi
dent.
[The following communication was handed to
us about the time General Harrison was taken
sick, and was deferred by that event. We pre
tend not to say how pertinent it may be now, but
there are perhaps some thoughts in it worthy of
consideration.?Ed.]
A FEW PRACTICAL QUESTIONS.
1. What is a re-organization qf the Government ?
Clearly, not simply the Inauguration of the Presi.
dent, and the appointment of his Cabinet. The Gov
ernment of this country extends to the whole list of
Executive appointments throughout the Union.
2. /> the Government then re-organized?
This question answers itself, in view of the liule,
extremely little that lias been done, in the execution of
this task.
3. Hare the Ins, though no fau't could be found in
the discharge qf their duties, any better claim than
the Outs.
In my judgment no better, other things being equal.
4. What respect should be paid to the democratic
principle qf rotation 7
This is a question of no small consequence. If pos
session of place gives title to it, we have then aban
doned the democratic principle, and passed under a
lije-lease government.
5. Is no consideration in appointments to be paid to
those who hnve made great rffurts and great sacri
fices in the late reform, being otherwise worthy ?
If such are rejected, to retain known Loco Focos
we fear the injustice will be deeply and extensively
felt. Men who have spent all, to save all for the coun
try, and the country so ruined by Loco Focoism as to
atford no employment, set aside, that they who havs
brought on thi< ruin may still riot on the public reve
nues extorted from those who have dune and sacrificed
so much!
6. What was expected by the people in the accom
plishment of the great end qf their late struggle, in
regard to the re-organization of the Government ?
W as it expected that the Government would still
remain in the same handsl I should think not.
7. llow far does the question, "is he competent?'
extend, as a rule qf appointment to qffice 7
Does it mean, is he morally competent, all whose
sympathies have been on the side nfthe late adminis
tration ? This, if I mistake not, is one of the most
important practical questions that could be mail'
this deeply practical concern. Who does "ul know,
that a man's physical abilities are controlled by his
wild
8. Has the present administration been too slow in
the reorganizati n of the Government ?
This is a very grave question, and 1 think it is not
too much to say, that the country has already become
very anxious on that account. I have heard deep and
loud murmurs from those who have no interest in the
bestowmentof offices. They ask, "is it true or not,
that the official corps of the late administration had the
faults we ascribed to them1" And tliey answer, " we
believe it is true. How, then, can they merit to bere
tained ! This change is one great object we had in
view, scarcely second to the choice of a President.
We cannot think the interests of the country safe in
such hands."
9. What will be the effect of this sl,w movement on
the elections 7
It is to be feared they will go by default, and be lost,
and that in Bix months we shall lose all we have gained
in a year. No one can doubt, that the revolution of
1840 requires a spirited and active reform.
A looker on in Vienna.
REV. MR. GURLEY, he.
In publishing the subjoined extracts from the mi
nutes of the Executive Committee of the American
Colonization Society, we lake occasion to say that we
wish not to lie made responsible for the articles which
have recently appeared in this paper from correspon
dents in relation to the Rev. Mr. Gurley. Believing
thein to have come from reliable sources we published
them, in that spirit of freedom which we love to enjoy
in the management of a press, anil because we agree
that a decent and manly examination of public matters
is not only to be tolerated but encouraged. The thought
of committing an injury to the Colonization cause did
not enter our mind?nor do we now think it possible
for us to do that cause an injury so long as it is justly
conducted. Our disposition was and is to deal impar
tially with all the parties in this matter, not permitting
our press, knowingly, to be the organ of injustice to
either. In this spirit our columns have been open to
the Executive Committee, and we cheerfully give
place to the following communication emanating from
them :
COMMVNICATED FOR THE MADWOMAN.
Colonization Rooms,
Washington, April 12,1841.
Present, Messrs. Seaton,Garland, Ellsworth, Clark,
Cox, and Lindsly.
In reference to repeated publications in the newspa
pers respecting the Rev. R. R. Gurley's relations with
this Society, his agency to England, salary, corres
pondence, &c., it is ordered, that the following extract
from the minute* of the Executive Committee of 21st
Sept., 1840, be published, as composing the action of
the Committee in regard to Mr. Gurley's agency to
England, and his salary as such, he having been ap
pointed to that duty by the Board of Directors, and
not by the Executive Committee, which latter body
had previously declined appointing Mr. Gurley, orany
other agent whatever, to England.
Extract from the minutes of the Ex. Com. 21st Sep
tenilier, 1840.
"Letters from Mr. Gurley having been read, ask
ing specific instructions on certain propositions, and
involving his protracted continuance in England, it
was, on motion of Dr. Lindsly,
" liesolred, That the Executive Committee do not
feel authorized, or deem it expedient to enter into sn^r
of the arrangements with the British African Civih
zaliun Society, or other British authorities, suggested
?? i ?ur'?Jr> or to '"Urge or contract the simple
object for which Mr. Gurlay was commissioned by the
Board of Directors to yo to England.
" I hat they ilo not le?-| themselves authorized to ex
tend the term of hia absence prescribed by the Board
ot Dircctois, and that if Mr. Uurley shall feel ao far
iiupreaaed with the ri|iedi< ncy of continuing in En(
land, to effect more fully the object had in view by I he
Hoard in tending him to Eugland, aa to induce him to
transcend the term to which he was limited, the Com
mittee leave it to Mi. Uurley to act on thia point en
liia own responsibility to the Boarit of Directors, both
for approval and for compensation."
OFFICIAL
APPOINTMENTS BY THE PRESIDENT.
James D. Doty, to be Governor of the Terri
tory of Wiakonsati.
^ W alter Forward, of Pennsylvania, to be
I" irst Comptroller of the Treasury of the United
States.
Joseph Ritneh, to be Treasurer of the Mint
at Philadelphia.
Hkkhy Harrison, Register of the Land Of
fice at Du Buque, Iowa, vice Benj. R. Petrikin.
John Wei.l?, jr., to be Justice of the Peace
for the county of Washington, in the District of
Columbia.
ATTORNEYS.
Ahhalom Fowler, for the District of Arkan
sas.
Charles Chapman, for the District of Con
necticut.
Joel Eastman, for the District of Ne>v Hamp
shire.
John Holmes, for the District of Maine.
Ciiahles Davis, for the District of Vermont.
MARSHALS.
Joshua Howard, for the District of Michi
gan.
Minor Walker, for the Middle District of
Florida.
W it.liam S. Russell, tor the District of Mis
souri.
William Prentiss, for the District of Illi
nois.
Isaac Otis, for the Eastern District of Penn
sylvania.
Sylvester Hartshorn, for the District of
Rhode Island.
Israel W. Kelley, for the District of Now
Hampshire.
John D. Kinsman, for the District of Maine.
Alexander K. McCluno, for the Northern
District of Mississippi.
Anderson Miller, for the Southern District
of Mississippi.
DhUabrlphfa Correspondence.
t * Si Rank?Mr. Middle's letters?Columbia
Hallroad?Mtocks?1The President's Address.
Philadelphia. April 12, 1841.
The afTairs of the U. S. Bank yet continue to agi
tate tho public mind. A full development of the
causcs of the fall of the Bank ia now being made.
The report of the Stockholdera' Committee is regarded
by all dirintcrcttrd persons as a candid though severe
exposition of the facts and proceedings which have
, produced the present disasters of the Bank. Mean
while Mr. Biddle has published two exculpatory let
I ters, the object of the first of which was to prove th??
he gained no personal advantage from the i?non spec
ulations, and that, as conducted him, they were
promotive of the welfare o( the Bank. The second
> letter recites the history of his connection with the
| Bank, defends his administration, and concludes with
a brief review of the errois into which it fell since he
? left it. The fust blow the credit of the Bank received
after the retirement of Mr. Biddle was the protest of
the drafts upon Hottinger & Co. of Paris. These
drafts were mad? without *u?bi?iHy, nor were there
fund* ?- tr,B hands' of the Hottingers to meet them.
l'he next error was a premature resumption.
It is not to be denied that the disasters of the Bank
occurred during the administration of Mr. Biddle's
successors, but the question at issue between him and
the stockholders, is whether the investments he made,
and the settlement of accounts allowed by him, in
stocks, that have since become almost worthless, were
judicious, and if they have not materially diminished
the value of the assets of the Bank. Mr. Biddle is also
accused of favoritism to Corporations and Brokers
over business men. His defence amounts simply to
this?He left the Bank in a sound condition?ergo its
ruin cannot be ascribed to him. The mismanagement
of the Bank, under the Dunlap administration, has
displayed incapacity, and an unmethodical mode of
transacting business that is astonishing. Mr. Biddle
should be heard witfc impartiality, but he would be
moio clear and satisfactory, were he more particular
in his proofs. Bold generalities arc deceptive, t,hey
strike the >ulgar mind, but alarm the judicious.
Mr. Flcnmken has reported to the Legislature a bill
authorizing the leasing of the Columbia Railroad, to
gether with the trotive |>ower and fixtures thereof, for
five years. Made the order for to-mo row. It is a
serious quesUon this. The Erie Canal is a source of
profit, and more than pays the interest of its cost. Our
brokers have never paid the interest of their first cost.
They are now a grievous burden, but it is in a great
measure owing to theii prostitution to party purposes.
This State has suffered greatly from the fanaticism of
parties and jiarty men. The fault lies with the peo
ple. If they will not send men of capacity and cha
racter to the Legiblature, they must cxpect bad legis
lation. The Philadelphia county delegation, composed
of Loco Focos, is a satire on the intelligence of our
citizens. The only talking member among them is
Mr. Penniman, and the only thinking member, Mr.
Btown, of the Senate.
We have been visited to-day with a furious storm
of snow, which has occasioned the postponement of
the Funeral Ceremonies in commemoration of the
death of Gen. Harrison, until to-morrow week.
Stocks have improved. To-day U. S. in quoted at
19 1-2, Girard at 31, Wilmington Railroad at 35,
Vicksburg (!.
The address of President Tyler is no leas admirable
for its terseness and vigor of style, than for its candid
exposition of principles, and iu orthodox doctrines.
We look for a firm, dignified,constitutional, temperate
and lieneficial administration of the Government by
President Tyler. Mr. Van Buren displayed nothing
more than the sagacity of a common lawyer. He was
of a very petty order of mind, and magnanimity was
as much a stranger to his liosom, as duplicity and
meanness is foreign to the bold and manly character of
John Tyler. g-^.
CCy'Our exchange papers from every part of
the country in which the mournful intelligence
of the President's death has been received, are
crowded with official notices of the tokens of res
pect paid to the memory of the dead, by the va
rious societies, institutions and associations, ci
vil, military and religious, in the towns and
states from which they come. The legislatures
in session have all adopted solemn and impres
sive modes of signifying their mournful sympa
thy with the people under the common calamity,
and their veneration for the charncter of the
late Chief Magistrate.
(Jo*. Chambers and Col. Todd have left the ?ity for
their homes in the west.
Veto York Corrrsponti nut.
NEW YORK CHARTER ELECTION
New York, Wednesday, April 14.
Ovu Charter Election took place yester
day, and the hubilually active portion of the
Whig party made a gallant tight of it. I am
sorry to be obliged to add that the constitution
ally passive portion of our party were shame
fully apathetic, and through their imbecility and
faithlessness the victory ha* been a veiled, when
just within our grasp. Hubert H. Morris, the
paper-snatcher and midnight inquisitor, is elect
ed Mayor by about 400 majority ; I think rather
less, with a reduced Van Uuren majority in the
Common Council. I send you the Evening
Post's statement of the majorities for Mayor in
the several Wards, which agree very nearly
with my own, and are as follows :
Wards. Morris, (Dem ) Phoenix, (Whig.)
1 524
8 358
3 777
4 55
5 908
6 ... 352
7 102
8 ... 66
9 ... 482
10 218
11 835
12 128
13 312
14 274
15 821
1C 324
17 - - - 134
3153 2790
2790
Morris' majority ahsut 303
I hope the majoiity will be reduced a few votes
below even this ; but it is over 300. I think
the entire vote polled is about 35,000.
Is it not too bad that we should be baffled in
this way when we had Whig voters enough
within gunshot of the Exchange only to have gi
ven us Mayor, Council, every thing! The first
and second wards could have easily elected
I'hcenix, while I believe Front and South
streets alone could have elected our Alder
men in three Wards which are lost by a
handful of votes. But our merchants and clerks
?in whose cause the whole country has battled
bravely for years?could not stop five minutes
at the polls on their lyay down to business, and
preferred to let the city remain in the hands of
the Philistines. In one store in south street
were eight Whig voters, but not one of them
voted, in one block forty-seven. So we lost it.
A plague on such backers! say I.
Still, we did a good business. Last spring,
we were beaten on Mayor 1,628 votes; now
perhaps one-fourth so many and perhaps not.?
Last fall, the average against us was over
1,300. On President 970; on Governor 2,205.
We have carried all our old Wards by
strong majorities ; the Fourth throughout by 61
for Aldermen, 45 for Assistant, ic., though
beaten a little on Mayor; we have redeemed the
Seventh on every ticket, and we have elected
some of our candidates in the Eighth, Tenth,
and Twelfth. We lost the Alderman in the
Sixteenth by 47; in the Seventeenth by 71; in
the Eighth by about as many ; in the Tenth by
111, &c. Any two of these Wards would have
given us the Corporation. But I have not pa
tience to dwell on this subject.
The day was cloudy and in good part un
pleasant; si* inches of snow on the ground this
morning
Stocks are all down to-day; U. S. Bank clos
ing at 17 3-4. 1 know no special reason.
Our State Canals are to be opened on the
24th inst. The season is very backward here,
as the snow now lying in heaps in our streets
will attest. It is snowing and raining together
here.
Our Election yesterday was very quiet. I
saw only one small fight in the Sixth Ward,
where Alderman Ferris was roughly handled by
an Irishman. It was a family affair.
IX. O -i ?vlIfVID U auuic
on Agriculture before the American Institute
this evening, which will be very fully attended.
Shenectady, Poughkeepsie and Hudsou have
chosen Whig officers. Yours,
Harold.
Ex-Governor Gilmer has finally consented to serve
in Congress if elected?his friends still insisting upon
holding a poll for him. He is favorable to Mr. Tyler,
but opposed to a National Bank andtho Sub-treasury,
and in favor of some system of special depos^es with
the State Banks.
The series of letters on the subject of Exchange
and Currency which we commence to-day, consider
ing the present condition of the country, will be found
worthy of a place in the columns of every Republican
paper in the country.
EXPORTS OF AMERICAN COTTON TO
AUSTRIA.
Official Custom House returns show that tha aver
age amount of Cotton eX|>orted from the different
Poits of the United Slates to Trieste, from the year
1830 to the year 1839, was 4,046,368 lbs.
For the year 1840 the exports were?
From New York 3,4t>4,054j lbs.
" Philadelphia 35,155 "
" Norfolk 171,050 "
" Charleston 457,794 "
" New Orleans 7,422,934 "
Total amount for the year 1840, 11,550,989 lbs.
President Tyler yesterday left his lodgings
at Brown's hotel, and removed to the Executive
Mansion.
Hon. Mr. Badger, Secretary of the Navy,
returned to this city on Thursday evening from
his visit to North Carolina.
Mr. Crittenden, the Attorney General, left the city
on Thursday on a short visit to Kentucky.
The Charleston Mercury says of Mr. Tyler W?
leave him to declare himself at his leisure, and shall
neither make o pposition nor offer sup|>ort to him till
we see what he would he about.
fir'or. R. K. Call.?Fifty-four Guns were fired in
this city by the Whig Parly, on the receipl of the in
telligence of Richard K. Call being appointed Gov
erner of this territory.?St. Augustine Xtitt,
In the t\ineral Procession at New York, on Sat
urday, the British and French consuls rods together
in an open carriage, each hearing the flag of his na
tion throuded ?n crape. This token of reipect was
adopted at the suggestion of Mr. Buchanrfl, the Brit
ish Consul.
In our paper, to-day, will he found the Report of
the Committee of Stockholders of the Pennsylvania
Bank of the U. 8., and the first of a series of letters
from Mr Biddle, in answer toil. The develojmienls
are interesting and important. It will be seen thst Mr.
Biddle explains the cotton speculations, and intimate*
that the real causes of the disasters of the Bank wa.
the efforts to break down the baaks of New York !
BfeU,
On the afternoon of Easter Sundsy the 11th inst in
the ~9th year of his age, after a most distressing illness
of thirty hours, preceedeil hy s lingering disease of
manj years' duration, Mr. P L Dt'Pour, a native of
Paris, in France; and for the last 51 years a highly
resprctshle adopted citiien of the United Stales
most of that lime of Georgetown and this city.

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