The Madisonian. [volume], October 21, 1841, Image 2

About The Madisonian. [volume] (Washington City [i.e. Washington, D.C.]) 1837-1845

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in ho t well indiiidutli can have either the
specie or the notft without inconvenience or loss
to the batiks or to any one. In the present fee
ble condition of the State banks, weare told thev
are unable, with an aggregate capital ol' ?e*er*l
hundred millions, to furnish apecie enough to
pay one-half or a fourth of the annual retenue
of fifteen or twenty millions. Until they arc
compelled to redeem iheir issues in apecie h
the laws of the Slates, it would be eixtiu the
delinquencies of the banks on the people-, to
collect any considerable portion of the revenue
in specie. Hut a portion of the levenur might
be thus annually collected, which could be grad
uallv increased with the impelled condition
the banks, until finally the whole could be paid
without inconvenience. The banks now hoard
nearly all the apecie of the country Without re
deeming their note*. The collection of any
part of the revenue in specie would itopMt on
the bank* the neceasitv of redeeming *?> much
of their issues as would furnish the amount re
quired for this purpose. The importer who held
their notes would demand of them the^ specie
iu eichange for their notes, which the l?orern
mem exacted from him, and when th* bsnks b.
come able t.< redeem their issues fenerallv, we
should hear no complaint. either trom them or
from the holder of theu notes, if the whole rev
enue were thus eoUccfeJ. W hr should the Uo
vernment or an individual be required to receive
an irredeemable bank note.or to receive the note
of a specie-paying bank without the liberty of
demanding specie for it ? The revenue must be
collected either in specie or in baua notes. If
iu bank notes, the specie may be demanded for
ttiein. so that, unless the banks are forever to is
sue an irredeemable paper, it only remains to be
determined whether the specie shall be lur
uished in the first instance to those who pay the
duties to Government, or after the duties have
been collected in bank notes, they shall furnish
it to the Government. Our State laws provide
that bank notes shall only be received in payment
to Government, so long as they are redeemed iu
apecie. So far, then, as the collection of the
federal revenue is concerned, ita gradual collec
tion in specie would exett a more beneficial and
less dangerous influence over the State or Na
tional Bank system than a collection in bank
notes. The Government would have leas con
trol over the banks, the bauks would be under a
more wholesome and regular check, resulting
from the necessity of enlarging their teal rapi- |
tal and of regulating their issues on a sounder |
basis of gold aud silver. By this mode of col
lecting its revenues, the Federal Government .
may aid in strengthening the present banking |
system, and if its efforts are seconded by the :
Slate Governments, and the laws will be_ en
forced against suspensions, the necessity for a
United Slates Bank, now ascribed to the defec
tive Slate bank system, will soon cease.
As to the custody of the public money, when
collected, all thai is wanted is safety. The State
banks w ould keep the revenue as safely as a U.
S. Bank or as sub-Treasurers. The only cause
for apprehension from using any bank as the de
pository of public money, is fouud in their em
ployment of it for banking purposes, in the
union of the funds of the Government with the
funds of ihe corporation. This is unjust as well
as injurious. Unjust to the Government and
eople, aud generally in the end injurious to the
anks, the people, aud the Government. Uuder
the true theory of our institutions, there can be
no distinction between the people and their Go
vernment. But when Government collects taxes
from the people, and allows a corporation to lend
their own money back to the people, it is easy
to perceive that they are the dupes and victims
of an unnatural combination between their Gov
ernment and ihe banks. The banks are stimu
lated by thegeneral deposit of the public money,
to over-issues, and thus, instead of restraining
the evil tendency now so much complained of in
the banking system, Government encourages it.
This can be obviated by separating the money
of the Government from the funds of the banks,
by means of a special deposite?a cheaper and
I believe a safer mode of custody than has yet
been devised. It ensures to the Government a
return of the precise fund, whether of gold and
silver or of bank notes, which has been collected
and deposited, whilst it withholds nothing from
the banks to which they are in any sense enti
tled. It enables Government to change the cus
tody of its revenues, and to transfer its funds,
?with less inconvenience to the banks and with
less ri->k to itself. It secures the benefits and
avoids the evils anticipated from a separation of
bank and State.
But 1 hear some one exclaim, what is done to
make moaey plenty in a lazy man's pocket, by
collecting the revenue in specie, strengthening
the Slate banks, and depositing the public mo
ney especially with them ? There is no relief
in all this! f ask, what relief can be afforded?
what is desired, from the action of the Federal
Government 7 After all, it is impossible for Go
vernment to regulate the private business of the
citizen. It may, by equal and just laws, afford
protection to private enterprise. It may afford
facilities for the transaction of our business
But a Government of limited powers cannot re
gulate the price of a bill of exchange any more
than the price of a hogshead of tobacco. It
cannot fix the standard of value for depreciated
bad paper. The object of Government is re
straint, first on the arbitrary will of those who
administer its high trusts, and next of the will
of individuals. In our scheme of Government,
it has been attempted to impose as much on the
one and as little on the other, as was compatible
with the general welfare of society. If the powers
granted by our constitutions to Government shall
fail to accomplish their great end*, the mode has
been designated by which the supreme will that
created may alier or amend thein. Is it not
safer to resort to this power of amendment when
any great necessity is supposed to demand the
exercise of powers not granted, than to obtain
thein by the construction of a majority who as
agents under the constitution may enlarge their
own powers at their own pleasure, and alter the
original plan of the Government to suit their
own caprice 1 The Constitution is the only
bulwaik of the People against the ambition of
rulers, the only protection of a minority, the on- !
ly restraint on a majority. By amendments, |
where the powers granted are found inadequate,
they inay be enlarged under such salutary re
straints as the will of the whole shall prescribe.
But when power is assumed under the subtile
process of conduction, it is taken not as the
grantors choose to confer it, but as the urantees
thii.k proper to have it. The Constitution
is worth more to every man in ihe United Slates
than all the banks. By stretching its powers
under au elastic system of construction, one in
terest may gain something to-day, but it may
loose more to-morrow, and in the end all will be
the losers, as the Government insensibly changes
iu character, and becomes the instrument of an
unchecked despotism in some form. TheCon
stitution may be compared to a will of the peo
ple, or to a deed by >vhich they have conferred
certain powers for their own benefit, and ap
pointed all the different departments vf Govern
ment their executors or trustees.
And is it safer that these powers should be
exercised under the terms of the instrument or
according to the caprice of the agents .'
It is to be regretted that a subject so intimate
ly conn' cted with all the interests of society,
lis this, should have ever been a party question.
But it involves political considerations affecting
the whole scope of government itself, and there
fore in some aspects, this question must belong
l<t party. If, however, it is stripped of these at
tributes and regarded only as a question of bu
siness; if ihe powers of the Federal Govern
ment in .reference to it (which always have been
and always will be denied on one hand if they
are affirmed on the other,) can be I. ft out of the
controversy . and a resort can be had to sources
of power equally ellicacious under proper man
agement, and free from all doubt, this subject
may be permanently settled. On the other hand,
the charter of another .National Bank (for we
have already had two) only renews the contro
versy when the charier expires, it indeed it can
be solving [wtpiMed, Mil ibm mbuhiim the
i|iuiik?. The moat okjert w wen of
bu>ine?* i* thai this tewrd que?u^n *h?ll be set
tled Wheo it i* ?ettl*d, the business intemta
of society * >U h\w iheiu?elre*
to he *yMrm, tnd thtas (s^iJence miT be re
stored. I have Hated ihe plan forefdleetin* and
keeping the public mono ?hieh I hare al*a?s
preterrvd, and with such modifications a* I
lie*e the pr< sent condition of the banks their
true interest* an d those of the people demand.
I am unable to mv whether it will find sufficient
Uror ?iih other* to ? n?ure it? adoption, or a
fair trial it adopted But I beJiere the general
principle* on ? hieh it rwtt mart ultimately re
guiate anv permanent or useful plan which may
be adopted
I am await. fr*ow~citnens. ihat the position
I hate fell ii tm dutt to assume in refereuce to
certain measure* which are now announced as
pam measure*, has suhjeeied me to l ar?h mis
construction for a time. That it may alienate
from uie many of those with whom I have for
i uiertv acted, when a concurrence of principle
and apinioo united us in the public service.?
That it may lead to a co-operation with those to
whom I have heretofore been op|H>sed on some
q'jesuons which commanded the public atten
tion I ask of all to do me the justice to judge
my motives by the tests of time and calm re
flection. . I ask only that 1 may not be con
demned by the prejudice of the moment, nor
without recollecting certain great principles of
government which under all circumstances 1
have endeavored to sustain, which have con
trolled my party associations and course both as
a citizen and a public man, and which many
who now oppose me hate heretofore cherished
as steadfastly as
Your obedient servant,
THOMAS W. GILMEH.
From the Culumbue (Oa.) Enquirer.
THE WHIG MANIFESTO.
We cannot subscribe to all the principles set
forth in this document. It was an inauspicious
movement at best; calculated to do no good
whatever, and will inevitably do much harm.?
The terms of censure employed in relation to
the conduct of the President, are far from meet
ing universal approval, while some of the doc
trine:, advanced are still more unpalatable to a
numerous portion of the party. That in rela
tion to the abrogation of the Veto power is
perhaps the worst; indeed it is of itself suffi
cient, in our view, to condemn the whole pro
duction. We will readily admit that a restric
tion of the Veto power to bills unconstitutional,
and such as encroach upon executive rights,
would be an improvement, but to strike from the
Constitution all negative power on the part of
the President, would be at once to consign the
country to the will of an irresponsible majority
in Congress, or, in other word , make the will
of the majority the Constitution. Upon all
such doctrine as this we emphatically put our
veto. It is true the States would still posness
the unquestionable right which they now pos
sess, to guard their own sovereignty, and pro
tect themselves from the operation of unconsti
tutional and oppressive laws: but if a bare ma
jority in Congress were allowed to enact all laws,
independent of the sanction of the President,
the probability is that the States would find oc
casion to throw tli mselves upon their reserved
rights more frequently th in they have in the
pa-t history of our government.
We have been led to make these remarks by
an inquiry from an esteemed friend, why we
have not published the document in question.?
It was not such as we were willing to acknow
ledge as containing exactly the creed of our
party ; and in this we believe we speak the senti
ments of the State Rights party generally.
from the St. Ltouii B tilt tin.
THE WHIG PARTY.
Tbii appears to be a very appropriate and fit time
to go back and review the ciur*c of all pHrlie-> tor the
last thirteen years.' Ilia a fit time for many reasons
Pirat, because we can only judge of the future by re
curring lo the past: Secondly, because the Whig
party, at the present tune, appear to be putting a ball
in motion, which we fear will result in its oveiihruw.
Yes, unless this factious spirit be quelled, the Whig
party, which caoie into power by an unprecedeniedly
large majority, will be Mattered, never to be reunited I
Lei us then recur, in as brief a manner as |>osi>ible, to
the past, leaving the reader lo draw his own inferen
ces as to results.
In 18sJ8, a large portion of the present Whig party
supported Gen. Jackson, in opposition to John (iumcy
Adams. The arguments used in the election of that
old soldier were, that he wasa Republican of the Jef
ferrfonian school?that if elected, he would administer
the Government strictly in conformity lo the princi
ples of Ji flerson and Madison?that he would pro
pose measures fur the good of the country, regardless
of the immediate interest of a party?that he would
reform abu-es, expose corruption, retrench government
expenses, &<?., &c. The principles of a single term
for the Presidency was also uiged?no proscription
lor Mpinion's sake?no usurpation by the Executive.
The evil of Executive patronage was held up to the
public gaze in its most evil sha[ie - its ruinous tenden
cies dilated, and solemn pledges entered into to ubide
by the canons thus laid down, should their candidate
succeed to the Presidency. Well, Gen. Jackson was
triumphantly elected i for a short time the acts of his
administration were marked by a strict adherence to
previous pledge*. But, in a snort time, a (light depar
ture was perceptible, as corrupt men gradually worm
ed themse.ves into the confidence of the President.?
At length, corrupt men had so completely worked
themselves into his affections, and so adroitly did ihev
manage their evil designs, that before he was aware ot
ihen intentions, they liad complete mastery overiheir
victim. Then commenced a series of measures so
ruinous to the country. Goaded on by innate ambi
tion, and flattery of false friends, the President, who
had solemnly pit deed himself to abide by the one
term principle, was induced to trample upon and smo
ther that sacred and important pledge, and suffer him
self again to become a candidate for re-election.?
He was again elected, and before the close of the
lirsl year of his second term, he was found act
ing dirtclly in contravention to the principles
and pledges of '*28, solemnly made bef re his
country and his G<>d. 11 is original friends, pained
and mortified at the peifidy of the man whom lliey had
snuggled for years, not only against the National Re
publican parly, but by a large portion of the Democra
tic party?that portion at the head of which were Van
Buren, Isaac Hill, Thomas Ritchie, Benton, and
oilier*?to elevate him to the Presidency, parted from
hiin ; and, at the election in '36, some voting for H.
L. While and other* lor General Harrison, the old
arid original Whigs voting for llenry Clay, and the
followers of Benton, Hill, and Ritchie voting for and
electing Martin Van Buren. The first act of Mr. j
Van Buren'* administration was the establishment of i
the Sub-treasury?when another organization of par
ties took place. A large number of those who sup- i
ported Vun Buren, wh. n Ibis ruinous measure wu
proposed and adopted, left Mr. Van Buren and join
ed tlie VS bigs, and seveial of those who had but three
year* before supported Mr. Clay, joined the forces of
Mr. Van Buren. Of the former, we may mention Mr.
Rives, Mr Tallinadge, and the editor of the Madiso
man; of the latter, we may mention Mr. Lewis, of
Alabama, Mr. Calhoun, and Gen. McDuflic.
In the years IKlH-'D the Wlpg presses discussed the
claims and availability of different candidates for the
Presidency, much the larger portion urged the nomi
nation of the distinguished Kentuckian?othi rs con
tending for General Hartison, and a few favoring the
nomination of General Kcott. lu th s State the Be
publican and BoonvilieObserver, we believe, were the
only Whig pa|>erk advocating the claims of Henry
Clay in opposition to General Harrison. We are un
able to say what course (lie Paloiyra Whig took. On
the other hand, llie Bulletin, Western Star, Miaaou
r.an, ami other Whig paper* were slrenuou* in their
support of the Hero ot 'I ijuiecanoe. The discussion
was carried on warmly. 1 he Republican charging
tho*e who supported the o'd soldier, with Locotoco
? sin, &c , much totheinjury of ihat paper in the West
ern (?rl of this State. Hut the friend* of Harrison
persevered lo the end. General Hirnson was noini
I nated?the llepiib ican and other Whig pipers yteld
! ed and gave a hearty support (we will not pretend to
I say trilling) to the llmrisburg nomination*. At the
I Harrishurg Convention a great diversity of opinion
ex ? id, as might have I een ei|ieeled? si me weie for
i Clay, some for Scott, anil some for Harrison. Alter
| a consideiahle length of time in discussing, Gi n Har
rison and John Tyler were nominated. Tile nomi
nation was hailed as a triumph throughout the length
and breudlh ot the Union, as a guarantee of ihe sure
over brow of thecoirupt adminisliation of Van Buien
Old Jackson men, shoulid as in the day* of their
' first hein, their first love--editor* who supported Gen.
Jack** In IBS*, buckUJ on their armor and ant?reJ
lit# lUM of baitl* with redoubled energy ind r?new*d
(\<nllv>fWf Their old watch word* and uwttos were
uMn ?.HintleaJ and blaaonod forth?" Retrenchment
an.I Ketorm," " A Sipgle Term," &C., Ac. The Ft?
14,. ?,.(* told that o?r candidates were Republicans of
Itie JriW?omal> school- -all the old document*, *peecli
??, and argument* used in elevating Gen. Jackson in
IKj>>, ware use J and brought to bear in favor of Har
naon and Tyler. The ?aiue pledge* were given, the
saute prinniMi made Well, we succeeded?an extra
session wa* railed, and a aenea ol W big wraaurca
paaxd. A bank project waa called for?the Secreta
ry ol the Treasury i mplied? H did not auit Mr. Clay
and other* and I; wa* thrown aside. Another bill wai
drawn up?paaaed and vetoed. Another, containing
equally objectionable feature* a* the Aral, wa* paaseu
and alto vetoed. '1 he Cabinet dissolved, and a por
tion of the Congreaaiuen, met m caucu*, adopted an
indiscreet addres<, declaring John Tyler no longer a
Wi>ig, and aa having acted traitoroua lo hi* party.
The ftMUaa now ariae*, what will thia act of the
Whig party lead to?what will be the result of the
Whig party) We anawer, it will result in a com
plete overthrow of tbe present Adrnini tration, if the
course marked out by the Whig caucu* at Washing
ton i* peisisted in. If the strong Bank portion of the
Whig party obaiinately oppose any compromise wiih
that pail ol the party who believe with Mr. Tyler, in
regard to a Bank, of course there iuu?t be a division
in our ranks, n. which even the Van Buren dynasty
will asvuredly triumph, as tbe next election arrive*.
The Harrison party wa* oiganited by compromise;
that coiuproun* muit be maintained, or the party i?
distracted, and the locot'ocoa will ride into power on
our ruin*. Nay, worse than tin*: if an old-fa*hioned
Bank i* continued to l>e pressed, and Tyler and his
friends abused and vilified aa they have been lor a few
aionth* pa?t, in less than two year* the locofoco party
will have a majority in both hou*e* of Congress The
original Clay men are not atrong enough to compete
with our common enemy, without the aid of the oiigi
nal tianison men, or Conservative# ; and if I he voice
of the latter be not heeded, mark this prediction. In
le*> than two year* the Whig party will be in a mi
nority. It is only by maintaining the union entered
into in '3!l and '40, that the prisent Whig party can
t-e maintained, or that harmony can be preserved.
We are now strong and invincible ; (hall we then,
like *o many boy*, quatrel among ourselves, and there
by yield our tort, ammunition, and all to the enemy!
Reflect, before it is too late.
Govehnor WicKLirrr?The Bardstown, Ky.
Gazette lias an account of the dinner giveu to
Mr. Wicklifle, the Postmaster General, by his
friends and neighbors. Mr. Wickliffe's remarks
upon the occasion were brief, but very good.
The annexed extract derives interest from his
new and important position in the councils^ol
the nation:
" It shall be my purpose to aid, if possible, to
heal the divisions which now afflict and divide
(he councils ol the nation, to further the estab
lishment of such measures as will "restore to
the country a sound currency and cheap ex
change," such as shall give wings to commerce
and reward to industry.
? Hut, fellow-citizens, we have other difficul
ties of a more delicate and vital importance to
the American people. Our domestic troubles
can be settled by ourselves, by the exercise of
that enlightened and liberal patriotism which
hus ever characterized Americans. We have
difficulties incident to our relations with a fo
reign power to adjust.
At this momeul we are threatened with a
war by the most powerful naiion of Europe.
What is the precise state of negotiation at this
lime between England and America, 1 am not
informed ; and if 1 were, it might not be proper
in me to disclose it. So far as 1 cat understand
the subject, it does appear to me, that the Amer
ican Government has assumed the rue position
of justice and national honor?a position she
must and will maintain. (Cheers.)
'?Our policy as a nation is to cul.ivate peace.
It is the path which conducts to prosperity and
true glory, and 1 trust that both councils ol both
nations will be influenced by wisdom, and, un
der the guidance of an all-wise Providence, we
shall escape that greatest of calam.ties? war,
Yet if that great, powerful, and proud nation
shall not take her counsels from wisdom, or
draw lessons from experience, but insists upon
demands inconsistent with our nationil honor,
rely upon it, gentlemen, I will, in the expression
of my own opinion in your councils, but echo
ilie sentiment of this naiiou, (I know ol Ken
tucky,) when 1 say, war, with all its hon ors,
before national diithonor. (Loud and repeated
cheering.) When this crisis arrives, need 1 ask
where will be found Kentucky ? 1 answer tor
her, she will be on the side of our common
country?once more and again maintaining the
tjlory and independence ol the United Stales.
(Plaudits.) Ah ! and where will be old Nelson?
She again will send forth her gallant sons, to
poui out iheir life's blood on the batile-tield.
Oilier Dunns and Murrays will be fouud in her
borders, to offer up themselves a willing sacri
fice in the cause of freedom. (Great cheering.)
Stop a moment, Mr. American. Are you not tra
velling out ol the record when you ?ay ours is "the on
ly pa(>er in the Went which has advocated the course
ol' the President in his lale measures 1"
We could point to a goodly number who have kept
us company?anil a few month, fience we shall be
able to name scores that have "ch.sen the good and
heller part," to support President Tyler's Administia
tion.? ?><? I'ouii Bulletin.
FROM FLORIDA.
Later from Tampa Bay.
The SI. Augustine News of the 8th inst., has ad
vices from Tampa Bay to the 1st in?t. Col. Worth
was to ship from "250 to 3<X) Indians West, on the Olh
inst Among them were 95 warriors.
On the 5J<lih the troops were to be simultaneously in
motion throughout the Territory.
Sampson, a slave of Col. Humphrey s, who was
captured by the Indians at Caloosahatchie, suereeded
in making his escape, and went in to Tampa on the
30th ult. He has given some very valuable informa
tion to the Comnmuling Officer.
We regret to learn that Caul. Kelrhum, 6th Infan
try, died recently, in Middle Florida,
The .Vetrs remarks : " The rapid close of the war,
by the constant surrender and capture of the enemy,
m an event of rejoicing ; but with this apparent pros
pect of peace, a perfect security does not exist. Ma
rauding parties of the enemy are in small bodies,
occasions ly through; ut the country, and the traveller
and settler require caution, vigilance and care. To a
neglect of this, much of the loss of life may be at
tributed."
The Herald of the 8th Mates that two citizens of
St. Augus'ine, who were hunting cattle in the region
of Country called Matanxas, discovered indubitable
signs of two Indians, who had but a short time left the
?not. They had killed a beef and stripped it of flesh.
The hide was still bleeding, and the haslet laid U|K>n
the ground- The buxxarUs had not had time to die
cover it." _ ,
The re-occupation of the 1 erntoty, under the in
structions of the Commanding Officer, n? slowly but
cautiously progressing. Since ilie Isi of July, seven
settlements have been made in different sections, com
prising some twenty or thirty families The News
remarks: "the lime is nol far distant, we hope, when
the interior ** ill again resound w ith the cheerful voices
of the ciliien, in useful labor.
Cammnnrenlth rt. Stmmei.? The Charlotlesville
| JefTerxonian informs us thai upon the non-ap|>earance
of v?ung S<-mme* (who some time since killed Pro
fessor Davis of the University of Virginia,) and who
was balled last summer in the lum ot S"25,0<K), a de
fault was entered against him, anils rule made against
him and his securities, returnable at the next term ol
ilie Court, to sh >w eausc wbv judgment shall not be
had i>n their forfeited recognizance. The JefTersonian
adds "No expectation exists in this community that
this young nun will ever return here. He may there
f, re be considered clear. '
OBEY ORDERS.
A brave veteran officer reconnoiti ring a battery
which was considered impenetrable, snd which it was
necessary to st..Mi, laconically answered the engineers
who were dissuading him frointhe attempt "(i. ntle
men, vnu may think what you please: all I knov is,
that the Ameiiran flag mu*t be hoisted on Ihe rain
paits lo morrow morning, for I hare the orders in my
pnrkct
Sixty-eight thousand eight hundred and eighty-six
barrels ol (lour, and fifiy-eight thousand and ninety
one bushel* of wheat, Were delivered from the Erie
canal at the various |>oints on the Hudson river, dur
ing the first week of the present month,
CommunffaiCottfi.
FOH THE MAOiaONUN.
TO THE WHIG PARTY OP THE UNITED
STATES.?No. II.
A Hevlewof the Manifesto of the Whig mem
ber* of CoKirtii, the ?tatemeiiU of the seeed
iug members of the Ubluel, and the eveuta of
the lata extra session of Congress
Before we reCer to the mora direct charge* a* aet
forth in thi* address against the Pre*i>lent, it u, how
ever, necessary to dispose of one general assertion,
which ha* been the theuie of much rluqurnt declama
tion. It ha* been aaaerted, by the Van Buren party,
that the adminiatratmn and it* friend* form an incou
gruous ma**, united by oo common or intelligible
principle, and making to each other the most unwor
thy and disgraceful ?acrificeii, to retain power, and de
feat iheir political opponent*. Reserving for after
conaideration the inquiry, whethrr the charge doe*
not equally apply to the Opposition, we proceed to con
aider il, and the evidence on which it real*. If we
examine the prnciple* which mu?t ever guide the
conduct of the great W lug party, we premise lliat they
real ujion freedom of judgment, and a decided hostility
again*! the alavish adoption of a restricted political
creed. We contend that a division upon on' question
doe* not involve incon*i*tency?that in uniting upon
other*, of luglier ini|H>rt, and more safely connected
with the happinei-a and gloiy of the Republic, we obey
a patriotic duly.
It wis easy to foreaee, from the *ign* in the politi
cal zodiac, that the establishment of a Bank of the
United States, whenever an effort should be made to
give it an existence, would have to contend with a
moat *tubl>orn < ppest ion ; that there waa no measure
in which the Government could engage, *o little I ke
ly to be viewed according to ita i<.innate merits? ao
very likely to encounter misconception, jealousy, and
a determined resistance. Fur this, o any reasons uiay
tie assigned, if it were necessary. But it is only to
know the vanity and vmdictivenes* of human nature,
to be convinced, that tlieie will aluay* exist, among
us, politicians who will oppose the estab.ishn.ent ol
measures win n proposed by the dominant party ; em
bittered in their animosity in proportion to the zeal with
winch they are pressed. It is a maleriul inference,from
this, that auch men will watch, with lynx's eyes, for
opportunities of discrediting the proceeding* of the
Government, and will display a hostile and malignant
zeal upon eviiy occasion, while they think thai there
is any probability of thwarting the views of the Gov
ernment.
It is only to consult the history of nations, to per
ceive, that every country, at all times, ia cursed by the
existence of men, who, actuated by an irregular ambi
tion, scruple at nothing which they imagine will con
tribute to their own advancement and imp< rtance: in
monarchies, simple courtieis, in republics, fawning
demagogues, Worshipping the idol ol faction wherever
erected, and tmtficing in the weaknesses, frai ties, or
prejudices of the |ieople It was to have been expect
ed, that such men, counting more on the passion* than
on the reason of Iheir fellow-citizens, and anticipat
ing that the establishment of a Fiscal Corporation
would have to struggle with prejudices, would be dis
posed to form an alliance with popular discontent, to
nourish it, and to press it into the service of tln-ir pai
ticolar views. It was also known, beforehand, that
personal and party nvalshi)is, of the most active kind,
would work tl.e incorporation of provisions in the bill
to which the President could not conscientiously give
bii> sanction.
And hence the origin of the manifesto, and the sys
tchistic puiris which have be<-n taken to impair the
well-earned popularity of the Chief Magistrate.?
Those who have concurred in opinion with him have
heen repeatedly the objects of attack with the eainc
view. His friends, as well us bis enemies, anticipated
that he could not approve of the < slablishnienl of an
institution which coiilliclod with all his previously ex
pressed and sincerely entertained opinions, and thus
furnish weapons for his enemies to a?sail Ins consis
tency ; and it were lo liuve been ignorant of the inde
fatigable malice of his adversaries 10 have doubted that,
they would be seized with eagerness, and wielded
wuh dexterity, to elTect his overthrow.
It becomes now important to ascertain what were
the political views of President Tyler during the can
vass ot IblO.
It is a fact too well known to be successfully contra
dicted, that his opinions in 1819 were directly and po
sitively adverse to the establishment of a national bank,
upon constitutional grounds. This fact was well
known at the iisrrisburg Convention in 1839. His
opinions throughout the whole canvass remained firm
and unchanged. Whenever interrogated in relation
to his views in connexion with the establishment of a
national bunk, he invariably referred those who sought
information as to his opinions'to his specch which he
delivered in Congress in 1819, when the report of
the Investigating Committee was under discussion.?
By a reference to this speech, it will be found that he
viewed the action of the Fedeial Government in the
creation of such an institution as a violation of the in
junctions of the Constitution. From the onset of
President Tyler's career, lie has been a consistent Re
publican. He h..s been recognized as one of the cham
pions of the reserved rights of the States; and at the
same time, he has been ever unwilling to curtail the
constitutional power of the General Government, or
enfeeble its necessary energies. He hns advocated the
rights of the State Governments us the best barriers
against anti-Republican tendencies, while he has urg
ed the preset vation of the General Government in its
whole constitutional vigor, ns the sheet anchor of our
peuce at home and safely abroad. This has been the
creed of his political faith, and the creed which he tins,
on all occasions, without concealment, enunciated
whenever be has been summoned by the people lo dis
charge the duty of a representative.
We affirm that the President was supported by the
Whig party, with the distinct understanding that his
opinions 011 the subject Were fully known and undci
siood by all the prominent members of the parly. And
is this true 1 We appeal to the recollections ol all con
versant with the incidents of the late Presidential can
vass. We lefer lo his recorded votes, in sustentalion of
llus assertion. Recollecting these tilings, could we
view the late address of the Whig members otherwise
than with suiprise 1
In making ibis assertion, we do not commit ouiselves
to the direction of party vehemence, but only on the
strength of documentary evidence to prove it. The
documents growing oul of the campaign arc before the
public, and il might be considered u waste of time to
comment upon them witii the view of strengthening
the complete justification ol KxicuUvciucasuiea winch
they allord.
But it is attempted.by implication,to demonstrate that
the President, in lKf'J, was in favor of a national bank,
That in the llarrisburg Convention, he was
the decided supporter of Mr. Clay. We must
confess, that we cannot see how the support which he
rendered lo Clay, makes hi id a friend to such a bank.
He was anxious, we w ill admit, foi the elevntion ol
that distinguished in>liv idu.il lo the Presidency. He
preferred hup decidedly lo tiie then incumbent of the
fiesidential chair. Ills view* and his policy, weie more
in accord .nee with his own, than Mr V. Burcn's. He
had served with him in the legislative councils of the
country. He had seen him, with a generous hearl and
glowing eloquence, upholding the honor and freedom
of ihe nation ; and with an expansive and liberal mind,
endeavoring lo protect all the greal interests of the
country, ami connect the whole republic by the tits ot
common industry and mutual commeice. The Presi
dent in whatever he engaged, he enguged warmly. Il
is indeed difficult, it nul im|H>ssible, for uny man lo
associate with a net of men, whom he esteems and re
sects, without ollen adopting views and opinions
merely as tbeirs. The longer one is connecietl with
a party, lie more implicitly does lie embrace their no
tions, unless they go to a length, on either side oi the
other, to weaken his reflections, and recall the impar
tial exercise of his judgment. Besides the general
influence ol' |>arty sympathy o|ierating on a mind ot
the most lively sensibility, thrre were social cir
cumstances in Hie Whig party which rendered the in
fluence ol the sympathy still more powerlui. No man
can l>e more Completely adapted lor captivating the
minds ol those wuh whom lie h is frequent inter
course, than ,ur. Clay. He bears his great qualities
so meekly about him?he appears soliltle conscious of
Ins immense su|>eriorily ovi r ordinary men?be is so
attentive lo the gratification ol his friends, and in
deed lo ihe diffusion of t.sppiness, that he nc*er fai s
to win the loveol all wuli whom l<e Converses. He
wjs regarded in Ihe Convention with an ulfeclion
much lieyond mere |>arty politics. Possessing a power
ol commanding affection and influencing action, many
of our prominent statesmen continue u> adhere lo Ins
cause when their interests would have directed them
to the opposite course. He was drawn lo his support
by the admiration of his deep and arder.t patriotism,
and by a lervid friendship of many years stan<' [.
It was under the mlluem e of such considerations as
these, thai induced him to press him forwaid in the
Convention, as the candidate for the Piesitlency. He
was Willing to leave the establishment of a lunk to
the will ol the people, arid to the decision of the can
didate elevated lo thai otfire. It was a question icith
kit cuntcir.nct?wuh his responsibility 10 public opi
nion. But is it not a very different matter when Pre
sident Tyler is called on to give validity to a legisla
tive act ! I he parties are changed 1 Circumstances of
a different kind have taken place, arid he iscsl ed on to
perform s grave constitutional duty. Not that of sup
porting ?n individual for a distinguished station, bu
lo give rfferl lo an act of legislstion, or rf(*wj?l? 11
i violation ol tlx sacred piutinioni of the Cuiuhiii
lion.
The struggle U|?n which they were about entering
wu viewed as our of Ihe deepest interest, and hence
the propriety of unking u?in..r points in the canvass,
to obtain whal they, the Whig*, conceived to be ol
I he deeiwst importance, the prostration of the Van
Buren party. At least, such was the opinion gene
rally prevslenl, while, with irtpect to the institutions
of the country, no doubt rould be entertained, 'hat il
the Van Buren party prevailed in the struggle then
depending, they Muuld be completely extinguished
I Something may be attributed to his admiration ol the
I talents of sone, to his peisunsl friendship for others,
among the leaders of the W bigs, more to the aptitude
of a generous nature to adopt, and, if I may so say, lo
become enamoured of ihose principles of justice, be
nevulonce, and patriotism, which form the true creed of
the patty which he espoused.
It is usual to ground a proposal for a coalition of op
posite pulitical parties on some intelligible basis ; lo as
sign some motive l'wr a cooperation ol political ad
versaries, in the accomplishment of any |>articular ob
ject ; to offer some pledge of sincerity, and lo point
out some general coincidence of principles and vi?w?
w hich shall exculpate the two palties, in the judgment
ol their respective fr ends from the charge ot incon
sistency. Hut in this instance il was deemed unne
cessary. The Whigpaity assembled si liarrisburg,
to unite their strength upon individuals, whose eleta
ted virtues and distinguished patriotism, would i nparl
to the ticket, union and conceit of action Although
there was not a general agreement of political opinion,
yetlheyall concurred in one senlimenl, thai the time
had arrived when the people should eipel from power
an admin strutlon, which bad countenanced usurpa
tions of power, had impaired the resources of the
country, and brought into enatence political systems
adverse to llie genius of our lepublican institutions,
and destructive of the constitutional rights of the
people. It was for the obiainment of these praise
worthy objtcls that the Whigs rallied and conquered.
The love of freedom, the impulse of an enlightened
public spuit, ever intent upon the welfare of the com
munity to which it belongs, and ready to give the alarm,
like a faithful sentinel, when he beholds the exercise
of unconstitutional powers, inlused into the bosoms ol
the patriots of the land fresh force and vigor. The
spirit of independence which had resuscitated in every
section ol the country, felt at length its full lustre, and
received new accession of force from the aspiring cha
rades of those, who being discontented with the policy
pursued by the administration ol Mr. Van Buren, de
leimined lo overthrow it if praclicab e. The policy
of the administration v as canvas^d with great elo
quence and |H>wer in every part of the United Slates,
and the more it was examined, the more evidently did
il ap|>ear lhal liberty was subverted, and universal and
arbitrary authority was exercised over the communi
ty : slavish principles concurred with unconstitutional
practices ; Executive tyranny imparled aid lo usurpa
tion ; iniquitous systems of policy were su|>porled by
a self-willed majority J a currency unequalled in this
or any other country, ruined ; and all the rights ol the
nation, secured by so many laws, and purchased by
the blood ol so many heroes and patriots, laid pros
trate at the fool-stool of Presidential power.
it wan under the influence of >-uch circumstances j
as wu have endeavored to delineate, that the Whig
parly entered the canvass. No irreconcilable jeal
ousies?no distrusts?no rivalships marred the harmo
ny o: our union. We advanced in our march to battle
under one banner?recognizing but one party, and de
manding at every hazard, the sulvation of the country
from an abyss which had opened to absorb it, not its
wealth only, but its independ. nee and character,?to
sweep away all lhal was sacred to the proudest rccollec
lecuons, and indissjluhly bound up with the highest
hope* of Hie Anieri an People. On the part of the
Whig parly every diffident feeling was invigorsted,
and every suspicion of Infidelity quelled by the ardent
emotions created into the progress of the canvass ; the
errors of the imagination were corrected by the burn
ing impulses of the heart; the last tatetul struggles of
the conflict were watched wjlh a breathless anxiety by
all rien ; and the final shout of victory was deep, uni
versal and enthusiastic.
1 Ins political revolution resulted in the elevation of
Gen. William H. H arrison lo the Presidency, and
John Tyler to the Vice Presidency. Bui alas ' such
are the dispensations of Providence, such is the pre
carious tenure of our existence, lhal that voice which
so recently announced to a vast multitude the princi
ples upon which the great conccrns of the nation
would be conducted, is hushed in death; and the re
mains of that illustrious man, whose life was spent at
the shrine of patriotism, whose worth would have
done honor to any age or nation, are now enclosed in
llie tomb. By the death of this illustrious personage,
President Tyler Itecamc the Chief Magistrate of this
nation.
S on after Gen. Harrison'* elev?tion to the Presiden
cy, it was discovered, upon a full examination of the
financial condition of the Treasury Department, that
a large deficiency in the revenue existed, and that the
Government could not meet it* engagements, without
ilie aid of the Congress ot' the United States. With
the view of remedying ih.s stale of things, and pre
serving the credit of the nation, General Harrison
issued his proclamation, convening Congress on the
31st of May last.
With the calling together of Congress, President
Tyler had nothing to do. He found himself placed
in a new and unex|>ected situation. He found him
self at the head of the American Government, wield
ing the destinies of the greatest Republic in existence.
In this new and unlooked for elevation to confidence
and honor, President Tyler felt and expressed the
strongest feelings uf generous gratitude to those who
bad thus exalted him to the highest station in the
world; hut one feeling of generuu* devotion to the
party pervaded his bosom. The Whig party were
satisfied with his opinions. These emotion! were
for some time allowed to take their course undistuilnsl
and unalloyed. But this did not suit the interests of
party, and efforts weie soon begun lo ruffle the pure
and tranquil current of opinion. The President could
not, with Ins constitutional views, sanction a bdl lo
chatter a National Bank ; and that offence was not to
be forgiven by a division of the Whig party. Soon
alter the assembling of Congress, anticipations of evil
wire insidiously suggested, and by individuals not
without political imp rlance. The public was inform
ed that a National Bank would be established i n the
basis of the one instituted in 1816. This was, how
ever, only the prologue lo the discn d.table drama
which was soon to follow. Embittered by disappoint
ments? having seen political }>owcr brought within
reach id'their political leadi rs?having seen political
power withdrawn Iroiu their grasp, they endeavored to
encompass the President by artful mantcuvres ami
wily stratagems, and thus undermine the force of his
administration, and prostrate the influence of his opi
nion.
In accordance with the resolution adopted by Con
gress, Mr. Sen eta ry Ewing communicated to both
Houses a plan for the establishment of a National
Hank. It will be leiuemliered that this system was,
in many important aspects, different from niiy that had
ever been submitted to the consideration of that hod v.
Its provisions were materially variant from the bank
ing system adopted 111 1616. It differed not only as
regards its precautionary measures and restrictions,
hot its fundamental rules. This bill contemplated the
establishment of branches, with the assent of the
States. It was afterwards emended, which amend
ment was deemed objectionable. The bill, as amend
ed by the Senate. ap(iearid to us as a masked battery ?
an ambuscade instead of an attack?a pill whose gild
ing rendered if fairer to the eye, and more pleasant to
the taste, hut leaves nil its poison lurking within.
I. It conleiliplatid the establishment of branches in
thescviral States of the Union, whenever the States
did not dissent from their intrusion within their l>or
ders : and construing if* titstenl into aucnt. This is
the basis of one of its fundamental articles, and it w as
zealously contended that this compromise provision ob
viated all constitutional scruples President Tyler
thought otherwise. Some ot the Whigs ohjrclcd to
the provision which requires the assent of the Slates lo
the establishment of branches, >>11 the abstract ground
that it would be tantamount to an abandonment of the
power in Congress to chnr er such as the late one
Now, here is a direct conflict of opinion between fhe
President and a majority in Congress, on an import
ant constitutional point? a point directly at war with
those constitutional views which the Chief Magistrate
Ims always maintained, as legards the reserved rights
of the States-as regai d* tlie inviolability of Stale
sovereignty. That he honestly entertains those opin
ions, no man will undertake to contradict. Then,
when this h'll 1- presented to bun fi r his signature and
appr >val, what course of conduct was he lo adopt in
regard lo if 1 llewasliound by his honor and his
conscience, by his oath lo the Constitution, as well as
his responsibility to the public opinion of I' e nation,
to act on his own mature and unbiassed judgment,
though unfortunately in direct contradiction to a ma
jority of ils politi' al friends, to call into full exercise
the Veto |H>?er, and return the bill In Congress wrh
Ins objections. It was his sa< red duty to act thus, al
though he contravened tile expressed wishes of hit
|x)htic.il friends. We disclaim the idea that a Preal?
dent shows a want of Jidility to party, !<ecau*e he is
desirous to sustain llic provisions of the Constitution
We have no idea that a Chief Magistrate should he,
like the g<sls ol Kpn urus, lolling U|s>n their beds of
down, equally careless whether the requirements ot
the CoiMilution are observed or violated, i.nd instead
of impartially d *< barging his duly. The President
assumed the reins uf Government wilh the determina
lion to cherish the Conatitulion-lhia mon
ument of the wiadom of the natioo It waa it. honest
determination! He might, i? ? certain, under some
frivolous pretext*, have suffered it to become a law by
retaining the bill until the expiration ol ten day h*
night, by ?o doing, ha*e e^ape.l II . ?
which he ha. incur.r.1 b)f rejecting it , by aodou.tf bi
ll,ight have avoided the obloquy to which he ha. b. .-n
exposed, on account of thw rejection, aim! the imp. a. I,
merit of hi* motive*, a* far a* it i* founded thei.on
But had he so done, in our opinion, he wi uld hate
been uuilty of a cowardly dereliction of his duly
We cannot help thinking, that thr man wlio ?.
pires to the lame of a true patriot, la replied to su|
port measures which he may view aa OBConsiiluli.fi I
or aubveraive of the interest. of the country. I.. ,,
bound by every aentiment ot honor and esery prim
pie of justice, to refuse hia sanction to it* ado|>iion l>v
contenting to recognile such an aulbotrty lor the . i
erciae of illegitimate power, he couaeBts not only lo m.
act which in itaelf is repugnant to the i i< iai< -
honorable and elevated spirit, but one which n. Ikeiy
to produce pernicious |>oliticat effects.
" Stand
Firm for your country, and become a man
Honoi'd and loved ; it were a noble life
To be found dead embraciug here '
We can attest, with great pleasure, lo the ditinlr
restedmas and purity of his motives, which dictated ln?
political conduct. Aa to it? wisdom that i? inciter .1
opinion ; but as to his exemption from all view?ot |>
sonal promotion or aguraod:xraierit, the veto message*
contain within themselves internal evidence sufficient
lo demonstiate the want of foundali n tor this all*
gation.
I lay it down as an incontrovertible truth, that ti e
Constitution has assumed (arid, indeed, how could it <!? ?
otherwise) that the Government of the United Si i -
might and would have occasion, like oilier Ciowrii
merits of the civilized World, to contain a check on the
proceedings of the legi lstive depaitmeiit, lo restrain
popular impulses and inordinate ambition. It hns raid,
accordingly, thst the President should po?s ss tins por
tion of national sovereignty. It has furthermore git en
lo ihe Chief Magistrate, with ihe concurrence ot the
Senate, the exclusive creation anil control of the w hole
machinery of diplomacy. Upon Ihe |?iwm of ihe Pre
sident, therefore, thi re can Lie no doubt. The oiilv
question i? as to the extent of- the veto power, or in
other words, as to the subject U|nin which it may he
exerted. The. effect of the power, when exerted ?itt
in il? useful sphere, is beyond the reach of control r-y
But the proceedings of the Whig caucus give birth
to a reflection too solemn to l>e unuttered, tlr t in a
meeting of the members of Congress?a body diitin
guiahed for patriotism and rich in renown ? men i f
high station arid repute, should lie found tonceilirj,
by an organized effoit, the renovation of tliut explod
ed notion, thai the veto power is dangerous to thr ex
istence of the Government, and ought to be plucked
out from the Constitution, as a plant unccngeriiul to
the soil of republican liberty. And does it not add to
the gloom of this reflection, that a large body of the
Whig party should be found the advocates for the i in
dication of this Conservative power?
Li t us now examine the Constitution, on the si(!i
jecloflhe Veto power, and from thence leatn in what
cases, and in what only ihe exercise will l>e in ai. ord
auce with the provuiona'of the Constitution To
have correct sentiments on this subject, is of inf.ii. <?
importance. An enor here would be like what is
called an error in the first concoction, and wouldper
vade the entire system.
What is the just distinction betwein Legislative
and Executive functions 1 Is it not that the former -
to make the law ; and that the latter is to execute it I
Is it not one of the fundamental principles of our Con
stitution and an essential ingredient of free Govern
merits, that the Legislative, Judicial, and Executive
powers shall be kept distant and separate 1 That the
(tower of making the general law that shall in ver be
blended in the same hands with that of executing it I
Does not the unioi of these two powers in the same
hands constitute the worst of <li s|sitisms 1
The construction of the Constitution belongs to
the President as one im ply qualified, both from lo*
permanency and inde|>endence as well as from consti
tutional learning, to exercise so important a right.?
The neceasity of a power existing somewhere lo judge
of the Constitution, and of the confoiuutv or m n
fortuity of laws to the provisions of it, results from the
very nature of a written Constitution ; it is vain we
have an instrument paramount to ordinary legislation,
if there ia no authority to chtck encroachments upon
it, and there is no di partment of Government with
whom this power can be so safely lodged, or by whom
it can be so ably and impartially exercised, as the I-1
eculive. If the Legislature, the very branch of Cio?
ernment most controlled by the Constitution, and in
tended to be so, shall lie permitted lo assume the wide
and unlimited construction, the Constitution will
sink at once into a useless instrument, moulded into
vaiious sha|>es at the will of the National Lii'isla
It is very strange that this absurdity, winch makes to
splendid a I'e dure in this manifesto, should never have
occurred, cither to the statesmen who had a principal
part in forming the Constitution, nor thu patriots who
composed the fit at Congress.
la there a |>ower given to any other branch of the
Federal Government, in term* more direct, more clear
and strong 1 There ii nothing constructive here, it
is all express and positive.
We might cite several passages of the Federalist in
support of these views. It is not for me to pronounce
the eulogy of that Work?who they were that wrote it
?how eminent in (ioint of abilities?and what were
their opportunities of understanding the true design
and meaning of the Constitution. We cannot hi Ip
remarking, however, that if the consttucti. n for which
we contend be in truth so extremely odious, offensive
and shocking, it is a little strange that those gentle
men, admitting them to have common sense, should
have urged this very construction. It was the favorite
construction of that day, and it has remained for the
superior sagacity and keen jealousy o! the present
times, to espy any thing datigeiou* or repulsive in.it.
Tins position, as laid down in the manifesto, we
say is in conflict with the theory of our Government.
Every part of the proposition is pregnant with
error.
But it is not to the dominant party, to the nation,
to posterity, and to the inti rests of tree governments,
that the observance of setUed Constitutional princ pies,
in cases in the exercise of the Veto (lower, is alone
important. It is equally so to the chaiacter and feci
ings of the individual at the head of the Government.
Is theic any m< mt>er of the Whig party, who v?, uld
wish, nay, would consent, in dividing upon the adop
tion of an important measure, to see the President set
free from the restraints of constitutional law, or, more
properly sinking, to be deprived of its guidance, and
lelt to the influence of his ow n passions, feelings and
ptcposscssioiis 1 Were cases like this to lie deter
mined on views of expediency, and not on sound princi
ple* of constitutional law, to what suspicions might
not the President be liable, sf having sought the indul
gence of some animosity, or the ailainim nt of some
selfish end, instead of consulting for the publ o goodl
But when he is known to be governed by tin sitthd
rules of consti utional law. a ml is considered merely
its organ, his motives will be more respectid, sod Ins
conduct less liable to suspicion or reproach If this
power be torn out of the Constitution, will not thn
President assume the doubtful and dangerous charac
ter of an officer subject to no rule but his arbitral v
will 1
It is contended by the writer of the "Manifesto, '
that it is a power highly dangerous ai.d inimical to our
institutions. Bv arguing fioni the p s-ible abuse of
l?>wer against the use or existence of it, you may and
must come to the conclusion that thete ought "not to
be, and is not, any government in tin- country or in
the world Disorganization and snatchy ate the sure
consequences that can b. deduced from such reason
ing. W ho is it that ni?y not abuse the power that has
been confided to him! lias the Congress of I be L'ni
ted States never abused powerl And, if they l;avi ,
does not the argument from extreme cases j rove th. t
that they ought not to havr |s>wer1
Usage sanctions the exercise of the Veto power
ex|>ediency does the same.
But when it was contended that f'ongre-s legislates
upon measures, subject to the action of the El ecu |?
is an assertion perieclly intelligible, but the under
standing is in some degree confounded by the <th r
piopueittiMi, that the Executive nnrui must be mould'd
by the (sipular will. This proposition introduces in o
the Constitution a strange suomaly '< h ? Kx. 'u i*?
is an indi pendent branch of the Govcron>crit It
sanction to a bill is just as necessary, to give wtalitv
to a legislative act, as the sanction ot the Senate to a
bill which has received the adoption of the Hon-e . f
Representatives In opposition to ihi- general propo
siti n, I will remark, that the pardoning power, with
which the President is invested, operates 1 ?? a re|s al
pro/)jr ricr, of ) our criminal code. I)oe? it not ri?lo
over the law, resist its high cummnndments, and ex
tinguish its effect 1 Dim sit not control the whole fuice
and |siwer of your legislation I
The House of It prisenlatives is, according to the
theory of the manifesto, the amulet winch bids defi
ance to |iolit|cal disease, or cures it w hen |( has com
menced I know not, indeed, how it can reasonab.y
be thought that our liberties are in hazard from tin
witchery of a veto, and yet safe from the potent en
chantmciits of unrestricted legi*lali n
If the time shall ever come when the di If. rent branch
esoflhe Government shall cea-c to h ive a just and
honorable confidence in each other?when tliev shall
Cease to know that they emanate from the same p ?er