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THE M ADISONIAN. J. B. JONKN, Kdltor and Proprietor. price of advertising. Twelve linen, or lees, three insertions $1 00 Each additional insertion, ...... 25 Longer advertisements at proportionate rates. A liberal discount made to those who advertise by the year. Or Subscribers may remit by mail, in bills of solvent banks, pottage paid, at our risk ; provided it shall appear by the postmaster's certificate, that such remittance has been duly mailed. TERMS: Daily per annum, (in advance,) - - - $10 00 The tri-vreekly per annum, " ... 500 For six months, " ... 3 00 Weekly, " - - - 2 00 ?j* All letters must be addressed (free of postaeg) to the editor. Postmasters throughout the Union are requested to act as our agents. Those who may particularly exert themselves in extending the circulation of this paper, will not only be allowed a liberal commission on sums remitted, but receive our warmast thanks. CONGRESS. On Thursday, the House went into Committee of the Whole immediately after the reading of the journal, and took up the General Appropriation bill. Mr. Gentry, who was entitled to the floor, delivered his views respecting the amendments proposed in relation to the appropriations for contingencies, and advocated the motion to strike them all out of the present bill. He wandered into remarks of a party character, which were pronounced to be out of order?and his speech was arrested, tie appealed iroin me decision of the Chair, but the decision was sustained by a vote of 80 to 66. Mr. Cushing appealed to the House on the necessity of the immediate passage of the appropriation bill. He was willing to strike out the-items of contingencies from the present bill, provided a separate bill should be formed on a feasible plan. Mr. Everett gave information that he would move to strike out half of the contingent appropriations, with the proviso that a separate bill should be framed. Amid cries of question, Mr. Giddings rose to object to the contingent appropriation item lor the State Department, unless it were amended in a manner which he deemed proper. He found in the Blue Book that certain sums of money had been paid to printers for publishing advertisements respecting the compensation for slaves. An appropriation for such a purpose, he maintained to be unconstitutional. He was called to order, and after a confused debute of much length, in which many members participated, the Chair having decided that Mr. Gidding3 was in order, an appeal was taken, and the decision of the Chair sustained. iMr. Giddings continued his remarks for a few moments, when Mr. Wise said that if Mr. Caruthers would move to strike out the proviso with all the contingent items, he would withdraw his amendment. At this momenta discussion arose on a point of order as to which member of the three was entitled to the floor. When it terminated, Mr. Caruthers moved to strike out the whole fifteenth clause, with the proviso. His motive, he said, for this course was, that he wished to have no items in the appropriation bill except such as are authorized by law. Mr. Brown, of Pennsylvania, rose merely to observe that his friends were not answerable for the delays in the passage of the bill. He l ?1 * ? 1 tb /? vnamkava r\C ^ rtn _ ooservea, in uuumuu, iuai mc iiicimuoio wi gress were agents of the people, as well as the Secretaries at the other end of the avenue. He thought the inquiry, therefore, should be made, whether fancy and scientific books, &c., were not bought lor Congress as well as for the Departments. He wished the reform at both ends of the avenue. He was in favor of establishing a public press. Mr. Everett said he would vote against the amendment of Mr. Caruthers, because appropriations for contingencies would be immediately required. He would therefore vote to strike out half the sum proposed in the 15th clause, and in all other cases where there should be doubt of the immediate necessity of the contingent appropriations. In this manner time would be given for maturing a bill for Contingencies without emb rrassing the Government. After some remarks from Mr. McKay, the question was taken on the amendment of Mr. Everett to strike out $25,000 and insert $ 12,500, which was carried by a vote of 68 to 66. The question recurred on the amendment as amended?that is, whether the 15th clause, with the amendment, should be stricken out. The motion prevailed by a vote of 87 to 54. The committee then rose and the House adjourned. Mr. Woodbury addressed the Senate yesterday upon the resolutions of Mr. Clay in relation to an adjustment of the duties on imports, the limitation of the expenditures of the Government, and the observance of a rigid economy. THE COUNTRY IS SUFFERING?CONGRESS DOES NOTHING. On Tuesday, the President sent a message to the House of Representatives, urgently calling its attention to the exhausted state of the Treasury, and clearly stating the absolute necessity of immediate provision, in order to maintain the public faith. The message was read?referred to no committee?no disposition made of ?, ana me riouse proceeaea 10 inose ueua n-s with which it has already so long occupied itself, about contingent expenses, employment and compensation of clerks and messengers, and the best mode of printing public documents. On Wednesday morning an attempt was made to take up the President's communication, but was made in vain ; and Wednesday, like Tuesday, was devoted to the abovementioned subjects. In the meantime, Wednesday evening's mail brought a letter from New York, of which we give an extract: (Copy.) Nf.w York, 8th March, 1842. Mr. Seidell, the Treasurer, goes home emptyhanded. The notes are dishonored, and will be until Congress acts upon the loan bill. There ought to have been a message to Congress before this. Ohio six per cents sold to-day at fifty cents on the dollar. Cannot the President sqnd a message which wil arouse the country, if not quicken Congress? Then has never been such a gloomy period in the country since I knew it as at present. Tho people see tha' Congress is doing nothing, or is passing its time it II trifles, while. a!l confidence, in the stability of any If thing is passing away. f The new Comptroller of this State has attempted t< raise the wind for the pitiful sum of two hundred an< fifty thousand dollars, with which to open the canals . . ? - . ..... m > VOL. V.?NO. 124.] Vf and offered to pay 7 per cent, and pledge the first re- J ceipts of toll for payment. The banks have all re- ] fused the request. t It is no wonder then, that the Secretary having nothing j but six per cent. Treasury notes to redeem old issues, ? fails to do it. The issues of notes for the current ex- j penses to creditors of the United States, flood the . market with notes for sale; the customs, therefore, receive nothing but notes?the importer buying them at a shave. 1 The loan bill must be passed, and the stock sold to A the highest bidder. The proceeds will enable the ( Treasury to take up the old notes. i r. a.? 1 nursday nas passed, ana tne supine- 1 ness of Congress is yet unbroken. Every day t that now elapses, without something being done j for the country, or at least attempted,, contrib- 1 utes to seal the fate of Congress. The people 1 are becoming irritated, and tbe press is speaking s in tones of condemnation in all directions. Is ( there no sign in this? It will be seen at the : next elections. MR. CLAY'S RESOLUTIONS AND , SPEECH. From the note of preparation by which the discussion of Mr. Clay's resolutions was herald- , ed, we had anticipated on the part of that dis- , tinguished Senator a display of power superior 5 to any of the numerous and brilliant efforts by ( which his political career has been marked.? j This expectation was in part founded on the | general character of the resolutions themselves, j which seemed intended to afford scope for his 1 masterly intellect in discoursing on the almost , boundless field of State policy. In the antici- ] pations thus formed we regret to say, we have , been much disappointed. Whether the disap- j pointment thus experienced is to be traced to j inability on oar pait to appreciate the argument j of the speaker as it deserves, the country will of | course judge, but we deem it a duty to set forth our objections, with all-becoming deference to the distinguished individual, in order that we may be relieved from any charge of prejud ice in the premises. As for the general truth of the positions assumed in the resolutions, there ; will, we presume, be but little difference of opinion, as they embrace abstract points, on which all parties are, so far as we are advised, perfectly agreed. That economy should be exercised in the administration of all governments, and particularly such a government as ours, no one will venture to deny, and that for several years past the grossest prolusion has existed, we, at least, are ready to admit. That judicious retrenchment is the only corrective of profusion is as readily admitted, but as to what may be fairly lermea juuicious reirencnmeni, mere may ub a difference of opinion; and it is on this point, as well as some others, that we must differ from the author of these resolutions and found our condemnation of his speech as unworthy of so great and enlightened a statesman. In discussing the question, Mr. C. seems to have occupied his time in lopping off leaves and twigs, when his axe should have been laid at the root of the evil. That Congress may have employed more clerks than were necessary, and that more paper has been used than was absolutely wanted by the members, may all be, and undoubtedly is true, but after all what do these amount to ( when compared with the great principles on j which the Government has been conducted ?? , It is not for such men as Mr. Clay to go into , petty details about dollars and cents when mil- ( lions are involved, and we had hoped that in- , stead of tilting at rats and mice and such small ( deer, he would have launched his javelins at , nobler game. No matter how much money has | been spent, the question is whether it has been j well expended, and whether the great interests of the country have been faithfully and judi- ^ ciously cherished and protected. Mr. Van Bu- , ren is said to have expended on an average thir- j ty-five millions a year. Is the country the better for it, or is it not now in an infinitely worse ^ condition than it was even when he assumed i the reins of Government? Where are the defences of the land ? where the public works ? ^ where the perfection and thoroughness in the j performance of public duty, that might have been expected with such an outlay of treasure? Let the dilapidated state of our fortifications, the depressed condition of our navy, the neglect and confusion apparent in every department of the civil service, answer the question. However | great may have been the abuse of public confidence on the part of Mr. Van Buren's adminis- ( (ration, its effect has only been to increase evils that should not have existed, and enhance the difficulties attending on the change of policy introduced by his successors in office, and we confess that, under all the circumstances of the 1 case, we were much surprised at seeing the ob- ' jections urged by Mr. Clay against the estimates ' of the present heads of departments, for the en- ' suing year. The present Administration asks 1 for $26,000,000, instead of $35,000,000, or rather $40,000,000, expended annually by their 1 predecessors ; and yet we are told that their es- 1 timates are too high. For what, we ask, are the $26,000,000, which, by the way, is only $4,000,000 more than Mr. C. thinks necessary, with all his retrenchments in mileage, postage, stationery, diplomacy, &c., required? Are they demanded for ordinary expenses, or such charges as would have existed had the Government been previously well administered 1 No. Fortifications are to be built and repaired, the navy is to be regenerated and enlarged, the organization of the public offices is to be changed and rendered adequate to the public wants, and for all these only $26,000,000 are asked, being, as we said before, an excess of only $4,000,000 over the sum for which the Senator from Kentucky hopes that the Government can be administered. The item to which Mr. C. chiefly objects in the estimates of the present Adminis'r tration, is that connected with the Navy Depnrtt ment, which is set down at $8,000,000, when , he thinks that perhaps $6,000,000, or $6,500,000, r would be sufficient. In forming his computations, did the distinguished Senator take into , account the existing foreign relations of the ! country, and the change wrought in maritime > tactics by the introduction of armed steamers if py ASHINGTON: SATU1 nto the navies of all the important countries (ol Europe ? Did he take into account the protecion of the Gulf of Mexico, as the key to the Mississippi valley, and the naval depots render d necessary by such a measure ? Did he bear n mind the proposed increase ol our naval orce, deemed at the present juncture iudispen;able, when he made his estimates and managed o hope for a reduction of a million and a half, vhich same reduction might endanger the loss )f twenty times the sum? As for ourselves, we have great confidence in the integrity and nteliigence not only of the present Secretary of ;he Navy but of every member of the present Administration, and cannot believe that they would oiler extravagant estimates gratuitously when they must have known how unpopular such a step was calculated to make them. Nor aan we believe that the Secretary of the Navy, icting with all the lights he could command, would Be likely to run up an account in behalf af his department unnecessarily, when by doing so he would incur the risk of frustrating his own ziews in placing the navy on a proper footing. So much for the estimates in question; but we go further, and say that if the amount demanded for the public necessities were twice $26,000,000, it should be granted, unless it :an be made to appear that the cost of the items furnished is erroneously stated. The first question to be settled is, do the interests of the nation require that the things proposed shall be done ? md.that being answered in the affirmative, the second is, how much will it take to do them thoroughly and well? There has been, of late years, i fashion of ascertaining how much can be left undone in order to avoid the charge of profuseness, and not of finding out what is necessary to the safety and honor of the country. Such we believe to have been the policy of Mr. Van Buren's administration with all of its expenditures of nearly forty millions a year; and what has it brought us to? Ships rotting on the stocks, officers unemployed, fortifications in a state of dilapidation, public creditors unpaid, and the credit of the nation at the lowest possible ebb both at home andabroad. Is Mr.C. willing to see a continuance of things so humiliating tc every true-hearted American ? and does he wish to behold the present Administration pressed tc the earth by the results of former misrule and prodigality ? We know him too well to suspect him for an instant of any such desire ; and we trust confidently that his influence will not be suffered to aid in producing such a result, and, by so doing, dim the glory he has earned by his brilliant career of public service. Before we conclude this article, we would remark that the sums required for the public service, if faithfully applied, would be any thing but a burden to the country. We hold that, il there be a legitimate and unobjectionable mode, on the part of Government, of cherishing home industry, it is by a liberal expenditure of its means, and exercise of its powers in giving employment to the producing classes and drawing forth the resources of the country. What becomes of the millions paid for the construction of ships and fortifications, and for the support of the public service ? Do they not go tc enrich the honest mechanic, the industrious farmer, and the enterprising manufacturer, and thus increase the tax-paying power of the community? It is not as if the money were sent aut of the country to pay for foreign industry or merchandise, but it is to pour back into the laps ol the people the treasures held by their servants for their use and benefit. Were these sums to be expended in supporting armies at a distance from home, or carrying on wars of conquest, it would be different, but there will not be a tree purchased, a nail driven, or a stone laid, that will not serve .to cherish national industry whilst it protects national honor. It is not our purpose to address ourselves to partisan feeling, but we appeal to the patriotism of the Members of Congress, and their national pride, and ask of them, without distinction ot party, to sustain the Administration in the work it has so nobly commenced. An honest and faithful exhibition of the country's necessities bas been made by men who need yield to few, if any, in ability, and to none in high integrity and honesty of purpose ; and it remains for the National Legislature to say whether we shall be happy and secure at home and honored abroad, or become the object of ridicule and contempt to the nations that are eagerly waiting to witness our ruin. EXECUTIVE CORRUPTION ?REFORM. A remarkable characteristic is observable in the arguments employed by some of the speak crs, who have participated in the debates which have for some time past occupied the attention of the House of Representatives, as well as in the measures proposed to effect the reform so zealously advocated from every quarter. The reasoning seems to be based on the assumption that dishonesty and corruption are inseparable from the Executive authority, and that integrity and purity are the exclusive gifts of the Legislature. To the consequences inevitably flowing from this assumption, we have already ad verted, and we do not now purpose to repeat our observations. We now regard it in another aspect. That a watchful eye should be kept on the acts of the Executive, is a republican principle. That the Legislature should regulate strictly the exercise of its power, by law, in order that ?i i :ui? nuusra miu u^uipaiiuu iuay. mi a:s |?us5iuirt be prevented, is indubitable. But it is equally true that it is incumbent on the People to watch the movements of the Legislature, in which there exists a "propensity to intrude upon the rights, and to absorb the powers of the other departments." Our remarks are not confined to the implied impu'ation on the present Administration, but extend to every other. For we have always observed, that whenever the spirit of reform was raised into activity, the same assumption of Legislative purity and Executive iniquity, has always been made impliedly by some advocates of the necessity of purifying the Government. Nor do w? intend that our re marks should apply to subordinate agents tiisnniu 1DAY, MARCH 12, 184 They have reference solely to the principal Executive officers in Washington. We once read a maxim, taught by a man of great celebrity for his wisdom, which inculcates the lesson that all our communications with a man, of whose character we had not a most intimate knowledge, should be such as if we regarded him as an enemy. But this maxim certainly should not rule our conduct in relation to those in whom the People have manifested their confidence, by placing them in the highest office of the country ; nor to those whom the Head of the Administration may have chosen for his counsellors, with the approbation of the Senate, from a personal knowledge of their fitness for the stations for which they have been selected. If it be true, or probable, that the Chief Executive Officer, chosen by the People, is, in every instance, corrupt, would not the weapon cut the other way also, and would it uot be equally true or probable, that each individual Representative chosen by the people is corrupt? We know that in a multitude of counsellors there is satety. It is unquestionably improbable that a majority, or even many of the chosen Representatives of the People, shculd be dishonest?whilst it may happen that the single individual holding the Executive power may be unworthy of his station. But the insult offered to the People, by the assumption on which we animadvert, does not consist in claiming purity of motive and conduct for the whole body of Legislators, while it imputes dishonesty to the Executive branch of the Government; but in attributing to the Legislative Body a perfection ' of sanctity, whose influence is sufficient to purify all who come within the penumbra of the Capitol. To leave the discretionary disbursement of $3,000 in the hands of one of the Secretaries, necessarily exposes the money of the People to wanton waste; but to intrust $150,000 to a Clerk, elected by the majority of the 1 House, is attendant with no danger whatever of 1 abuse. The Secretary, appointed by a Presii dent, must be necessarily corrupt, while a Clerk, elected by the House, is necessarily honest. The discrimination thus made, we conceive to > be, not only unjust, but inconsistent. If a rei form is seriously intended, let its provisions in elude, not only the Heads of the Executive De1 partments, but the subordinate officers of the t two Houses of Congress. ! If a Secretary is unworthy of trust, we should conceive, by a parity of reasoning at least, that the Clerk of the House and the Secretary of 1 the Senate are equally unworthy. We are advocates of retrenchment and reform; but we wish to see the operations of both extended not only to the Departments, but to ; the Capitol, and beyond these to all the branches f of the public service. We wish, too, that rei form, as well as retrenchment, should be estab: lished. Without the former, the latter will be i wholly inoperative. The House has apparently ; retrenched its expenses, by ordering a reduction in the number of its Clerks?but is there any certainty that those Clerks will not be retained and paid out of the contingent fund? Re trenchment only is thought necessary for Coni gress, but reform is deemed requisite for the i Departments. Estimates must be made for the expenditure of the contingencies of the latter, when the sums allowed in some cases do not amount to more than $3000: but no estimates are demanded of the contingencies of the former, when the sum appropriated reaches more than $100,000. We say now as we said bei fore, let the reform be thorough?let Congress act on the supposition that corruption is as possible in the Capitol as in the Departments? and it will at least relieve itself from the charge of inconsistency, if not of injustice. A STORM BREWING. From every section of the country our papers bring unequivocal evidences that the people are becoming indignant at the perverse and inexplicable conduct of their representatives in Congress. We have only room to-day for the following : Correspondence of the Express. Washington, March 7. THE WIT AND WISDOM OF CONGRESS. A most extiaordinary feeling of economy commenced with the beginning of the new year with a good portion of the representatives of the people. During the month of December, and for some time during the Special Session of Congress, a Committee on Retrenchment had been hard at work to find how many quills, how many [tens, how much paper, and what quantity of ink and sealing-wax a Congress had used, first, in its aggregate capacity, and secondly, among 'ndividual members. In duo time a report was forthcoming, long, labored, abounding in the opinions of the committee men and in the statistics with which they had been furnished by the proper officers of the House It waschristened a Committee on " Retrenchment," so christened by the solemn enactment in the form of a Resolution, for which the House stood sponsors. Well, the mountain has labored and a mouse is brought forth ! After the consumption of more time than would pay for all the reforms proposed?afler an expendituie of time which takes from the public treasury much more than is saved in it?afler giving utterance to more words than would encompass in columns the circumference of the world ?afler a total neglect of public business beyond voting to the members themselves their own mileage per diem?after devoting, in three months, but three days to the consideration of private bills, and not passing, in both houses, more than two of the many hundreds upon the callendar and in committee rooms?after delaying action upon the passage of the bill necessary to pay the clerks, messengers, and laborers, in the several Departments of the Government, until the clerks have to lose a large per centage of their salaries, to meet present and pressing emergencies?after a knowledge of the fact that the fund belonging to the naval and military service is wholly exhausted?that the public service is suffering and the public credit both?in brief, after Congress has been three months in session, and done just nothing for the country, except, as I have said, to provide for the mileage, and pay per diem of its own members, the majority arc found consuming, not hours, but days, in.debating propositions, for the most part as picayune as they are contemptible. from the New York American. What is Conorf.ss Doing ' is a question that people. have everywhere asked themselves, for some weeks past, and to which nowhere as yet has any satisfactory answer been made. It is now repeated with such manifestations of disappointment and dissatisfaction, as with very little appliance from the press might be converted into an, gry resentment. Nor can this be wondered at. While the Nation is, as it were, prostrate?while public and private credit are shaken?while industry is uncertain of its re Zf'-e //A n. 2. [WHOLE NO. 776. ward?and all that in needed, all that is asked, in that the National Government should do iu duty, decide upon its line of policy, and through a uniform currency, give to the country the means of reinstating and reinvigorating its prosperity, and, through a discriminating tariff, the opportunity of competing upon equal terms with the ingenuity and industry of oilier nations, under such stringent circumstances?we find the Senate discussing future amendments to the Constitution, and the Hous9 wasting its time upon the most miserable economies. The General Government is living from hour to hour upon Treasury Notes paid out to-day, paid in for duties to-morrow, and paid out again the next day ; Hie Departments are at a stand for want ot the ordinary means to carry on their operations?no preparations for defence in the too possible contingency of war? the season for advantageously commencing work near at hand?and yet nothing done or doing From the Philadelphia North American. WAGES OF LEGISLATORS. Economy in Government is a question now discussed both iii Congress, the State Legislatures and the Press. There have been very grave debates in Con gress upon the expediency of discharging two or three clerks, and lessening the salaries of minor officers, and we believe that an actual bona fide reduction has been effected amounting in the aggregate, to the important sum of three, four or live thousand dollars,?not more, perhaps less. The time spent in arguing the propriety of this measure, cost the nation some six or seven thousand dollars, which is a very provident mode of carrying the economical spirit into effect. From the N. Y. Commercial Advertiser. PIN-FINDER TO CONGRESS. The collective wisdom of the people, in Congresassembled, continues to be engaged in the great work of retrenchment and reform. Only three months and one week of the session have yet passed, at an expense of less than ten thousand dollars a day, and already have retrenchments been made to the extent of two deputy clerks, besides decapitating four little boys, at twelve shillings per diem, acting as pages to the House. The wages of the cart and donkey of the House, we believe, are also to be stopped during the interregnum. It would not be safe to predict how far the work of reform will advance during the present month, but a valuable suggestion has been put forth, that an important saving may be achieved by creating the office of pin-finder to Con gress, whose duty it shall be to sweep the galleries, after the ladies have retired, for the pins they have dropped. We say go on ! From the New York Commercial Advertiser. Treasury Notes of the United States.?Notwithstanding the urgent terms of the President's Message to Congress in regard to providing means to defray the expenses of Government and meet its engagements, that body has devoted itself to the discussion of such practical matters as vetoes, amendments of the Constitution, and the salary of messengers? allowing the credit and honor of the nation to go overboard. From the Winchester Virginian. Congress.?But little of interest is doing in either House of Congress. The Senate for some days has been engaged in discussing Mr. Clay's resolutions, which propose a general panacea for all the evils of the Government and the embarrassments of the country. They are designed, however, as a salvo for Mr. Clay, in his retiring from the Senate, and as a basis for his friends to act upon in the next Presidential campaign, it being already fully understood that Mr. Clay is to " head" the party, although he has failed to " head" Mr. Tyler. MAIL CONTRACTS. We have been applied to by some friends in the West to furnish them with the list of post routes and the advertisement of the Postmaster General, inviting proposals for carrying the mails on the various lines in the Western States, whenever the publication of the Postmaster General should be made. They do not seem to be aware that the advertisement reierrea to nas aireauy long since Deen puDiisnea in tne papers selected by the Postmaster General for the purpose. We would gladly oblige the applicants, by inserting in our paper the list of contracts adver- I tised, for the information of our readers generally, if we could spare the large amount of space which the publication would require.?JVat. Intelligencer. There is more malice, falsehood, (political,) and corrupt design in the above, than we ever believed the Intelligencer capable of harboring. We know that it has been charged with being in the pay of British capitalists, to exert its influence in preventing a war, be the cause of rupture what it may ; but we could not believe it?we would not believe it?for, though the editor is an Englishman, he has been in this country long enough to be Americanized. But the paragraph quoted above puzzles us no little. The most charitable light in which we can regard it is to suppose it to be the emanation (not of the editor) of some arch demon who trembles while he reads the Madisonian, and has cause to tremble. Now we have only need to say, that the short advertisement in the Intelligencer yesterday was 3ent to that paper on the same day it was sent to the Madisonian and the Globe, with a request to insert it and send in the bill for so doing. It saw proper to rotain it, and insert it gratuitously, for effect. Next, these proposals have been published in pamphlet form, (several thousand copies,) and distributed throughout the States embraced in the sections. Besides, they are published in the cities, towns, and villages, of all the States where the routes lay. No resident in the West or Southwest (and none others bid) can be at a moment's loss to get all the information desired. Next, and finally, they are distributed through all the States indicated, in the weekly Madisonian? which, after all that has been said and done, has a more extensive circulation than the weekly Intelligencer. The object of the Intelligencer was to frighten the Postmaster General. It has mistaken its man. If every officer's duty was discharged as effectually as that high functionary's, there would be more unity and concord in the service. While upon the subject of advertising, and inasmuch as a sympathy has been gotten up in behalf of the Intelligencer, in relation to the publication of the Laws, we would inform the "Agitators" that the National Intelligencer has the job already secured? it was appointed to do the work several months ago. The United States Magazine and Democratic Review, for March, 1842, is before us. A glance at the contents assures that the present number, which is ornamented with a likeness of Bryant, the poet, well sustains the reputation of the work for variety and ability, and will therefore meet the approbation of its readers. Among the most prominent articles are the following: "The late William Ladd, the Apostle of Peace;" " The Odes of Sappho;" "The Stars have Set in the 19th Century;" " The Student's Life in Germany," by William Howitt; " Sketches of Characters of the Middle Ages," &c. &c. &c. The Veto.?Would that the Vice President possessed a veto power as well as the President. Surely if he did, he would veto the unmeaning debate, which has been dragging its slow length along in the Senate for so many weeks, touching an impossible amendment to the Constitution upon this same subject of the veto.?.V, 1'. Commercial. Boz.?Charles Dickens, Esqr., the gifted and distinguished author, waited upon the President yesterday. The Gold Mines of Siberia.?Mr. Walsh says that according to the Russian papers, the annual produce of the private gold mines and gold works in Siberia has increased, since 1829, from one to 212 pounds Or ( nearlv lb* English.' 1 a^Dents^ctjenth Conaress. SECOND SESSION. IN SENATE, Thursday, March 10, 1842. The PRESIDENT laid before the Senate the following communications, viz : 1. From the Navj Department, in compliance with a resolution of the 18th ultimo, transmitting a statement in relation to the number of midshipmen appointed during the last year. 2. From the War Department, a statement ot the expenditure of the moneys appropriated for the contingent expenses of the military establishment for the year 1841. 3. From the Governor of Wisconsin, transmitting the resolutions of the Legislative Council, urging upon Congress the propriety of removing the Indians residing in that Territory to the west of the Mississippi. Mr. TOUNG presented a petition from citizens of Illinois, asking an appropriation of laud to complete the Illinois and Michigan canal; also, a report of the trustees of Milwaukie, relative to the commerce of the town and the navigation of Lake Michigan. Mr. WRIGHT presented a petition from citizens of New York praying for a repeal on a postponement of the operation of the Bankrupt law. TAX ON GOLI) AND SILVER WARE. Mr. WALKER presented a petition from citizens of Medina county, Ohio, setting forth that embarrassments of the country are produced by the fluctuations arising out of the use of paper money as a circulating medium, and that a vast amount of tho precious metals has been withdrawn from circulation for the purpose of being used in the manufacture of gold and silver ware ; and expressing their opiuion that if the amount thus applied were added to the circulation of gold and silver, tiiere would be an ample amount of coin for the eeneral purposes of the country. Therefore, the petitioners pray that Congress will impose a tax on gold and silver ware. He said he presumed that the petition was sent to hint from the fact that several weeks ago, when the Senator from Missouri (Mr. Benton) introduced an amendment to the Bankrupt law to tax bank notes, he had suggested the propriety of taxing gold and silver ware ; and he expressed his gratification that this matter had attracted the attention of the people, and trusted that the object would be carried out. REMISSION OF THE FINE IMPOSED UPON GEN. JACKSON. Mr. LINN introduced a bill to indemnify Major Qeneral Andrew Jackson for the damage sustained by him in the discharge of his official duties in ihe city of New Orleans, in the year 1815, and which proposes that the fine of a thousand dollars with costs imposed upon that officer by Judge Hall shall be refunded to him with legal interest. The bill was read a first and second time, and referred to the Committee on the Judiciary. THE DISTRIBUTION ACT. The Senate proceeded to the consideration of the bill to amend the act providing for the distribution of the proceeds of the sales of the public lands among the States, and to grant pre-emption rights, so as to remove the restrictions imposed by law upon settlers upon the public lands. Mr. SMITH, of Indiana, replied to the remarks of Mr. McRoberts, delivered yesterday, and expressed himself as adverse to the objects of the bill. Mr. CLAY moved that it be laid upon the table ; and the motion was agreed to. THE TARIFF, AND RETRENCHMENT, AND REFORM. The Senate then took up the resolutions of Mr. CLAY, in relation to an adjustment of the duties 011 imports, the limitation of tho expenditures of the Government, and suggesting a curtailment of all unnecessary expenses, and the observance of a rigid economy. Mr. WOODBURY replied to the remarks of Mr. Clay, delivered on a former occasion, contending that the Senator from Kentucky now proposed to go beyond the expenditures of the last two years of Mr. Van Buren's administration, instead of reducing theoutlays of the Government; and, high as the expenditures of that much-abused Administration had been erroneously stated, they would not have been beyond twenty-one millions, annually, if Congress had not gone beyond the estimates of the Departments. He then went into a general examination of the tariff question, and argued against a protection to the manufacturing interests, especially while agriculturists and others were neglected; and said that he had the speech of the Senator from Kentucky before him, delivered in 1824, showing the great distress which then pervaded the country when the duty on foreign imports was from thirty-five to fifty per cent. ; and this was increased to seventy-five to one hundred per cent., until, at last, the tariff broke down under its own weight. He advocated economy and reform, which, if properly carried out, would obviate the necessity for an increase of taxes over twenty per cent.; and this would afford ample means for the purposes of the Government, and, in all probability, more than sufficient. Mr. SIMMONS obtained the floor, but gave way for a motion to go into an Executive session, which prevailed ; and after some time spent therein, the doors were opened and the Senate adjourned. From the Savannah (Ga.) Republican. THE TIMES. It is difficult to say where and when the financial embarrassments of the country will stop. Gloom settles upon all our commercial relations, and we see but little prospect at present of a brighter day. The evil affects all classes and conditions, and the poolwidow who depends upon her weekly earnings for support is made to feel, in her proportion, equally with the merchant the pinching contractions ol the times. To seek out the causes of these difficulties would aid us but little in averting them. They have been springing up from a variety of sources, and are in a measure born of the very prosperity of which we have of late years been so much boasting. This linnntlirfil stimilliw nf WP.alth hv mntrnifvinnr onnh man's means, gave a fictitious value to property, which, in times of soberness, has recoiled upon both buyer and seller with tremendous evils. The failure of so many banking institutions, the dishonesty of so many of their officers, the great embarrassments of the United States attending the falling off of State securities, &.c. &c., have largely tended to this terrible disarrangement in the ati'airs of the nation, and the general pressure upon the people. When it will cease, is a question more difficult to answer than how it began, and we can only say in general that, legislate as States and Congress may upon the subject, the gloomy condition of money atfuirt will not be changed until individual, corporate, State, and national honesty become more manifest and encouraged ; and honor, instead of selfish interest, rule with all the people. The moral effects of these sudden contractions and expansions in mercantile affairs are of a fearful nature. A universal feeling of distrust is engendered, and man looks suspiciously on his neighbor. Mutual confidence, which so binds together and harmonizes communities is destroyed, and each seems upon the look out for the other's downfall. The tone of honesty in our country has also sadlydeclined through the agency of these financial causes The numerous absconding of men connected with moneyed institutions ; the breaking up of those institutions, and the comparative venality of the ofience of defalcation which seems to obtain in both the high and low places of the land, have done much to destroy the wholesome morals and probity of the people, and render migatory the barriers, which of old virtue had thrown up as intrenchnicqts around our character. But the increase of crime consequent on these embarrassments is one of its most alarming effects. These are the stagnant times which spawn the destroyers of peace and order. These are the time* which invite the spoiler and the felon to prey upon society ; in which crime wears a bold front and .1 gloating eye. No man can carefully survey the condition of things around him, without feeling the truth of our remarks. They force themselves upon us at every turn, they are verincu by the occurrenecs ol daily hie, and we cannot but sec in theni no good and no boding* of good, unless the people as a people determine to suj>porl their credit and honor, and by personal cftorts and legislative enactments guard society from those vibrations which keep like a pendulum swinging between opposite extremes. We truly hope wo have seen the worst of these pressures; that it is the nadir of our pecuniary troi bles as a community, and that though the darkne may yet linger for a little, it 'will insensibly give place to a meridian day. rilL LATE MAYOR of Philadelphia linrertihed under seal of the city to the character of several Divines, Physicians, and gentlemen of high standing who declare positively under their own hands (all of which may be seen at the Drug Stores) | that the Balm of Columbia is not only a certain pre- ' servative, but positively a restorative of the human I hair; also, a cure for Dandruff. Who shall dispute, ' or who go bald ? 7V only trite to be found at the stores of Stott, James, and Oilman, on Pennsylvania avenue. ^