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The Madisonian. [volume] (Washington City [i.e. Washington, D.C.]) 1837-1845, October 23, 1843, Image 1

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i i i E M A J) IS O N 1A N-.
^ BY JOHJb B. JON23S.
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the purse and sword. It was such a dangerQUs thin
?so wicked, and so "destructive!" What an ugl
man Mr. Van Buren was, to sanction such a thing
How regardless of the interests of the people! Bi
the fact that Mr. Van Buren supported the indepci
dent treasury bill, which effectually prevented
union of the purse and the swoid, spoiled all the fu
which the Federalists anticipated from groanin
forth their dolorous lamentations. The independcr
treasury bill threw safeguards around the publi
treasure, and would not allow a public officer wrong
fully to use a cent of it, on penalty of confinement i
the Stale Prison. Returns must he made a linos
daily, and the accounts constantly footed and read
for settlement, under that system. Not a farthing c
the public money was lost under it, so complete!
and safely did itwork. The Executive, who wielde
the sirord, could not wield the purse.
Now, let us compare the practices of the Federal
ists with their professions. No sooner had they (a
ken the reins of government into their own hands
than they rallied their forces, at a heavy expendituri
to the people, at Washington. Among their first an
foremost acts, was the repent of that bill which so el
factually separated the parse and llit sicorJ. And mar
this fact: they ha%e not, to mis nay, proviueu an
substitute ; but leave the purse and sword in a qucs
tionablc shape, to say the least?to be controlled i
accordance with the whim and will of an individual
Let the people remember these things, when th
Federalists come among them with more of Ihei
stones, and manufactured scare crows.
The editorial preface of the Globe, thougl
brief, do a full justice to its author's character
islics?coarse language and reck ess assertion.
Under the supposition that the editor or th
" Hartford Times" has never examined the pro
visions of the so-calied ''Sub-Treasury bill"?
supposition more than warranted by the tone o
the article in question?we will make a synop
sis of the act, and the more readily, as we knot
; many well-uieaning persons, inquisitive for th
^ tiuth, who have been sadly misinformed in re
gard to its spirit. *
The first section provides rooms for lb
Treasurer; vaults and safes for the public nit
neys; which " rooms, vaults, and safes" wer
to be called the "Treasury." The Treasure
to keep all moneys safe, till withdrawn accord
ing to law.^ ,, # ,
The identical ' rooms, vaults, and safes" ma
yet perhaps be found. The " Treasury" cet
tainly still remains, and Hie mo liens, we ar
happy to assure the editor of the " Times," rt
main safe as ever, and a little more in quantity
too.
Sections second, third, and fourth, provid
" rooms, vaults, and sal's'' lor the keeping t
the public moneys, and make the ''receiver
g neral" the guardians of said "rooms, vault!
and safes." We have now, it is tiuc, no " rt
ceivers general," and we need them not. Ofli
tr.~: ?. ?... i
Li'II 115 t*UU.lClllf *1 ivu I'J iau, mat vi|wu
care of tbo public moneys.
Section Preappoints four 44 receivers general.
Section >ixih is declaratory of the duties c
officers charged with the custody of the publi
moneys; all the provisions of which, thoug
very useful and well expressed, were known a
well before, and are as well obeyed now. The
are merely recitative of statutes, and the stand
tag regulations ot the Department.
ScQtions seven and eight require bonds t
disbursing and collecting officers, and of al
generally, in receipt of public moneys ; no ne1
nor singular requisitions, though, we regret t
state, not much attended 10 in days yet retneu
brred.
Section nine compels c 11 ctorj and receivn
of public moneys, at certain places, to ''pa
over," as often as once a week, to the Treasure
of the United Slates.
Section ten authorizes the Secretary of th
Tieasury^and the Postmaster General to Irani
f. r moneys ; and instructs depositaries to ke?
the accounts Of the Post Office distinct.
Section eleven allows the Treasurer to drawo
any depositary ; and orders depositaries to muli
returns, as iliri cted by the Secretary of the Trei
aury and Posltnasier General.
Sections twelve and thirteen provide for e;
aininntions of the books of depositaries, and i
the moneys on hand.
Section fourteen provides for the payment i
clerks, 4 3.
W. . i. fi f i oe n [i\r fhga aafa Loaninrv tennsfn
IWfVUUM ' V,M ,w* *"v ??,v "v' r'"f5?
4-c. ol ibc public moneys.
Section sixteen designates the officers to who
moneys due the United States and paymen
for patents shall he made.
Section seventee n is the most (we had almo
said the only) important one ot the whole at
and we solicit the attention of the honest edit
of the Globe to its provisions: not wishin
however, to insinuate that he had better be for
armed with the useful knowledge therein co
tained, the more cautiously to regard its prot
sions. in cast* he should ever he auhicctri) to t
ternptaions provided against: but rather I
cause it rs in our power to gratify, by an exhi
tion of the pre-eo', iiniiar safe-guard* ngai
official delinquencies, hrs natural horror ol
" public oflii1' t's hi iug allowed wrongfully to i
n cent" of the public moneys. He may be i
surid thnt, if he ev?rshou'd undertake an o
cial charge of the public lunds, as the law n
stands, he will have a sufficit ntly near view i
be pleasant) of 41 confinement in the Slate j
ton."
We recite the section tor his benefit;
L i
a
J;>
_ '' +__
' V<" VII.?NO. 2i.|
l" " tie it iimrttd, That aii officers disr&iil by this
withtt?t' s;it'e%cfepiti^ tjuteder, and disbmoeiwi i
the ptifylic tiiooeys, dthvr than those ^wiieetod-<
)(j the Ptisi Office department, are
i|l freep<-an acentaul entry pi" eudtr sut?^IW6tf.' #?
jo the trindf^' tnoney irf wlneh -?Ai
jit ?B?h'%tvpe|it of transfer, car
ry-'fe'j^wd)' it is made ; ami thdt any Oft? 01"
Officers, t?r Of*those connected wjtff tfto Pdst, O
?) WtttH convert to hi* own dae, in ehy
.WIlIHBVrit VT BMail J
U> |{ifl(j of property or tmirrhandisof'ftf
K* ol- vf^th<^ intP'rost, slny portion of the yurdte tqtf!
a- Intrusted 'to hita ...for safe-keeping, dijfltefiHfM
n' l^srerfor f<)r any other purpose, eMWR
- deemed and adjudged to he
>f no we re r, that if men, reputed honest, were c
^ gently sought for office, and could be inducer
!? accept it, 4: no confinement in the State pri-i
it need be threatened in punishment of unac
rascality.
n We have said that this same seventeenth s
g lion constitutes the most important provisior
'c' the act. We repeat, with more emphasis
assertion. It is the spirit of the act, and
" main dependance. Destroy or abrogate it, i
j. you have the mere skeleton of a bill. II
if well the other sections. What are they hut
y gal expositions-of laws already established?
provisatory merely of adjuncts, or expletit
Certain seciions provide certain "rooms, vau
and safes"?an useful provision, perhaps, in
s inchoate government, unprepared with pro
d buildings for the depositee of the public mone
* but, in ours, wholly unrequired. Oilursectii
. (in : r< I ?)
y cIJlfJUILll " IVl'l'l'IVn-i VJCIlCKlij U1JU
their duties: in other words, give new names
! old person-, and enumerate old official regi
e tions in new language. All sections we h:
r examined but this are demonstrative, declara
j rv, or surplusage. This is the only vital prii
pie in the bill?so avowed by its advocates, a
so presented to the People. And by the act
ate about to transcribe, it wiilbe found it /
so been consiclei ed since. For the v> ry
that, at the Extra Session of '41, repealed
' Sub-Treasury," re enacted this?and, as \
be seen, with an additional ft ature, extend
?
the reach of the law:
41 Sec. 2. lit it further enacted, That if any (
' cer charged with llie_*jfe-kem.ing, transfer, or
!- hursement of the public moneys, or connected v
the Post Office Department, shall convert to his c
use, in any way whatever, or shall use by way of
e vestment in any kind of properly or merchandise
>- shall loan, with or without interest, any portioi
e the public moneys entrusted to him for sate keep
i transfer, disbursement, or for any purpose what*
'f 1 every such act'shall be deemed and adjudged tc
|. i an embezzlemen of so much of the said moneyi
1 shall be thus taken, converted, invested, used,
I loaned, which is liereby declared to be a felo
y and the vegleet or refu at 'o pay over on detnand
_ publ c money* in his hands, upon the presentation <
! craft, order, or warrant drawn upon him, and lignei
e the Stcrtlmy if the J'rtusury, or totiantferor aisln
any mch moneys promptly according to law, on the h
t requirem tU of a superior officer, shall be prima facie
1 dence of inch contc.'ion to his own use of so much oj
public moneys as niay be in his hands. Any cllicei
c agent of the United States, and all persons advisi
. or know ingly and w illingly participating in such i
bezzleinpnl, upon being convicted thereof before
9 court of the United Slates of competent jurisdicti
i, shall, for every such offence, forfeit and pay to
U. S. a line equal to the amount of the money i
* bezzled, and shall suffer imprisonment for a term
i- les* than six months nor more than five years."
' ! Thus the editor of the " Hartford Tim
will tiud, among the ,4 Whigs," as with his o
I 44 peculiar" friends, when in power, an eq
if, distrust in the honesty of the people) for of
c | people, an puuic ageuts .ire snecieu.
h> The same 4< safe-guards around ihe pul
s treasure" exist now, as before the repeal of
y act; nay, as we have shown ah >ve, with gr<
I- er stringency. This fact was known to b
these editor-yoke-fellows; was known, and
>f tenlionally falsified !
I, What an opinion they both must cnteilnir
w the good sense and intelligence of the peop
o The one blazons forth to the public view an
i- qualified perversion of the truth ; <\nd the otl
with equal brazm-facedness, builds, upon si
9 known perversiun, alike unwarranted cumin
y taries ! Can such men be termed Democra
-r A true Demociat, to be a friend of the peo
must be a lover of the truth. Alas! for
ie conrnon country ! since party madness rail
1-1 for guides of the people, men who seek s
>p aggrandizement at the expense of their be
factors; and, not vatisfitd to rob them of
>n hard-earnc I gaius of labor, add insult more
;e tolerable than injury, and seek to deprive th
i- of their understandings !
Not one cent of the public moneys has b
1- lo<t to the public Treasury, since the repea
uf the " Sub-Treasury" act, by the difalcatioi
any public officer: from fear, these honest 1
of tor? may think, of 44confinement in the Si
prison ;" from the judicious selection, as we
r, lieve, by the present Executive, of subordir
officers. His judgment is confirmed by tl
m honesty.
is The statement of the "Times," copied 1
the ' Globe," that the public money ,4isr
st trolled in accordance with the whim and wi
:t, an individual," excites more pity for its absu
or ty, than indignation at its falsehood. That
g, President of the United States has no n
e- control over the public moneys than the h
n- blest individual in the country, is a fact so
. i- torious, that we me surprised even these edi
he should dare to promulgate the eui trarv. T
te- must have rare readers !
bi- Some considerations, suggested by ihr p
ist sal of these and similar attacks upon the Fii
r ? cial Department of the Administration, we i
ist; reserve for a future oppoitunity, as well as *
as observations on the so called "specie claun
fii- the Sub-Treasury."
nw The thrift of our Yankee brethren is ever aeti
('o turn to account every thing which the soil of
tri- Kngland or the ingenious industry of her son*
duces. Among the exports from Boston to Calc
last week, were ont hunditd dottn ptochet, cart
packed in ice f
L.i^,v x .ISL. g- 4
lie Ax
f O ~ '
\ s ill ,\ (; ton : .-jjjto '
'Ct THE TRUE Si'ltto:.
H a an exlraitmiiujry hut, thai with one <-x
It to no matt mfPrtiji upA'n ditf' tick- t as a
HW Wend of" Pre t hltnt Tillur^ wfin hitst not been
fleets)}. That fxo^jitiva oecurresl ir> T-uat's
|^ ^
lief, high, and certainly well-deserved eulngiums on
the author of them.
' t() Now, will it be considered impertinent in us
jn to commend to the special notice of the editor
let* of the Enquirer the ''money article" in the last
[Ierald, and particularly this paragraph, which
iec" we extract:
1 jUl From the N. Y. Herald's- "Money Article."
The abundance of money, and the scarcity of paits
per in use, as a medium of exchange, has enabled
and the Secretary to reduce tho interest of hisjoan from
. six per cent, to one mill, thereby effecting a saving of
ed $300,000 to the Treasury. Herein cons sts the only,
le- difference between the new issues of notes and the
or 1 former ones. The w hole affair is indeed wrong, and
,) ' should be remedied by putting Ihe tarifl' upon a re:
j venue basis only. There will then be no necessity to
ills, ! issue government paper, either of a high or low rate
ail I of interest. It seems to be to the last degree absurd,
after Congress has authorized the Secretary to
Per issue notes, fowpolitical papers to abuse him because
ys ; he did not pay a high rale of interest. As a judicious
.)ns i and sagacious officer, he has borrowed his money on
i the most favorable terms, and by so doing has saved
i"1' | #300,OUT) to the Treasury. Those who attack the is(
to i sue, as a species of paper money, would do well to
remember that Congress has so ordered it. They
" ! have given up their revenue to the manufacturing intve
terest, arid ordered the Secretary to borrow on the
j10_ best terms he can, not exceeding six per cent. This
t. | lie has done. It now retrains for the democratic
,CI Mouse of Representatives about to assemble, to enlud
dorse this "paper money," or to restore the legitiwe
| mate revenues of the government.
um i
! COMPLIMENTARY TO TIIE ,GREAT WEST.
{|ie | The United States Gazette, Mr. Clay's special orviH!
Ban> says :
" Dr. Duncan, Locofoco, is elected to Congress in
't'g the Cincinnati District, so that the good people at
! the teat of Government will not want for a spice of
that vulgarity which is so agreeable to the West".?
.- i MadiiOnum.
dis- i
nth Our young brother of the Madmonian does not
iwn ' know, wc suppose, that our remark upon the " pa late"
in- j of ihe West for Dr. Duncan's indecencies, was only
, or a quotation from a leading Democratic paper, an organ
f? of of that party to which the Madisoniau it trying to
iftg, play second fiddle.? U. 8. GaztUe.
'be! No, indeed, we do not know it.
or! SPEECH OF ItODGKT TYLER,
"J > Delivered at the late Meeting of the Mew York United
nny Repeal Association, held at Washington Hall.
I bo Tvler rose, an ) in substance said :?
irgf This is the first lime, Mr. President, I have had the
gal honor of meeting with my Jri?h frii nds of the city of
New York, for the purpose of addres-itig them, and
the ' g'Tes fne unusual pleasure, especially considering
. ,,r the circumstances under which I am received now,
j to present mysell" among them. I appear before you,
tm' this evening fellow-citizuis, to denounce a GoveinBI1y
ment which I hate, and whose many oppressions no
jon | person of any se nsibility can fail to detest, and to ad
U.e vocutc Ihc cause ol u people wnoin i nave reason 10
rm- '"B^pecl and love, and whose woes and wrongs appeal
not to the sympathies of mankind [groat cheering ] upI
on this subject I shall speak frankly, and 1 candidly
? ! confess to you thi.t I abhor, intensely abhor, the h s- 1
18 lory of tha British Government [tremendous cheerwn
mg ] Although there may be instances in the hiotor,ja|
ical record of the course of that Government which
evince a high cournge, the sternest determination, and
tru" j the most unwavering lirmncss in the accomplishment
of its splendid, though selfish schemes of conquest and
^|jr of naticual aggrandizement, yet its most partial and
delighted advocate cannot point to a single instance
1in winch it has ever discovered magnanimity, or ei at
hilited liberality even, to any antagonistic power
()||, [cheers], and how numerous arc the examples of its
petty insults and wholesale tyrannies towards other
Ul j nations. Can any one fail to be indignant?can his"
blood flow calmly through his vc ns, when he reflects
) nf on the many instances of outrages and aggrcssiona,
and contemplates the many political and moral ini
quitiea and crimes wluoh in its foreign intercourse
UQ- lias ever attended the policy of the British Govern- <
merit f 1 have to refer you, in order to establish con"
' clusively the liulh of wnat I here a l'?c, to the conic!)
dudt of England in former times tow ards France, in
en- 'he unjustifiable invasions and desolation of her tern
. tones, in th^, unchivalric and cruel imprisonment of
* I her legitimate sovereigns, and at a later period to her
pie, ' most illibeial, ungenerous, and unjust course towards
our i ',er (ru8t'nK :t"d fallen foe, Napoleon Bonaparte. I
j have to refer y u to the speeches of Sheridan and
I Buike, to convince you of the unspeakable < nor nit las
tjf ! practised towards her East Indian possessions. I
ne ' have I- refer you to that gr< ss act, in violation of the
faith and laws of nations, the bombardment of Col'ie
penhagen; to her late war with China ; to the prinjn
ciples on which she conducted the war of the Ameri1
can revolution : to the grievances set forth in the l)eolaralion
* f Independence, and to tbe barbarities
! practised towards American citizen* during that con1
u""? *n *'? onu'oull* mnlivm ah.l
rrn ""u 1 ~ j ?j..?
base object in forming the late quintuple treaty; to
' ?' the principles on whien she originated the war with
I of the American Slates in 1812?principles alilre arro
gant and barbarous?insulting in the extreme to us,
' 1 dangerous in their tendency to oil the proprieties of
Ift't civilized warfare and utterly de*truclivo o( inlernabo
tionnl justice and comity?and if I have not the memory,
the inclination^ or ihe time to enumerate other
,a cases of sitkilar description, I am sure in your hearlieir
ing, feljow-cilisens, 1 have only to allude to the
course which has marked the policy of the, British
Government towards Ireland. (Immense sensation ]
into por ^vcral long crnturirs, Ireland has hern suffering
on- a state of bondage more intolerable than the tortured
II 0f existence of the Kotnan slave. For seven centuries
her daughters have berft exposed to rapine, her sons
r,'i" to munler, to false imprisonment and to terrible trithc
btitr, and herentire people to the cold contumely and
Insult of a nation which, claiming a right to adminis
,l,rc ter dominion and to give protection, has never sufferum
ed one hour in agei of anguish to pass by, without
no. parading the disgracing insignia; of conquest and
rule, before the eyes of a people whose noble spirit
,or> has been thus douMv insulted, and whose generous
'liey services to the British crown should have shielded
them from a contumelious word or look. [Great
cheering.]
eru" Yes, I assert that the services which Ireland has
rinn- rendered England have been of the most exalted cha...,
racier, and I challenge a successful contradiction of
the fact. VN hat are the facls of the case 1 Her
omf> courts of law have been filled up with Irish judges
of and with Irish lawyers, whose talents have always
been made available to England, mid who have re
' (lrcted in their brilliant intellects and incorruptible
ve to integrity a lasting glory on the British ermine. Tho
p,Tcw most sp end id orators the world has ever seen have
pro- bcen Irishmen; and their parliamentary and forensic
fame have illumined the British Constitution with
,fully almost all the glory that surrounds it. The best and
purest patriots who havo ever trod the British soil
S0 ; "'*k _ iPW^ , , . , M
'""' J""r ' " *J
\ Y, OCTOnEy:}, I 8 1 ;]
'- ? -* " ? " ? "- " '' ?
bavJ been Irishmen ; and vfafjpwsjk England has had t
perils lo encounter, tmu have always, Irish-Iik^, for- , t
^otti n their own wrongs and oppression s, and falli??d c
in detuu e of tluft powi r and Integrity of the Govern- j
meni. I bj, Movies <?| England haves been manned ; a
j many it tan us lujignaii ajmiis, and they J p
have ever poured forth their treqsuijjsand their bloixi j tl
lo sustain (!.?*. English marine.'! The armies'of Kng- | h
land i?.;ve been recruited from the goherons peasant- i
I V of Ireland, a d those in hurt battles, who leave j e
luehep forward most bravely and eagerly to death pi j 1
Lo victory, have been Irishmen. And Ireland has
ever been ready to contribute n\Sr revenues without :
u murmur to support the spendthrift eKfravaganco'of j r
lite. English Governinenl, [tremendous cheering ]? ; i
And what has been the result? Let the hisloriun ! f
furnish you wifh uti account ofth.fi monstrous detail', i i
My heart sickens ft the thought of it. Imagin'atihi], i g
with her eve holder than the eagle's, with her hcarr i
of gigantic at d iiery energies, with tier courageous ?
hand that ordinarily docs not fear to grapple o
with the seen or the' unseen things of this world, ti
I shrinks pale arid trembling from the recital, [cheer".] v
No?Let the Historian; with his heart of steel and !;
his icy and pulseless hp, speak to you of innocent
people butchered by a forced process of British I ci
Criminal Law, or by the fatal proscription of Log r
lish martial.nojyer,. "ECTTfle*In^foriaii il
tell yolt_dr enastiiy betrayed, dearer to ttie Irish
maiden than her life [cheers ] Of sons ignominhously li
hung on the gallows before the tearless eyes of their i
aged parents. Let the Historian tell you how her J
I Hulls of Justice have been converted into places of vj
I worse ihan Saturnialian Orgies, wlieye Justice pelri n
I tied into stone, has not even been enaoled to witness t]
I the Cannibal-like rage with which the British Judge, (J
I clothed witli the blood-thirsty requisitions of arbi- i.l
I triry power, has besprir.kled the very ermino on his fJ
I shkulders with the clotted gore of his victims. [Sen- U
I nation.] Let the Historian tell you how her temples | h
I of religion have been desecrated?how, failing lo r;
I f6rce the observance of English Worship into the p
I temples of Irish'religion, they have maliciously pro- ei
scrioea an inose who preierred Ireedom ol conscience ai
to the blandishments of hypocritical professions, un- ai
til finally, half terrified by their own acts, they 1J
have-voluntarily retired from the inhuman and It
sacrilegious woik. [Great cheering.] It is surely pi
more than enough for the Historian to have to lei!?it pi
is more than enough to be known or felt, that war, ra- il
pine and sacrilege and murder and unjust Laws have ri
converted Ireland from the lofty and dignified posi- hi
lion which she once maintained among the sovereign A
nati ns of the earth, as an independent state, into the vi
condition of a wretched vassal, whose ignoble master IJ
fearful lest the consciousness of slavery might not be eu
in itself sufficiently tormenting, has burdened iter 01
limb? with chains, and inflicted on her body and soul ur
stripes and disgusting torments too enormous to be ar
dwelt upon [great sensation.] ill
And it is because I am an American citizen, alive
to all the blessings of a free government, and doubly '
sensitive front this circumstance to outrage and to in- ! '
suit. Ji is because the spirit of that ancient day is ^
cvet preseut in my heart when our fathers fought and .
struggled and bled, and finally won the vicory in that '
great and memorable contest, which involved the ve- '
ry principle as its fundamental cause for which Ire- !
lam1 is now contending [great cheering]. It is because
this feeling of triumph in my breast is ever sa
mingled with an abiding and concentrated and irradi- *a
cable detestation of those men, who, with their tortu- '. '
mis and malevolent hands, would have dared to crush '
the patriotism and ennobling virtues of those renown- 1
ed and inspired men who gave us our independence
[great cheering]. It is because I have becji educated '
among the plain and pure, though gigantic and sub- .,
ljne institution?, of our free laud, where the very sun
which shines down upon our heads?the great rivers ^
which roll,their resistless courses towards the ocean?
the broad'and green earth, among whose majestic ^
mountains and expansive vallies.lhe spirit of freedom
has space to breathe?it is because we have achieved
these very institutions and won this happy and glori- J
ous land from a |?cople who would have made serfs 'a
or of Patriots, and a province of America? w
il is in the two-fold aspect of haired of oppression "L
and fof oppressors, and of sympathy for those who "
arc now suffering the very oppression which we so ar
fortunately and gloriously escaped, that J now stand 1
before you as a liiend of Ireland and an advocate of m
Irish liberty [prolonged cheering]. And will 1 su'- "J
fer myself to be deterred from an expression of ?ym- '' '
palhy in the cause of human rights by the harlequin u '
denunciations of any.uierccnary editor in the coun- 1
try?shall an abolition or tory organ here or !'
at Philadelphia, or at Boston, or wherever it 1
may breathe forth its pestilential life, lecture ^
me about the duties of American citizenship, ' 1
while they are themselves in the purchased ,Va
pay of the Briti-h Government? Shall these persons.
in the same moment send a declaration to their corrrsnondrnts
and readers in Enclanil that mv near
nessj in point of connexion, to the person of the foi
I hie.f Magistrate, gin s me no unusual respectability gr
or influence, while they sutler others, equally en- co
gaged with myself in this cause, to pass without re- oil
mark, and yet denounce me as a son of the Prcsi- us
dent, with all the proscriptive and contemptuous I"1
lerius their diffuse vocabulary will permit?shall If
these persons, too cowardly to acknowledge their true to
position, loo feeble to escape an inconsistency in ar- pr
guinent, and, in many iii"tjuces, with so little true ?c
American feeling, as never to have taken out natu- or
talization papers [cheers,] think to drive rnc from the <* '
pdvocucy of this noble cause, my friends? It is true pr
thev do not work without a present or an expected th.
profit, hut "Lore's labour's lost," so far as their ef- of
forts on ii y sensibilities are concerned. 1 am a free of
citizen of a free country, and act on my own respon- lc{
sibility. I claim the right, as an individual citizen, 'hi
responsible only to God find my own conscience, to an
express my opinions openly and fully to those who in
aie willing to listen to me, upon any and ereiy sub- gli
ject which intctests me as a man, or as an American, cr<
or as a republican, or as a christian, and the great thi
subject of human freedom rifleets me in evciy thought, sai
in every condition and in every capacity. [Cheers] in
Bui, fellow citizens, independently of the past
history of this country in relation to England, *HI
I think that ev?n my comprehension and feehie
sagacity perceive symptoms of a disposition
In her present policy towards us which 1 must beg u 1
leave to repudiate and denounce. Her constant in- 1,1
sidi' us efforts to disrupt our Union or to disgrace our
government in Ihe estimation of the world, must co
arouse Ihe indignation of every true hearted Ameri- *;i
can. [Cheers j from ihe day which witnessed the co
discomfiture of the British arms in Aimrica and the ""
-ignaluie of the t.eety of peace recognizing our Independence
in 1783? from the day that Ihe nervous '''
hand of the English King aekifowl.-dged thai free- (
dom wan for the 6r?t tune born into the world, and , Pn
the earthquake shock of that art made the accursed
thrones and sceptres of Europe rattle from one ex-1 '
trennty of the continent to the other, it seems tin* '
J ? " .1 >? the rnrro th*?ir u. niirxtlful
people. ...8
self sufficiency, on the destruction of our Union, nnd
finding, from an agonizing experience, that they 1
could not accomplish this object by forwp^ihey deter- 1 ,,s
mined to dipiomalur the dissolution of the American rx
Confederacy. lienor has sprung the viper abolition, a*
with it* thousand baleful eyes?with its secret agents, , 1,1
f>nid out of the Rnglish secret service fund, scattered '''
r?m one extremity of the Union to the other, and '
whose malevolent and unwearied vision has been set h'11
to watch the progress of the Republic, as it strides )'n
along its path of power and fame, with the hope
that at some unguarded moment its cowardly though
venomous fangs struck iri its heels, may bring its
Achillean strength to the ground. Diabolical this *r
?>ig/i*A hope?though vain its consummation, [great m
cheering ] Hence has sprung the policy of Ungland df
in fhe emancipation of the slaves in her Writ Indian B1
islands?a most philanthropic act, in the shape of a In
blow, through the Southern States, at the integi ity
of our Union, destined, thanks be to Clod, to react, *'
with tenfold violence, on herself. Hence her attempts
to disgrace u?, in tho war of 1812, by the impress- ol
ment of our seamen, ticn believing the Amer- *'
ran marine to be powerless at defence. In 'J
this, too, they were disappointed. Met re her 1
|ute attempt to disgrace the credit of our Govern 11
nient, w hen a six per cent ten million loan from our 11
unindebted general government, was refused through ?]
, a combination of the English capitalists, their hatred '
of our institutions, or their disposition to legislate a J
little for the United Stati s in forcing a hill for the 11
assumption of the State Debts on the Government, "
prevailing over that cupidity and avarice proverbial '
through the whole world [great cheering ] , llencr
her eager and avaricious eye for Cuba, for Texas, *
and for Mexico and California. And the eircuin- ''
stance winch has just transpired in the session of a '
"World" Convention in London, whose sole philav '
11. I
[WHOLE NO. 983.
hropic object seems to have been an interference with
tic dorm alio institutions of the slave-holding States
if our Union, must be a subject of pleasing con te inflation
to an American. This body of men, raked
nd i-craped out of the streets of London for the most I
iart, but ostensibly hailing from all the did'ureut quarera
of the globe, was precisely similar to that assemluge
of fools and fanatics over whose deliberations I
he husband of the liritish Queen, about twelve or <
Sghteen months ago, presided. The objects which i
hut convention had in contemplation arc well under. I
tuod by intelligent persons. This late assemblage |
i the quintr: ent philanthropy of all the civilized
foes, see bis not to have been at all behind hand in- i
Is denuacijatidus of om ->luve institution* and in of
' rls to force a fermentation in the public mind of
Ijtueriea on this subn et. These respectable <old
entleincii, felfpw citizens, seem to be singularly alive
u the chari.ic*, and graces, and proprieties of jil'e.?
dot content witb acfion in a ; < li'.irul point of view
n tint-qttcstion of slavery, bo vital in its character to
be citu n> of he isoulli, .1 rej>ort and retain) on
.ere introduci d, read. and adopted, calling distinctp
on it'l the Heligioui eommunit cs nj the iccrt/l to true
coiti/iitinioii or tioy connexion loliatrvir xoiih the
li-cm stave Ao/Wiug Statu ?l oua c.omsrrPn chiilcdeacy
y*\vtiil(r 'this "^1 u-staole uction was transpir>g,
a man, calling himself a citizen of the State of
few York, was silting in that convention, and since
is"return to this country, has, with a garulous twatle
signalized his own infamy by eulogising the very 1
eraon whose head is, or should be, bowed down <
villi an uneTimated disgrace of ribaldry and blasphe- <
ly [cheers], England seems, indeed, to have formed 1
lie most delightful calculations on the anticipated ef- '
cts of this abortion question on the integrity and t
nion of the Stales. She hopes that the sectional
lelings 011 this subject are stiong. She sees the <
inion consists of two great divisions of States, and
sr sagacity leaches her that if this question can be '
iscd into sufficient importance to become a leading t
uty question, that this nearly equal division of the :
pnlederacy may convulse the consistency, method, <
id st 1 ength of the Government. Hence her special
>Vli*1 V II ir oil of ]j>'i? i"i \ ? a Ii?w fta?*1 :? u -?- 4
... j ... Ii/ivi^u pviitj uu IliM BUUJCCl. ?
lence, in the Quintuple Treaty, an indirect attempt I
> incorporate, by virtue of a force and solemnity irn- t.
irled to the act, hy civilized Europe, an anti-slavery 'I
rinciple into the code of the laws of nation*. At h
lis tima no article in the books of National Law c
saclies the question, Hence her emancipation of it
it West Indian slaves, while her East Indian and c
frican slaves are ten times more wretched and ser c
ccahle than the West Indian negroes ever were.?
ence this " World's" convention?and hence her "
igcrness to get possession of some territory contiguis
to the Southern 'States [cheers]. Her efforts ate 1
iwearied in the piosecution of this abolition policy, s
id the wagon-loads of obscene and profane prints 1
ustrative of an imaginary condition of Southern "
ivery, scattered by the " World's" convention p
rough the United States, is by no means the only ?
ien expression which we have 011 this subject t'
hcers], v
It will he perceived, then, at once, fellow-citizens, o
at if 1 chose, on this Jrish question, to occupy
e ground of (he ' lex lalionW' it would be entirely d
liable [cl;eei>]. Hut 1 occupy a much higherground , "
an this; admitting the English abolitionist, tor the ; tr
kc of argument, to be a philanthropist, as an advo- I
ile of the cause of Repeal, I am the nobler philan- *l
ropistof tbc two. If it be right for English phi- le
nlhropists, over whose proceedings the consort of 91
ie Queen sits as chairman, to interfere with the pe- U
iliar institutions of the Southern States, it cannot ri
i wrong in an American philanthropist to advocate 1
ie cause of the Irish people [tre.i endous cheering ] , f
ut the American philanthropist is necessarily the
igher moral agent of the two [cheers.] Suppose b
ie abolition of slavery at the South to have taken *
lace, what is the result? one of three results neces- ( ''
inly follow:?Universal carnage in a protracted ti
ar between the races nature herself has made animistic
in their physical organization; universal v
unint, in the non-cultivation of the Soutliem lands,
ith general fevers and pestilences; or, as a final r?- a
lit,attained through much private and public degrada- c
011 and misery, the practical amalgamation of the white
1J black races [sensation]; a contemplation more t:
irrid and unearthly than the wildest vision-of a mad- 0
an. Suppose Ireland, on the contrary, to succeed b
obtaining Repeal, w hat resu;t does the American1
ilanthropist behold ? Legislative emancipation for e<
jiiuiici race 01 wniie men, loriunaieiv placed t-y ?'
ture in the possession of a beautiful and fertile ter- j
ory, without any interference with the rights or , 'r
erlies of any other nation [cheers ] The land of \
nmet, and Curran, and Grallan, redeemed from a j f?
>gusting thraldom [cheers ] Human rights ad- I al!
need, and the general dignity of humanity asserted 1 al
niuense cheering.] [
And what, my fellow citizens, Is this question of <
:peal with which Ireland is so much agitated, and a"
r which England has assumed so tyrannical and an j ?.
y an altitude towards her? What has been the
nduct of the Irish pimple to induce the harsh and '!
"en-ire language that Wellington and others have
ed in reference to this Repeal movement, and the
te outrageous insults to their magistracy and clergy? ''
I understand the object of this people aright, it is
obtain peaceably the repeal of an odious and op- r?
ess re parliamentary act?the act Of Union?an m'
t which, without the formalities necessary to the
casion which it represents, confessedly accomplishby
pol tical chicanery, fraud and treachery, has an
ocluiincd, in the terms of a most absurd paradox,
it a Union exists between the independent Slates j 'j,
England and Ireland; by virtue of which act
Union, forsooth, all the powers, executive, Ul|
pslutive, and judicial, heretofore exerted by on
j constituted authorities of Ireland, were either uj
nihilated, or merged for all time thenceforward, |r,
the omniscient and omnipotent powers of the En-1 w
sh courts, the English Parliament, and the Engliah 1 r(
">wn, [greiit cheering.] And England claims that ' r,
is act of Union?whose very terms discover that no rj
lie people could have voluntarily entered into it, is
rpcalable except at her own w ill and pleasure.? 0,
uw, fellow-citizens, we are directly interested so p
r as this point ia roncerned, because it insolently ?.
ntravems the position assumed by the American a,
stes in their declaration of independence. This M)
as precisely the same language which was used by ^
a British Government to the Colonics here, before
e Revolutionary War, [great cheering.] 'I hat ofntest
was conducted by England on exactly the ^
me principles on which she would now carry on this f,
ntest w ith Ireland. And what was the result? Reason
d justice, and the sympathies of the world, and the
ice and the act of God, proclaimed and proved their -j-j
llacy [cheers]. Even, admitting that Ireland was ny
ver sovereign; admitting any thing, however pre- ^?
stcrous; admitting that sovereignty >nay bo des- j>,
>yed by some other act than an act of Divinity, and
at it may bo alienated ; admitting that this act of a(
vion was perfectly just and fair, at the lime of its aj,
option; and that any one generation of men can
mi themselves in chains of servitude and oppres rr
in. Htill the baiharic Indian, the serf ff the Rus- an
in Despot, knows and feels?feels as he does the ,0
istencc of an immortal herenfte*?feels as sensibly j?
he does the cords which chafe his festering limbs,
at no generation of men can sell the liberties of a
s'ant posterity [great cheering ] It is in vain that
m attempt to argue this quest.on. You may proice
your very seals to the act of moral degtadation, n<
hi may show your musty record, snd read the terms M
the bond?ind you may appeal to the iron arm sa
law for a power with which to enforce the terms r,
' yonr contract. Bu' you appeal both to the man
id to the law in vain [checis]. The soul of the
an w ithin him conscious of its birth-right of free- _
>m, rises up in its indomitable and immortal oner
in H iiwlitrnanllv rrnnli lliA inwull n-Kirh fhiift
O.'V. ......... ....... p!
erges the reason of God in the *elfi?h and unsuh* w
antial trickery of in>n ; and Ik fore the dignity and
rcnplh of reason and justice?un?u*tnined, except w
> a consciousness of the presence of truth, the seals
attempted tyranny crumble into dust and the strong _
id nefarious arm of the late sinks palsied and pow |e?s
in theirAacnd presence [tremendous cheers]
ou might as well attempt to convince a man thai
trie is no God in (lessen, when, in the midst of an
rgumcnt so ingenious he may not be enabled to' an
sre.r it in terms, he feels the spirit of the Eternal
'ruth descend upon him in a voiceless yet irresistible
nswer to his own doubts and the powerful logfc o
le fatalist, as to endeavor to convince him that antner
lias the right to bind him to captivity [cheers J
le appeals to Nature, to the Creator of the universe,
nd although on such a subject they may spenk in n<
rritlcn language to his soul, yet he then lei Is a siini
ir spirit descend on his heart and mind, and in tlx
tern energies of his gleaming eye, tyr?n t read then
'ate and t.emble [great cheers].
<
*
"V
liWed by unjust Jaws, are greater?aiul l?tr |?-ople.
I
Indeed Ireland appears to In I ks tin eat I
ha? grown [great cheering.] lias her sovereignty I
been ever alienated I Vattel, Ibg.grettt writer on <ho 1 I
laws of nations, declares it as an I
I
it happen that on this question of a contract between I
two independent state* I
I
I
I
endeavoring to break away from the p.<wer of justice, I
ur of a slave attempting to escape from lite hand of
I
I
tressed with the broad seal of Irish sovereignty, I
[cheeis,] should now be recognised as an empty pa- I
.',eant in tin progiess of lint sli Umpire. Iio ? I
it happen that the anr.i si nil tones of Tata's swelling I
I
1 arid or should I
I
"tents uLr-h proclaim the m<-ers8 of Flu 1 -< l- I
lish to tquc.sC? The Ltrkish Government say unpera- I
lively that Ireland lost her dignity, her nationality, I
her sovereignty?lost all and became" a slave? I
*hen she s.'.b-.cribcd to this fal.il ae.l Ol , : I
i prppo ? to uniie > that question I
ia il iiit. \..w, it strikes' rne, that botli reason and I
right teacti us that nothing less than the power of the I
vcople?a supreme and sovereign power? could right- I
fully have contracted for this act of union, t he I
power which made the afct must have been superior I
:o the act?since the creator is necessarily supei ior to I
he created?and could not be, as the British Gov- I
irnment have to contend, simply equal with the act, I
>r merged in the act of Union forever. If this pro- I
KMiti >0 be true, it establishes the conviction that Ire- I
and was sovereign before the act of Union, and Vat- I
el declares it as a solemn truth, that sovereignty is I
nulicnable. If Ireland was sovereign then, and sov- I
leimilv he inalienable she i* of i-i 'ti* mrcri'iun nr>\\ H_
ind according to the general principles of the Laws I
f Nations?ncoording to the principles on which
he Declaration of Independence and the union I
imong tlie free States of our confederacy are found- I
id?has a light to demand a repeal of this oppressive I
larliamentary provision, or the right of peaceable
ecession from the Union, as a sovereign power. If
he power which contracted for the act el Union, on
lie contrary, was less than that of the people, less
!ian sovereign, it is clear the act, ab initio, was invad,
for no power J< ss than that of Irish sovereignly,
ould have abrogated or annihilated, even for an
istant, much less for a generation of time, the pow rs
of the Irish Legislature, for sovereignly alone
an make or unmake legislative power.
I will not touch on the question of Repeal, rcgardig
it as a question of expediency. I choose rather
j consider it as a question of right and of principle.?
tegarding tho legislative agents of England and
Scotland to be, in point of fact, by tbe consent of the
rish people, the local Icgi-luture for Ireland, I will
ot stop to consider how muclt reason the Iri-h
eopic have to complain?[even in thi? attitude
f a British province]?of a de iberalely wanan
and cruel mal-conduct of public affairs. I
nil not now pause to complain of the Tythe-system,
f Catholic proscription, of the poor rates, of absen:eism,
and many other things too tedious to mention,
isgraceful to the British Government?and entailing
liberies and vice on Irelai d. No, I will not consent
? put .the cause of Repeal on any such foundation?
will not consent to occupy the position of a slavo
ipplicatiiig for the leniency or pity of a cru.l masr.
No, in the name of the people who were once
ivereign, and who cannot be dispossessed except by
lod of that which God alone can give. I demand as a
ghttbe repeal of this odious act of Union.
In the name of eight millions of people?who,
ven if they do form an integral portioD of the Britih
Empire, because of their immense numbers and
ecause of their unparalleled sufferings, are not only
ntitled to a hearing, but to a redn s- of t.ieir wrongs?
a their name I claim, as a matter of right and juvice,
legislative emancipation for Ireland.
1 demand it in the name of the enlightened age in
yhich we live,
i demand it in the name of the spirit of education
nd improvement which preside over the nineteenth ^
entury.
I demand it in the name of the great political
ruths of the age, before whose power and light the
Id and despotic dogma that "might makes right*'
as disappeared for ever.
I demand it in the name of those liberal, by us callI
Republican principles, necessary to the cxislenco
' human freedom in the world.
I demand it on tbe same ground, and w ith the tarns
n.el.tiLI. tk.l I I ? ^ A ike ... m
noinuuic ai^umci.n, iu?i iiciuuu anu i'ic ?"J " f ' ?
!? * of the world, not long since demanded tie bill
r Catholic Emancipation. That act of proscription
id this act of Union were adopted at a time compar
ivcly barbaric. Since that time new principles
ve been introduced and acknowledged as a standard
action in the world of the moral economy of man ;
d the same necessity, founded on the improvement
the times, the explosion of dogmas, the disctis?ing
reasons affecting the vital interests of man, and in
0 acknowledgments of human right*, which called
10 existence the bill for Catholic Emancipation,
w in a still louder voice demands the Kepeal of this
ually barbaric and still mor^ odious act of Union.
The same reason and neressity which begat at d
nsuiniaated the Reform liill lor England, now de
indi Legislative Emancipation for Ireland.
LATEST FKOM~ AFRICA.
The schooner Kathleen, Captain Taylor, (who ia
1 old trader on the coast of Africa) artived at this
irt yesterday. Captain Taylor not having had occa11
lo visit the American settlements to the leeward
ought no paper* from Monrovia, but states that lie
iderslcod that they arc all doing very well The
ly paper brought wa* a number from S erra Leone,
the 1st July la*t. V\'e lean, verbally, however,
fim CaptBin Taylor, whose voyage was confined to
tndward, 1 e. Cambria and Sierra Leon, that a
insiderable Uiilish squadron wis constantly on tho
<asl, notw ithstanding w hich the slave-trade was car* *
cd on extensively, and very few captures made.
We are pleased to hear from Captain T. that whenrer
boarded by an English man-of-war he was invaably
treated with politeness, and no attempt made to
arch, merely as a matter of form, looking at a clearlce
or register, and often purchasing suppl is of
ich articles as they stood in need of. The second
est India regiment, which was lately stationed in
e West Indies, had arrived at Sierra Leone, the
licers of wjiich were generally in good health, and
id entrusted to Cant. Tailor a letter baa for their
iends in Nassau, Jamaicj, &r.
The Governor of Gambia CapL Seagram, R. N.,
rd at Gambia on the 26'.h of August, of the fever.
Iiis officer greatly distinguished himself for hit macaptures
of the coast of Afiira and the West li,ps,
of stares, for which he was promoted by the
-iti?h do ci i,merit.
A mixed ciurt of commission has been established
Bonavista, Cape de Verds, for the trial of captured
ive*.
There were two or three French cruiser* on the
ast, a'sa the United States sloop of war Saratoga
M -uer 1'orpoisc ; understood < fFieer* ;md in w
be all well, but did not see either vessel, they beg
to leeward?Phil. U.S. (iaztllt.
/V?n lib ?\* y* .Imrrittm.
A PHr.voxr.ttoN in ore wat.si.?'The new U. S.
r ;iiii v(,ip l*i inrrti.n, (' pt. Stockton, ranic. in upon
i this morning like a flash, to the admiration of all
ho saw her. She came into the Narrows under
lil, but when abreast of Robbin'a Reef took in her
invass, and then against a strong ebb tide, without
ty apparent moving eauae, went ahead more rapidly
-as we are told by our news collector, s good judge
-then he tvrrsaw a vessel move bclorr
She is driven, as our readers know, by 'ubmergrd
ropellers ot the stern ; and as she show ? neither
heels, works, nor smoke pipe, her rapid progress
gainst tide, without any perceptible motive agent,
as a marvel indeed.
I? -a 1 fcl . I r? : - -.r. akwaatl rtf fifl
Olio III ai aucnor in mc norm
i?l alnct.
Siriro the above wni in type we have I tin ncVo
mm the ?hip :
The I" S vtr:im?f ip Princeton .-irncrrl h. re ft <
norning, 21J hoins from New Cutle. Ilor I
nnl otter qnnlitrr?, w . undr rM.m.l. eir.'rrln! ( ipt
S|nrkton'" III .,1 . yi^'iirie expectation*. S'.c
1P 'I'" I'1 ""'I* P- "Iiirtr V, preparatory to Ink mi; t r .
""''I. ?'"l "ill. we nr..toi-?.t-iiii), |,ave 3 'rfl
>f apeed with the (?rcat \\ extern in the tnornitur fr? in
lie h'. i-l H < r
I he riraft of (tie Princeton i? 17 feet air>>d?' >.?f
we I.'Iicve i* fill v one f,mi more limn that of
be (,|-| it \\ OS tern Tl.il w ill |.r, in * n a i. lira I pomt
f Tie ii , one of the rn ?l into, , ?( rr I v, I*, H . ?r
witne*?ed in thiaport."

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