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The Madisonian. [volume] (Washington City [i.e. Washington, D.C.]) 1837-1845, November 26, 1844, Image 2

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In those things which miuiutih let theri
b unit*?in no n essentials, l1meeti j a no in al1
things charity. jiugXUtin.
J. B. Lacki, of Virginia, to be Consul ot the Uni
ted StaUs for the port of Nuevitas, in the Island o
Cuba, in the place of William Hogan.
Our readers are alrtady aware of the natun
of the charge made by Gen. Jackson, in hit
letter published 111 the Madisonian last spring
against Mr. Adams, in reference to the ririua
surrender of the territory of Texas, iu 1819.?
That charge was founded on information fur
nishrd by Mr. Erving, our Minister at the Cour
of Madrid at the time that Mr. Adams wa'
Secretary of State, and will be substautiutec
hereafter. To rebut this charge, or rather u
discredit the assertions of the accuser, Mr
Adams* brings forward a cliarge against Gen
Jackson, viz : thai when he (Mr Adams) ha<
completed the treaty ceding away the territory
of Texas, and before it was signed, he carriec
it, at the request of President Monroe, to Gen
Jackson for his examination, and that Genera
Jackson approved it. Mr. Adams says tha
Mr. Monroe and himself were the only indi
viduals who knew that General Jackson wai
consulted. Mr. Monroe is dead, and cannot b<
called upon to prove or disprove the charge.?
But Mr. Adams kept a diary, and finds tht
occurrence regularly and minutely recorded in
the volume of the year in question?the day o;
the week, and the month, the time of day (wt
believe) and the house in which he met tht
General. But unfortunately for Mr. Adams's
diary, the political and other journals of the day
prove that Gen. Jackson was not in Washing
ton, but was at a great distance from it, (con
aideiing there were no rail-roads then,) at the
time referred to. Gen. Jackson is acknow
ledged, by friend and foe, to be a man of candor
and was never charged with tergiversation by
his most malignant opponents ; and it is alto
gether incredible that he would have broughi
this charge against ^r. Adams, even on tin
authority of our Minister at Madrid, if he hut
ever sanctioned and approved the surrendei
himself. We would as soon think him capable
of catching a living viper in his naked hand, will
the expectation of escaping unstung, as to maki
such a charge against Mr. Adams, when hi
was himself particeps criminis.
With these pieliminary remarks, we will re
turn to the beauties of Mr. Adams. Mr. Ad
ims proceeds (in his recent Bridgewatei
speech) in the following chaste and classics
manner to sketch the rise and progress of tlx
I ' Texas plot":
" This notable scheme, in another f.?rm, had beer
racking tbe brain and feeding the imagination o
Andrew Jackson from the time when he becann
President of the United Slates "
"Samuel Houston, Ex-Governor of Tennessee
an officer under Jackson during (be preceding war
formed the project of taking up a settlement in Texas
*- of breaking it off from Mexico, and of annexing it u
this Union. How many others were in combinatior
with him may be known hereafter; but the hero o
the Hermitage was privy to his project from the be
ginning, and between his well known and ott so
lemnly acknowledged duty as President of the Unitet
tittles, hia community of interest with the slave
holders, hit pimsion as a southern planter, his eec
tional prejudice* as a Soutb-Carol>nian, and his Ro
man appe ite for aggrandizement, he has played foi
fifteen yeara a game worthy of Tiheriue Csesar, Lou
it the Eleventh of France, or Ferdinand the Catholic
of Spain."
"He began by making large offers for tbe purchasn
from Mexico of a part of the old Spanish province o
Texaa, not even a king to go nearer than within one
hundred miles of the Rio Bravo, and offering a fai
equivalent for what might be ceded ; but as the Mexicans
had, from the first intimation of a wish on oui
part, manifested a determined aversion to any change
I of the boundary fixed by the Florida Treaty,the here
began to cast about him for other modes of immor
talizing his administration, by the acquisition of Tex
as, and the settlement of the tlaveholdmg ascendent:
10 this confederation, on foundations, firm as the ever
istting hill*. Just at this lime, the thirst for Texa
having become an epidemic fever in the South, Mr
I Thomas Hart Benion, being somewhat infected will
it, published in tbe newspapers, in the Stale of Mis
aouri, two seta of paper*, under the signatures c
Americanut and La Salle, severely availing th
Florida Treaty, for having fixed the boundary of th
Sabine; and aa I had been the official signer of tb
treaty, imputing the conce sion entirely to me."
Now it is universally known that Tibrriu
aucceeded Auru*Ii/*, and that Augustus did nc
live to reproach him afterwards. If Augustu
I had lived, no doubt he would have reproache
him, and lhat too in the midst of his iniquitiei
But as Mr. Adams was not altogether an At)
gijsiu* Caesar, lie did not accuse him, tlioug
I hedeclarcd h'mself to be his enemy. Yet, w
ask, if it had been true lhat General Jackson aj
proved the treaty relinquishing Texas, woul
not Mr. Adam*, who at such an early day di?
covered his horrible designs upon Texas, an
who was so severely" suffering under the las
of Mr. Benton, for the part he had taken in ih
surrender, have exposed his inconsistency 7What
opporuiniiy did Mr. Adams ever neglec
to strike at General Jackson, lor tearing ih
purple from his "recreant limbs 7" Woult
General Jackson have been likely to mak
" large ofler*" for a territory which had beei
relinqui?hed by his advice, when that fact wa
in the possession of his bitter enemy 7 Th
famous "diary" was in existence then, as wel
as now. Why did not Mr. Adams produce it
while Mr. Benton was assaulting him so " se
verely7" The fart is Mr. Adams has becom
* a maniac on the subject of slavery ; and believ
ing that he will live to preside over a dark frac
lion of the dismembered Union, he thinks "th
end will justify the mean*.
Mr. Adamant xt proceed* to reciprocate th
eomplinien* contained in the retraction of Col .
nel Benton, which we alluded to last week
and doubtle** the fraternal embrace vouch<afei
by him laat aumrner, has convinced hurt that
instead of an accuser, he will henceforth fim
in Mr. Benton a faithful defender. It 1* done n
theae word*:
" My acknowledgement* are due to the f?irne?
and candor of Colonel Benton, in hi* ncent publi
withdrawal of hi* charge* against me, a* the rrspor
^ aibia peraon for the boundary of the Sabine."
Mr. Ad am* boil* over with denunciation* o
Genera) Jackaon'a letter lo the Hon. Aaron V
Brown :
' The publication of the letter win adapted pre
cieely to tike tifOt when thi? Tyler annexation treat;
vu creeping ctandeelinely in tbe Senate?when thl
lefiaJaton of tbe black code were groping unde
- ground to <7*4from the Democratic chair the northern
man wilt unUhcrn principle*, and to substitute a rank
fu/l-blooded slaveholder in tu place When a war wilh
Max >00 and England was to be swindled in uuder a I
mock enthusiasm for the territory of Oregon, and a
hurricane of pas?ion for Texas, blown to fury by
Senatorial and Congressional Texan bond and land
^ IN'ow we insist that tins is a mere plagiarism.
L The same thiug, ami a little more, had been
said by another, as we can prove:
Extract* from Colonel Benton's speech at Buonville.
44 Disunion was a primary object of the treaty; an
intrigue for the Prtsnltncy teas its secondary object; land
speculation and stockjobbing 1cere auxiliary object*?and
. the four objects together brought it forward at the
I time and in the manner in which it came lorwurd,
just forty days before the Baltimore Convention, and
at the exact moment to mix with the Presidential election,
and to make dissension, discord, and mischief
between the North and the South. * *
a * * He had denounced it
long before to many persons, and particularly at the
5 laic session of Congress to Mr. Auron V. Brown, a
member of Congress from Tennessee, who had vica'
riously obtained the Texas letter from General Jackson,
and who seemed to he vicariously chaiged with
- some enterprise on himself, and which was nipped in
the bud, be it what it might. He had foretold, at
the commencement of the session all that he had pro'
claimed at the end of it. He knew (he treasonable
, design and the Presidential intrigue long before he
I proclaimed it in the Senate."
) We#have been assured that the Boonville
speech, from which we make the above extracts,
was a " genuine speech," or rather a " true bill''
j against the author:
f In reply to the charge of ceding away Texas,
I when there was no necessity for it, Mr. Adains
says :
1 ' I must say that if there is any responsibility in
! the case, it rests upon President Madison, who, in
1816, empowered and instructed Mr. George W.
- Erving to accept the Sabine as our ultimatum, which
, power and instruction were never withdrawn."
? Now, the above may be quite correct, as it
- relates to the instructions of Mr. Madison, and
1 we doubt not it is so: but, nevertheless, it does
i not prevent the whole tissue front being a mere
I subterfuge.
Mr. Erving might, and no doubt did, receive
t the instructions as stated?and it is possible they
i were never withdrawn?but will Mr. Adams
' sty that Mr. E. acted upon such instructions?
- If, when the 44 ultimatum" of President Madi
son was received, Mr. Erving was convinced
* that by a little delay he could do much better,
- was it not the part of a faithful diplomatist to
, keep back his instructions, and achieve all he
r could for his country ? The fact that inslruc
tions 44to accept the Sabine" were sent to Mr.
t Erving, is no evidence that he did not subse?
quently hare it in his power to take the Rio
/ Grande or Rio del Norte. And, in truth, Mr.
- Adams does not positively deny the fact staled
t by Mr. Erving to Gen. Jackson. All that Mr.
i Adams says about the treaty (except showing it
? to Gen. Jackson) may be true, and yet not in;
validate the testimony of Mr. Erving, that he
ceded away all the territory beyond the Sabine,
- when the boundary might have been fixed at
- the Rio Grande.
; The editor of the Intelligencer announces, in
his paper of this morning, that he has at length
i ascertained Col. Po!k is elected,and Henry Clay
' is defeated ! But he still asserts that the 41 decision
is not the voice" of a majority of the
People, and gives the official vote of New York
> to prove it, thus:
For Clay - - - 2312,408
, Polk - - - 237,588
, Birney ... 15,812
- Majority for Polk over Clay - 5,180
1 Majority for Clay and Birney over Polk 10,t>32
Clay and Birney 1 What right has the In
telligencer to place these gentltmen in juxtaposition?
Clay and Birney! What! are we
- to have an ex post Jaclo partnership trumped up
between Clay and Birney, Rfter all the vile abuse
! heaped upon ttie Abolitionists by the leading
, | Whig organs? Birney himself would spurn
r sucli an association !
" We have as much right to nav the majority
for Polk and Birney over Clay is 20,992, as for
3 the Intelligencer to ?-ay the majority for Clay
" and Birney over Polk is 10,032.
O. K. The New York Plebeian, of yester?
day, speaking of the Texas Treaty, says:?
^ "Were we twenty times a Senator we should
- have voted for the Tre'aty." The Plebeian also ]
condemns " the conduct of Col. Benton upon the
' question of Annexation." Your JU#", if you'
r , ril<?a???
A gentleman occupying a distinguished posi,
;tion, and an able writer, has promised us a sc(
j riet of papers, showing the impolicy of omploy,
, ing officers of the arrny and navv in the dis(
charge of duties pertaining to civilians, and
t .suggesting important reforms in several departj
ments of the public service. We doubt not his
productions will command the attention of the
I Executive, and of the present Congress.
'' The Msdisonisn credits to this paper an article
e which we took from the New York Commercial Advertiser,
as the first line shows. The creditable cau
tion of the Madisonian ahows that we were not quite
' enough cautious.? U S Gazette.
e Then be more careful next time,
p Correspondence of the Madisonian.
e One of the oldest churches in Cologne ie the Santn
II -Vario in Capilolio. It riceives it* name from the
L f?ct of its being prected upon the precipe spot where
. stood the Capitol of the Roman city. The building
,, is eight hundred years old and has aome very curious
carved work and stained gDae. Another rhurch,
equally ancient, is the St. Gerrrm's kirche, which is
i lined wnh the bones of the Theban Martyrs, said to
1 have been slain during the persecution under Di cletian.
1 he gallery of paintings contain severs pictures
" which are deserving of attention. A market scene at
? night, one or two by Leasing, Bendrmim, t(c. are nil
^ that are particularly remarkable. In the lower etory
* there is a large collection of Roman antiquities. Not
d far distant is the house in which Rubens was born
ii and in which Mary de Medina died. The Town
Houae, the Custom House, the House ofiheTem,
plara, the Casino, the Government buildings, will
c eicn irrw mr m rmnHi ui n 9irangr*r.
- 'I be historical aaarr.iaiiona, with which Cologne
abound*, are highly interesting. Fragment* of Rof
men walk*, fortification*, tower*, alter*, inscription*,
. Ac. afford abundant e*idenr* of the ubiquity of Roman
power. Agrippina, the mother of Nero, wa*
born here; the emperor Trajan waa hare when aumj
owned to aaaumethe imperial robe; two other empe*
rora of Rome were here Aaet imkmi At to wield the
r aeeptra.
r Fiom being the must flourishing city of Northern
Europe, Cologne baa become dirty and gloomy , the
arbitrary zeal at fanatical intolerance, drove ftoiu the
city it* tuost ueeful inhabitant#, and although there
are some eigne of it# returning prosperity, yet it is
but a wreck of it* former greatness when the city
alone could furnish 30,000 fighting uieu, and there
were ae many steeples ae there are daye in the year.
Aa lung aa i have a nose to smell, 1 shall recollect the
city where Eaudt Cologne is manufactured. It ia a
pity the article should be ezported when there is so
mutu uiuic uci'U UI li HI IJOUlt*.
The river Rhine i* about the size of the Connecticut
uiid ia looked upon by the German* with feeling*
almost of veneration. It is, to be sure, associated
with momentous events; it could tell of coumle**
battles lo-t and won ; ut bloody conquest and overwhelming
defeut ; of coronation*, negotiations, and
perilous intrigue* ; of Rouiun colonies and ecclesiastical
tiibunal*; of castle* and ruins,
" within whose walls,
Power dwelt auudst her passions ; in proud state
Bach robbci chief upheld his armed balls,
Doing his evil will, nor less elate
Thau mightier heroes of a later date.
W hut want these outlaws conquerors should have 1
But history's purchased page to call them great 1"
Who ruled and those obeyed, alike have gone down
to dust and darkness; the warriors'shields are consumed
by rust, their banners wasted into nothingness;
the spots, where the keen scythe of conflict
mowed down its countless victims, until
slaughter was drunk with maddening gore,
are now green and stainless ; the heroes ot
a hundred battles sleep in forgotten graves; even
their unrecorded names have passed from the memory
of man. And this is the end of human glory?
a green grave and forgelfuiness.
Until the traveller reaches Bonn he sees little
upon the Rhine to equal his expectations ; the country
is flat, dull, and uninteiesting. The celebrt*
ted musical composer was born here, and a
monument is erected to his memory. At the university,
which has become somewhat celebrated,
Prince Albert was educated. Here you begin to
have a good view of the Seven Mountains, among
the highest and oldest upon the whole river. They
are entirely of volcanic origin, and the highest is
1450 fe&t; nearly all the crags and peaks are surmounted
with some ruin, either of tower, cbapel,
or cell.
Cublenz, the bulwark of Germany on the French
side, is stroDgly fortified, and is a stirring and prosperous
town. The population, including the soldiers,
ia lipf u/ppn taiAntv anrl thirtv f hntiflonH 'I'hA /?aat l?z
? ? * J V
of Ehreubreitatein is a wonder in its way; it mounts
400 pieces of cannon, is capable of holding a garrison
of 15,000 men; its magazines are capacious
enough to contain provisions for that number for
-five years; the platform on the top of the rock,
covers arched cisterns, which will hold water enough
for three years supply. This fortress cost upwards
of five millions of dollars?it would cost a much
greater sum, or rather "it would cost more than it
would come to," for an enemy to attempt to take
it by force. This is altogether a beautiful town;
one of its churches is upwards of a thousand years
After leaving Coblenz, the scenery upon the borders
of the river becomes more wild and romantic.
You are constantly passing the frozen ptaks and dark
shadows of the mountains, surmounted with the crumbling
ruins of some ancient castle. The castle of
Marksburg, situated near Branbach, upon a high and
nearly conical rock, is well worthy of a visit. It is
in a good elate of preservation, and will give the visiter
an excelleut idea of what a strong hold wai in
the middle ages. All its mysterious avenues, winding
stairs, deep vaults, hewn out of the living rock,
are readily show n to strangers.
Boppart, a walled town of great antiquity, Las two
interesting churches, and several very narrow and
very dirty lanes. A little higher up are the crumbling
ruin# of two mure "robbers' ne?ts," as the Germans
call them?the castles of Steinberg and Liefienstein?or
the Brother? ; then the Mouse and the
Cat?the Mouse being the larger castle of the two;
also the fortress of Kheinft-ls, the most interesting
and extensive ruin upon the river.. The scenery
here comes nearer to that below West Point, upon
the llud-on, than any I have witnessed abroad. The
mountains are bold and precipitous, and tbe water
clear and glassy. Tbe cap a n here fired a small
cannon two or three times, that we might hear the
reverberations among the craggy cliffs. F.
From thr Harriaburg -4rguj THE
We regret that the lilobe has again thought proper
to declare war against the President, not only tiecause
it is judicious, but because Mr. Tyler does not
deserve such treatment from the Democracy. It is
now tune that lull justice was accorded to the present
administration. T he elements of d.scord which rendered
the commencement ol its career so stormy, exi<t
no longer to any extent; being only retained by such
as have allowed their thirst for personal advantage to
blind lb. m to the welfare of the great party to winch
they are at ached. Of this number we. consider tse
editor of the Globe to belong. His idle hostility to
Mr. Tyler and his silly presumption in supposing that
he ci.uld direct the Democratic party, conltibiiWd
largely to the defeat of Mr. Van Buren ; and we now
find fnm in the first flush of a victory achieved through
a departure from the course of ;>ohry recommended
by himself, indulging again in that #y#tem of detraction
which has proved ?o fa ai to his friend*.
We have never been what are called Tyler men
We have only been Democrats; but we have not
been the less willing, upon all suitable occasions, to
render to the President that degree of prai?e which
we tielieved his firmness and disinierektedness fairly
entitled him to. While we did not hesitate to condemn
hit conduct in the Rhode Island question, we
arcoided to him all due praise for his manly letter of
withdrawal. See our paper of August 30. In this
respect we have differed from the. charlatan of the
Globe. It is time this -ysleni of dictation was at an
end. To ordinary modesty the result of the deliberations
in the Baltimore Convention would have
proved amp y sufficient; hut to the inordinate vanity
of Mr. Blair, a still greater severity of csstiyation
was required. For himself alone, Mr.JI may speak
through his p per; hut f r hi to to anticipate the ac
quiescence of me Democracy of the Union in hi? hos
tility to Mr. Tyler, is a hope as unfounded as it is
presumptuous. I he Democratic party of Pennsylvania
do not, at least, participate in the feeling.
Repeatedly during the contest just closed with so
glorious a iriun?|ih, hnre the Democracy found themselves
compelled to accord their thank*to Mr lyler.
firs firmnrM checked th# ruinous verte* of Whig
measuiea Commenced in 1841, which Would hav.ended,
without hi* interposition, in riveiing a system
upon the country which would hare given it for
years to the dominion of Federaliain. Without hi*
aid we ahould have had to contend ag?in?t another
monster Hank, fieely lavishing ita corrupting bonu*e?
in favor of its champion Henry Clay ; we ahould have
had arrayed again*! us the influence* of the Distnhution
scheme, |ietfeclcd to complete operation , and
we ohould have found the whole influ< nee of the
General Government in hostility again*) o?. Inx'ead
of the* , we have had the General Government on
our aide, and our opponents hare been compelled tc
struggle for, not with, these manifold advantag-s?
For all these favorable circustanee* we are indebted
to John Tyler; and for lar more.
Did he not voluntarily withdraw from the Presidential
arena, leaving the Ikemocracy united, and har
momoualy united in favor of Mr. Polk? Did he
rn t, throughout the whoJe campaign, exhibit thr
most magnanimous disinterestedness and devotion tc
the Democratic cause 1 Tnat he did so, is matter
of history. Shall we then be expected to forget all
these services, and join with the Globe in ila insanely
selfish assaults upon the President. We know the
Oemocracy better. They will "render unto (Jarsar,
the thing* that are (Vsar'a," without forming their
judgment Irnui the emply declamation of interested
meire.narie*. History will do ample justice to John
f yler?her page* will not refuse their just commendation
to that brmness which saved the Republic
from the dominion of monetary monopoly, or to that
noble disregard of self which led the friendi of free
government to itlly without distinction, under the
standard of the National candidate, Jaioee K Polk.
From tk* JV?o York Sum.
In the beat of political discussion where each party
has a favorite financial plan of its own, any compromise
project u? apt to be caal aside without auy consideration
of its merits. For several years past tbe
projects of a Hank of the United Stales and a SubTieaaury
have occupied tbe columns of the partisan
Press, and each was recommended and urged upon
their respective ments. It was not tube expected
in that posiliou that the plan of an Exchequer pro
posed by the present administration could obtain any
thing like a lair hearing. We are too apt in this
country to go either to ihe extremes of opposition or
the extremes of support, and to avoid that very medium
which might satisfy both sides. A new era has
commenced and new men are to take charge of the
government, and this as we conceive is the proper
tune to examine the Exchequer projtct, and ascertain
how far it may be advisable to sustain it in preference
either to a Bank or a Sub-Treasury. We cannot expect
always to have au oveiflowing Treasury. Overtrading
will soon exhaust itself, and the reduction of
certain portions of the Taritf of 1842, which bears
hard ou seveial interests, will dimmish the receipts of
the nalionul coders ; besides, we shall be called upon
in a few months to redeem loans which are due, and
which will absorb all the balance remaining after
meeting the current expenses. Our government,
therefore, must adopt measures for the permanent
support of its credit, and must therefore choose between
an Exchequer, a Government Bank, or a SubTreasury.
The disastrous ruiu of the United Slates
Bank in means and reputation, both at home and
abroad ; the abuse of its powers, and its utter inability
to regulate the currency of the country, place such a
project at too remote a distance to believe that it ever
I can be adopted, at least in our generation, with its
severe losses pressing hard upon the people.?
That project we do not believe will be broached
by the piesent or by any Congress, at least until every
other system has been exhausted, and has failed
in accomplishing all the objects contemplated. The
next in order is the independent Treasury, commonly
called the Sub Sreasury ; which is merely assigning
to the custody of a person of iuiegrity, the safe
keeping ot the public moneys; precisely the same in
character and etl?ect as the duty now discharged by
the Deposite Banks. The only reason assigned for
the adoption of the Sub-Treasury project was an apprehension
at that time that the public moneys were
not sale in the Banks, and if we look at the immense
issue of notes and the positive dishonesty of certain
Banks, the apprehension was justly founded. It may
and probably will be urged that the financial difficulties
of 1836 may again occur, and that the Banks,
though now restricted in the issue of a paper circulation
and very well managed, may by revulsions and
over trading find themselves in similar difficulties and
therefore the revival of the Sub-Treasury would-at
once guard against that evil. Beyond the mere safe
keeping of the public moneys, the Sub-Treasury was
of no use to the government?it could not and aid not
strengthen the credit qf the ?ovetnment, and was only
available to the amount of money it had in custody.
Now the object of the Exchequer was to issue Bills
by the Government against the amount of gold and
silver in the Treasury?a plan usefully adopted elsewhere,
and by this issue ngulate the currency of the
country, while it enlarged, extended and confirmed
the public credit at home and abroad. It was proposed
by President Tyler, if we remember rightly, to
create a Treasury Board, consisting of three Commissioners
for the purpose of supplying a paper medium
of Exchange, which at all times could be convertible
into gold or silver. Subordinate snAco-operative
boards were to be established in each of the
States under the same limitations and restrictions.
The Exchequer was to retain from the Treasury five
millions in gold or silver as a permanent fund to pay
the public creditor, eithe/ at his option in specie or in
Treasury notes, of not less than five, or higher than
one hundred dollars, redeemable at the several places
of issue, and received every where in payment of
dues. The amount of bills in circulation never to
exceed fifteen millions of dollars. This five millions
in s;>ecip and five millions in Government slocks
would constitute a guarantee for the redemption of
the fifteen millions of Exchequer bills, and thus making
the issue of fifteen millions to rest substantially
on ten millions cauital. and keeuintr one dollar and
fifty cents in circulation for one dollar in specie.?
Those bills would pass throughout the Union,
and all the profits arising from the operation would
go into the Treasury, and in time, if found to
work advantageously, the capital may be increased.?
It is only issuing what the Government now does,
Treasury notes; but Exchequer bills will be based
by law on a safe capital. It is not a Bank, because
it loans no money and has no stockholders. It gives
permanency to the credit of government and prevents
the humiliation of gomg abroad with a small loan and
finding the English capitalists refusing to take it, and
in the event of a war, such an institution will compose
the very sinews of it. We believe that the Exchiquer
project has been condemned without an examination,
and we trust that now the contest is over,
it will meet, as we think it merits, with a fair and
j close scrutiny, and ascertain whether the financiers
| and capitalists of the country cannot unite under certain
modifications in favor of an Exchequer, in preference
to the Su?-Trcasury or a Bank of the United
1 States, which cannot, as we conceive, pass through
' either House of Congress at present.
From the ,\rashvXle U'union.
We invite the special attention of our readers to
I the letter of Gen. James Hamilton, of Alabama, for|
merly Governor of South Carolina, to the Central
Stale Committee of Tennessee. The letter was
; written in reply to an invitation given by the Cum|
mittec to General 11. to attend the great Democratic
, Mass Meeting in this city on the I5lh of August last;
! hut was not received in time to he published with
: ihe regular report of the proceedings. The letter is
i worthy of serious consideration on several accounts,
i There is perhaps no man in the United States more
; intimately conversant with the Texas question in all
: its bearing than Gen. Hamilton, being mlly acquainlI
ed with the condition, prospects, interests and wishes
; of the people, of 'lexas, as well as with ihe immense
1 value, of ttiT country, in all it* undeveloped resources
i as an accession of territory, and as affording?when
annexed to the United Slates?our greatest security
in the Smith against foreign enemies in all lime to
I come. The General discusses the question of an|
lu xation in a manner becoming his distinguished re1
putation as a statesman.
We desire his letter to be read also for the bold
1 and manly manner in which he repels the false
. charge ol disunion made against the democracy ol
the .-outh. No Tennessean, we hope, can read the
just and eloquent eulogy which Gen. Hamilton pronounces
up,.n the venerable sage of the Hermitage,
without fr.?-lint? a warm olow of nride and nlcasure
spring up in his bosom. On all these accounU, the
letter is highly interesting. As an elegant and elo,
quent composition, it imparts new interest, and suggests
new views in relaion to every topic discussed.
No man ?no man who loves his country and its institution?who
loves the Union and Constitution as
they are?can, we are fully persuaded, read it without
receiving ample teinurieralion in both pleasure
I and profit for his pains.
Oswichee Bend, (Ala.) Sept. 10, 1H44.
Dear Sir?I should be very insensible to the kind'
ness which dictated the letter you addrr?sed me on
the 2i?th of July last, covering an invitation of the
(Central Committee to attend the Mass Meeting of
the Democracy recently held at Nashville, if I did
i not reply to a communicatum ao eminently gratity'rg
. L. .
it is only within the last few davs that your favor
1 reached me. I have been absent from home for several
weeks. Kvrn if it had be?n received in time, I
; regret to 'ay, that my engagements would liaie precluded
the possibility of my attendance.
1 need not remark how happy | would have been
to have joined your deliberations, and to have united
I mj entniiiiMDi 10 in*i 01 ine vast multitude of free
I men who assembled on the occasion in question to
j do homage to those principles on which the existence
I of the Union, and the liberty of the country so vital
I ly depend
I mu-t confess that another reisnn would have rendered
my attendance consummately agreeable. It
i would have afforded me an op|mitunity to have paid
my last respects to that venerable and distinguished
! veteran at the Hermitage, from whom I have been
long separated by onuses to which I think it now
scatcely necessary for me to advert. 'J'o have assured
htm before he has passed from this to another, and
I trust, a better World, that every feeling, every recol!
lection of unkintlnesa, in reference to Ins former re|
lations with South Carolina and her public men, have
i been buried forever in the ocean. I hat we now on
|y recollect the good which, in a long lite he has done
j Ins country?the bright pillar of glory which he has
! erected on the hanks of the Mississippi, with a prow,
,>s* worthy of the first of the (J??ars, and unsurpass
i ed in the lustre of its renown. That even now,
when ?n the brink of a grave, we find, by the authority
of h'a opinion*, ha ia again defending the Valley of
that pobleaiream from influence* far more dangerous
than the war cloud and the thunder which, on the 8th
of January, J8I3, he rolJed back upon the proud invader
in the majeetf of hie gallantry and skill. Yea,
air, Hue would have been a grateful office?worthy
the magnanimity of that Slate to which be owe* hie
birth, and which recognize* him a* among the mo?i
distinguished of her aoua. In this mission, 1 would
have oe? u but her humble instrument, but sincere fervent
and faithful, though humble; with a heart penenuted
and softened, whilst elevated by the proud consciousness
that I rpoke for a people who know how
to forget arid forgive, aa well as to honor aod tevere
You do not, iny dear sir. exaggerate the importaiict
of the present crisis. Nothing but its deep and per
vading interest has drawn me from a retirement whirl
the stale of my private affairs renders necessary, a<
well as desirable to lue.
1 must confess, before Mr. Clay's letter on the an
nexalion of Tex is made its appearance, I was wil
ling, under a belief that he would stand resolutely by
ins own compromise of 1833, to see a general pacilication
of parlies, consummated, if possible, by hit
elevation to power, by the default, if not assent ol
the Southern Slates. But that letter convinced me
that he had determined to throw himself on the side
of the anti-slavc-holding party of the country. I had
hoped that lie would, in the generosity of his nature
have found an ample motive to forbear sacrificing
his own section of the Uniun, comparatively weak,
to the stronger, more prosperous, and more growing
portions of the Confederacy : on a measure, too, or
which his opinions were but a tribute to the rabid
spirit of fanaticism and a concession to the proud
and arrogant pretensions of a foreign power. It is
in vain to conceal the fact that he has taken ground
against the south and west, on a question involving
the highest interests of the whole Union, and that he
is not of its, but of them?for those who authorita.
lively announce there shall be no more slave States admitted
into this Union; and who are the m<>st subtile
the most untiring and vindictive disunionists in the
whole country, because they strike at the great prin
ciple of that compiomise, out of which the Unior
sprung, without which it would never have beet
furim-d, and cunn?t now exist for a single hour.
The progress of events has served but to strength
en this conviction, whilst the course which his party
have universally taken to discredit the authority of
his own compromise of the taritf in 1833, seems U
be desigmd artfully to prepare a platform on whicf
he is to stand, if electen, where the good laitl
of that compromise may be trampled under foot
and the whole agriculture of the South and West
and the commerce of the North, sacrificed to the cu
pidity of u comparatively small number of manufac
tureis. These are significant portents, and we shal
want the courage and intelligence of freemen if we
are nut prepared to meet them.
The first blow, therefore, we have to strike, is tt
elect Messrs Polk and Dallas, if we can, and if w<
cannot, to take no counsels from despair. It is true
that we have mighty combinations against us?
Those who desire to riot in the wealth of a bloatec
monopoly?who, in the spoils of the public lands
look lor the repair of the huge insolvent speculation;
of bankrupt States and Territories, and who like
wise look, in the election of Mr. Clay, for the mean;
and "appliances to boot" to justify a tariff perpetua
in its duration and infamously enormous ift its bur
dens! and lastly, of those who expect to seize upor
the entire patronage of* the Government, by making
a clean sweep of the present incumbents, from the
meanest turnspit in the treasury to the highest places
nearest the throne. But our cause "is mighty and
must prevail." Our name is "Legion." If united,
we aie invincible. W hy? J) cause our strength is
tn our pr inciples, and not in our adulation of our men.
The latter are but the exponents of the former. We
connect no idolatry, no man worship with their
names. Worthy, able, intelligent and irreproachable
as they are, they are but the instruments of that
august cause which has engraven on its escutcheon,
Justice to every portion of the Union. Freedom
through the instrumentality of equal laws to all its
Although I am now a resident of Alabama, 1
can speak for South Carolina, once amongst the
most favored, though the least worthy of her sons
She will strike valiantly for Polk. To count her
vole, you need only look at her census. If she
once preferred to all living men her own illustrious
statesman, with him she bows to the decision of the
party with whom she is acting, and she will march
with an unfaultering step under the Western banner
your mass convention has so manfully unfuiled.
1 know that every artifice that malice and cunning
can devise has been used to alienate the people from
his support. One individual whom I will not so fai
dishonor the public his ory of our country as to cad
a statesman, has said, in substance, that Mr. Polk is
recommended to his favor by his having voted for the
Force Bill, which, in. the event of the rebellion ol
South Carolina, he would be bound to apply to her
people. This left-handed manifesto of friendship for
Mr. Polk is about as hollow as the taunt in which it
is conveyed is unspeakably despicable. Sonlh Carolina
means no disunion. The charge, by whomsoever
it be Ttiade, is a radical falsehood, which can only
be supported by every possible deviation from the
truth. She means to eiect Polk, if she can, and obtain,
through its uistrumentality, an essential change
in the promised whig policy of the government?a redress
of the evils of which she complains, and a reversal
of the unjust and unconstitutional mandate that
tie more slave Sla'cs are to he admitted into this Union,
by a prompt, plenary and unrestricted annexation ot
Texar. If tins fails, she will apfieal to her confederates,
and, my lite upon it, only recur, in I he last resort,
to her sovereignty, under the sanction of the public
opinion of tho>e whose interests are identical with
her own, and under circumstance!- which so far from
dissolving ihe Union, will add fresh securities to its
preservation, by bringing the government back to the
good faith and authentic text ot the Constitution.
1 know the prejudice which accompanies the expression
of my opinions in relation to trie question of
the annexation of Texas, on account of imputed pecuniary
interests in that country, which for the purposes
of party, have been must extravagantly exaggerated.
If they were twenty fold larger than they
really are, they would he but a feather in the balance
in < om| arison with the still higher interests I
have as a Southern man and a citizen of the United
State? in this inestimable acquisition?an acquisition
which is to remove the torch of the incendiary and
the fanatic froin the valley of the Mississippi, maintain
the equilibrium of pnwer between the States,
and thus allord another guarantee for the perpetuity of
the Union.
1 w rile this letter, my dear air, I beg you to understand,
undergreatp.nl. A highly excited, but goodhearted
Whig, who edits w ith commendable ability
?i rpwtiprlahlc rvrint i*? i 'l.nfUal/vw .? ? 1 ? ^
much pleasure in acknowledging, during my public
career, many kind words and much friendly support,
has actually issued his veo against my writing any
more letters in the papers, although he has decreed
for me a sort of epistolatory apotheosis. That my
letters on annexation and the tariff, and Polk and
Dallas, are not quite as agreeable to him as the love
epi'tles he may have received before he placid himself
in a slate of double-ble?sedness, when these tormenting
missives are very apt to cease, I can readily
conceive. 1 think it, however, hard that 1 should be
visited with ihe sin of their publication, when my
correspondents must shoulder this responsibility ?
Yet even from this I am npt inclined to shrink.?
And in ?pite of the edict of my testy friend, and
the pungency of his satire, 1 shall continue to
write and speak, and speak and write, where I
think, as the gentlemen of the fancy say, I ran put
in with the moht eff.ct. Yea ! to the very end of the
war, and I trust, if need be, "die game at last.''
I tieg you to prrsent my gratrful acknowledgments
to your associates of the Central Committee
for the distinguished honor of their invitation, the
compliment of which your letter has so greatly enhanced.
1 beg you to he a?sured, my dear sir, of the esteem
with which I am,
Very respectfully,
Your obedient servant,
J. J, B. SoUTHsLL, Rsq.
Another (Steamboat Accident with loss or
I trv W P l#?arn from 1 \?.n, ( lrlnnna nonae.
?? ? ? ? V.r-l"-." ...?l
whilst the steam tow-boat Tiger w?< towing to *e*
the tmik Marria.nn the 13th inst., her boiler*, six in
number, exploded, with terrible forre, tearing in
piece* the hull of the boat, and killing three of the
crew. The lo** of life, would probably hare been
greater, hut most of the hand* of the boat were at that
moment engaged aft. The name* of the person* killed
are a* follows, viz.. David Brown, of New Yoik,
1st Krigineer ; Abraham Snyder, 3d do.; Daniel B
Clark, of New Oilean*, Pilot. i'he body of the latter
was seen flying through the air at the explosion,
and has not been lound.
CiacttMSTANTiAi. tfviOENrK?1 have heard very
extraordinary case* of murder tried. I remember,
in one where I was counsel, for a long time the evidence
did not appear to touch the prisoner at all, nnd
he looked about him with perfect unconcern, seeming
to think him*elf quite safe. At last the surgeon
wa? called, who stated that the deceased had l?een
killed by a shot, in the head, and he produced the
matted hair and stuff cut from and taken out of the
wound. It tvas hardened with blood. A basin of
warm water w?? brought into Court, and as the blood
wm gradually softened, a piece of printed M|f ?p
peered, the wadding of the gun, which proved to he
half a ballad. The other half had been found in
the man'* pocket when he was taken. He waa hanged.?
f/trd Bldon't noit bock.
The celebration by the Democracy of thie city will
I take placebo Wednesday next, if fair ; if not, the
' lir.t fair day thereafter, Sunday excepted. Pievioue
- notice having been given of the character of the celebration,
it ie unneceaeary here to repeat it.
, TLe day will be uahered in by the tiring of a national
culute from Capitol Hill. .
, On the ariivul of the Democracy of Baltimore, bav.
, ing chaige of the a|ilendid banner preeenied to them
by the Democracy of the emporium of the Empire
. State, a continental aalute of thirteen guns will be
tired on the canal fronting the Hickory Pole,
r The several Democratic Association*, under the
. direciion of their marshals, wilt assemble at ihe Hicki
ory Pole piecistly at I i o'clock, and he reported to the
I maishal-ii.-cliief, Lund Wafhingti.ii, jr.; when the
i Young Hickory Club will proceed, accompanied by
, music, to the residence of John C. Rives, for the pur|
pose of receiving a banner from several Demociatic
la dif* of Washington City, which will be presented
. by General Dawson, of Louisiana, on their behalf;
on which occasion a continental salute of thiruen
' guns will be fired on the canal opposite the pole.
T1 I II..I 4L. r .1 .1 *aa a .*
i i lieu juiiiKH nuuBii, me oruior 01 me uay, will UH1- V
I ver froui the Hickory Pole stand a congratulatory adI
I Toe procession will, then, by direction of the marI
shal-in chief, be formed in the following order, on the
. marching of which a salute of twenty-six guns will
J be fired;
1. The Democratic Association of Baltimore, with
the committee having charge o( the banner.
2. The Democratic Associations of Annapolis,
! Alexandria, and Georgetown, and such others on
[ foot as may hunor the occasion with their attend,
j 3. Distinguished officers and strangeis.
4. The Young Hickory Club, headed by their president,
Charles 8. Wallach, under the direction of
r their marshal, John Heart.
5. Democratic'Association of Capitol Hill, headed
( by their president, Charles K. Gaidiner, under the
( direction of their marshal, Simon Brown.
( 0. The Navy Yard Democratic Association, headed
by their president, James Thornley, under the di'
lection of John Queen, their marahal.
' 7. The senior Democratic Association of Washington
City, hmded by their piesident, Amos Kendall,
I and other officers, under the direction of John A. Do- i
noho, their marahal.
8. Democratic citizen* geneially.
} 9. The Bladensburg Democratic Association,
, mounted, and such others rs may be on horse.
The above marshals, and J. B. Philips, H. C. Wil[
liams, and Asbuiy Tucker, the aids to the tparshal-ipI
chief, will be mounted, and distinguished by a bluo
sash with while rosette, and having batons.
! The martha s to provide their own sashes.
The foot marshals, wearing the badge of the rr,
spective associations, to have a hickory baton two feet
I in length, with a blue riband circling each end.
The members of the several associations will be
( distinguished by their respective association badges.
The line having been formed, will proceed
| From the Hickory Pole in fiontot the Globe office
| down the Pennsylvania avenue to 12th street ; up .
I 12th to E street; down Eln 10th street, down to the
avenue, and up, by the north side of Capitol squate, to
| E Capitol street. On the arrival of the proctssion at
that place a national salute will be fired. From East
Capitol street, by 2d street east, to the avenue ; down
[ the uvenue to 8th street east, and down to L street
south ; thence by 7th street south to Virginia avt nue ;
up Virginia and New Jersey avenues to B street
south, and thence to the Capitol Hill Hickory Pole. ^
The procession will then move from Capitol Hill
down the south side of Capitol square, and through
Pennsylvania avenue to the President's House;
thence to G street north ; up 19th street west to tho
avenue; thence to K street, on to the Georgetown *
bridge; countermarch on K street, and back by the
avenue to 1 street; down 1 to 15th street; down to
New York avenue, up to I street, on to 9th street,
dpwn to H street; down H to 6th street, down to F
itl rPPl II n li1 tn ^iK rlnorn ti? I ^niaiona "
I _r . ? . ?, ",,uuc i uK
to City Hall; down street to C street, up to 3d
street, down to the avenue, and thence to the Hickory
Pole, and place of dismissal.
The marshals, foot and mounted, will see that the
line be not crowded or broken in upon by those not
marching in the procession.
Our Democratic fiiends are eipected to illuminate
r a* contemplated, it ia not, however, expeited that
those holding rank or command in the army or navy
should unite in this jubilee.
It is hoped that trie recommendations in the cards
heretofore published will be regarded.
By order of the committee of arrangements. . ^
Anecdote or Mart Worti.t Montague.?Ths
following amusing court anecdote is related in the
"Memoirs of Celebrated Women," lately published
in London :
" Lady Mary had on one evening a particular engagement
that made her wish to be dismissed unusually
early;she explained her reasons to the Dutchess
of Kendal, and the Dutchess informed the King,
who, after a few complimentary remonstrances, appeared
to acquiesce. But when he saw her about to
take her leave, he begin battling the point afresh,
declaring it was unfair and perfidious to cheat liiiu
in such a manner, and saying many other fine things,
in spite of which she at last contrived to escape. At
the foot of the great staiis she ran against Secretary ?
Craggs.just coming in, who stopp. d her to inquire
what was the matter. Were the company put off?
She told him why she went away, and how urgently
the King had pressed her to stay longer; possibly
dwelling <>n that head with some small complacency.
Mr. Craggs made no remark; but when he had heard
all, snatching her up in his arms as a nurse carries a
child, he ran full speed with her up stairs, deposited
her within the antc-chaipber, kissed both her hands
respectfully, (still not saying a word,) and \ anished.
The pages seeing her returned, they knew not how,
hastily threw open the inner doors, and, before she
had recovered her breath, she found hi r-elf again iu
the King's presence. 'Ah ! la re-voila !" cried he
and the Dutchess, extremely pleased, and beg n
thanking her for her obliging change of mind. 1 he
motto on all palace-gales is " hash !'' as Lady Mary
very well knew. She had not to learn that mystery
and caution ever spread their awful wings over the
precincts of a court, where nobody knows what dire
mischief may ensue from one unlucky syllable blabbed
about any thing, or about nothing, at a wrong time,
i But she was bewildered, fluttered, and entirely off"
j her iMiard ; so, beginning giddily with 'Oh, Lord,
sir! 1 have been to frightened !' t-he told his Majesty
the whole story exactly as she would have have told
ii to any one else, fie had not done exclaiming, nor
bis Germans wondering, when again the door flew
open, and the attendants announced Mr. Secretary
Craggs, who, but that moment arrived, it should A |
s?em, entered with the usual obeisance, and as composed
an air as if nothing had happened. 'Mais
comment done, Monsieur Craggs,' said the king, going
up to him, 'est cc que e'est I'usage de ce pays de *
porter des telles dames comme un sac de froment ?'?
'Is it the custom of this country to carry about fair
ladies like a sack of wheat ?' The minister, struck
dumb by this unexpected attack, stood a minute or
two not knowing which way to look ; then recovering
his self-possession, answered with a low bow,?
'There is nothing I would not do for your majesty ^
satisfaction.' Tins was coming c ff tolerably well?
hut he did not lorgive the tell-tale culprit, in whose
ear watching his opportunity when the king turned
from them, he muttered a hitler reproach, with a
round oath to enforce it; 'which I dur*l not resent,'
continued she, 'for I had drawn it upon myself;
and, indeed, 1 was heartily vexed at my own imprudence/"
fRF.AT ;iains have been taken with the preswn
* volume, to sustain that reputation for fulness and
accuracy for which this work has f>een di?tingu<*h?d
during the sixteen years of its existence, as a register
of those s; jii-iit r?l and miscellaneous fuel* which are
moat valuable for | resent use, and for reference in
future year*.
The axirnnomiral calculations have been made hy
Professor Pierre, of Harvard University; they will
be found very full. The artcle on the Census of
IH40 is one of great inerost and value, and the list of
Officer*, and the particulars respecting every Department
of the General Government, the Judiciary, the
Army, the Navy, the Poet Office, the Public Lands,
Revenue* and Kipeindilures flic , &r , are given with
even greater minuteness than on former occasions,
while,in regard to the Commerce of the Country, the
present volume gives more copious information, drawn
trom the Official records at Washington, than was
probably ever before published in a single work.
An aiticle, commenced Inst year, is continued in
the present volume, giving the titles and abstracts of r
all the, public laws passed at the la?t session of Congress?this
subject will be resumed in each suceeaai?A
near an f hut t ho cor mu nf vnlnmn* will aiva a i ,
full new in the shortest compass of the genernl legislation
of the country.
For sale, (price one dollar) for the publishers, by
F. TAYI>OR, Bookseller, Washington City Postage
on the American Almanac is 15 cents for an? distance
under one hundred milae,oTer hundred utile* 24
^ ept?,

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