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* V I' THE MADlbONl AM . A V-l ? * ? ' > WASHINGTON CITY. TUESDAY EVENING, FEBRUARY IB, 1845. IN null TtMOl WHICH ABE ESSENTIAL LET THEEE BE UNITY ? IM HON ESSENTIALS LIEEETY ; iNO IN ALL THINGS CHARITY if?. H^*Y?Mterday the President elect aud his lady visited the Phesiuent aud his lady at the White House. A GOOD SIGN. From a remark in Saturday's Globe we are * induced to believe that the great measure of the age will be carried yet. As it is not Colonel Benton's purpose to speak auy further on the subject of his bill?which was introduced after the Joint Resolution had been thoroughly discussed and adopted in the House of Representatives, and, of course, ought to defer to priority?we entertain the encouraging belief that he will not press it, in the event of the passage of Mr. Brown's proposition, for which we hope be will vote. Should Colonel Benton pursue this course?should he, laying aside all personal and sectional considerations, resolve to obey the voice of the People of Missouri, and of a vast majority of the People of the Union?we are certain that the advocates of the measure will hasten to expunge every line tuai mey may have recorded to his prejudice. AILwill be forgiven, all will be forgotten, if he will only contribute to save the measure in this trying emergency. There can be no doubt that threats of British interference are whispered in the ears of Senators, to intimidate them; and there can be no doubt that while these threats are uttered in open day in our Capitol, the most seductive allurements are offered from the same source in the Capitol of Texas. Under such circumstances?while the sword of an European power is brandished threateningly in our laces to deter us from admitting a sister Republic into the Union ; and while the same grasping power is urging the most enticing arguments to induce that Republic to decline admission ; under these circumstances, we ask, should any friend of his country, any Senator, whose official aspirations extend beyond and above his present term, and his present station, hesitate for one moment be-, tween the British and the American side of the question? We hope not; we hope that none but Americans are sitting in ihe Senate Chain- j ber. But, however much, and disastrously for themselves, some of the Senators may be deluded into a conscientious belief that duty requires of them to oppose the measure ; with an unbroken front on the Democratic side of the House, and the three or four votes from the opposite side, which may be counted upon, we are confident that the House measure can be carried through. And such being the case?and who doubts it??we will not indulge the belief that Messrs. Benton, Tappan, and Dix, will incur the awful responsibility of defeating the Joint Resolution. We learn that Seoator Allen will stand up in defence and vindication of his country at all hazards; and it was but yesterday that , . Mr. Tappan presented resolutions imbodying the sentiments of the Democracy of his Stale, that he should not obey the hasty and unsustained instructions of the temporary Whig majority of the Legislature acting in defiance of the popular will, The rest of the Democratic Senators from the free Stales are not only untrammelled at home, but are encouraged by their constituents to go forward boldly to the glorious achievement. They will go forward boldly?for they are animated by the same thrill of patriotic emotion which has been manifested by Messrs. Buchanan and Woodbury, whose eloquent and determined tones, but now uttered in the Senate, are already reverberating, like inspiring bugle-notes, over the land. They strike a responsive chord m every honest heart, and sympathetic notes will be echoed back from every direction. The present and the future?ay, and the past?will unite in wreathing chaplets of immortal glory for the brows of those indomitable spirits who shall contribute most in rescuing a sitter Republic from ihe polluting clutches of the pandering agents of crumbling monarchies ?monarchies decaying with their own corruptions. And, on the other hand, an indelible stigma will forever disfigure the brow of every man who may participate in the disgrace of a violation and desecration of our Lone Sister, should it be her late to be dragged away from the great family of Republican Stales. If the conservators of the Union?the grave Senators now assembled in the Capiiol?shall pause, and again permit the opportunity to slip, is there a rational man who will say that hope is not entirely extinct? Will Texas consent again to negotiate with us? Is she not well aware that the question of slavery in her territory can never be so adjusted as to commant two-thirds of the Senate in favor of any futuri agreement? And i* il not apparent in our coun try that the contending Vlaimaru* for the Presi dency will seize upon this subject to excite th? pasaions and rouse the prejudices of their re apective sections, for the purpose of arrestmt the advancement of each other ; and thus, whiU the incoming Administration will be overwhelm ed with gratuitous and unnecessary emhsrrast inents, the probabilities of ultimate Annexation will be lessened instead of increased? To de by is to defeat?to pause is to perish ! The Hartford Conventionists of ,Vw Kng land have seized upon this question as a pretei to batter against the foundations of the Union Is this not a j>roof that Annexation m right?? But if the Hartford Conventionists shall prevail will there not he serious commotion in annth er quarter, and a more determined one 7 Wi believe that a failure to annex Texas, at tin evasion, will be the signal lor an internal con vulsion, such as was never witnessed before We go for the Union, with or without Texav with or without a Tariff, with o* without sla very, with or without the Conetitution itvtlfbnt we know there are formidable numbers wh would go differently. The " aticcEnniots" is to he the bone of cor nvntion. Rut if we are not much mistaken, e* L... * ...L^ ^I ii J: .1 . -try MBfiiiiou* ii*pi(?ni win wiihii nirrciiy or in d.rertly throw any obstacle* in the way of An nexaiioo,w<ll foreverbe excluded. The People ai eerted their eerereif my at the late election, an 4hey will evert Abeir power again. They deair no have Texaa; ta have a aucee?afal and^roi parous Admimetratieo; and they desire ell th Mb, politicians to contribute their efforts to these coda And when the President, whom they selected over the heads of the contending aspi rant*, shall have proved their wisdom and iheir justice, they will again proclaim the ma a whom they may prefer, and who will be required to serve (hem. The Presidency is not so much an honor to be sought after, as a difficult and harassing service to be performed. By the latest advices from Europe, we have newspaper reports that England is making overlures to France to join with her in interposing to prevent the Annexation of Texas to this Union. The papers state that Great Britain ' proposes to relinquish the Right of Search, pro' vided France will enter into an alliance with tier to preveut the aggraudizemeut ot the United Slates. ror the maoisonian. Now that a President from the West?and such a President?a fair sample of the splendid intellectual productions and moral worth of the West, has arrived?accompanied by ladies whose loveliness reflects their clime and whose accomplishments are an ornament to their country?a tit opportunity presents of inserting the following beautiful lines of Mrs. Lois B. Adams. We may not only with strict propriety congratulate ourselves upon our President elect, but upon the lady of our President?a lady as excellent in character and accomplished in mind as any one of the amiable peers in place who have previously filled it. A. "THE WEST. ' BY Mas. LOIS a. ADAMS. They tell me of a brighter land, Where everlasting Summer smiles ; Of waves by Southern breezes fann'd, Encircling bright and sunny isles. But, oh ! the West, the charming West, lp every livery drest; Its lovely Spring, with fleeting train, lis Autumn sad, with waviug grain, its Wintry storms and Summer showers, The beauty of its wild wood bowers, Its rolling rivers, proud and free. Have more than magic charms for me. They tell me of a fairer sky, Where cloudless sunshine ever dwells, Of sunny vales and mountains high, Of dashing rills and flowery dells. Bui, oh ! 1 love these charming skies, Where stormy clouds inconstant rise; Their gorgeous shapes so wildly free, H QV? mnrA m lot! i/> nh.emu f..m mo Than glories that unchanging lie, In fair Italia'* glowing sky; And Flora's flowery plains of pride, More lovely than the mountain's side; And for the dell* so warm and low, Where streams with ceaseless music flow? Give me the loved and lovely West, With ever varying livery drest. I know that olden tales have flung A charm around the Eastern world. Where erst the early poets sung Where Freedom flrst her flag unfurl'd. And spell-bound memory liogers yet, Round many a mouldering parapet; And o'er those crumbling walls to mourn, Full oft will weeping fancy turn: But yet, melhinks, that Fancy's tear Should warmer flow o'er ruins here ; For not when fell the warriors brave, Have msibles marked his lowly grave; His followers laid the chief to rest In some lone valley of the West; No records on the lists of fame, To us may tell his deeds or name ; Naught but ihe simple mound* arise, To point us where the warrior lies. Oh ! tell me not that Eastern themes Alone can minstrel art inspire ; I know that here a poet's dreams Are often warmed with holy fire. What! know ye not a theme for song Is borne by every breeze along; Though not amid Castalian groves, Where aliil poetic Fancy roves; Though not round lone Parnassus' hill, Where classic learning lingers still, Or where Ionian isles are flung Like emeralds on the restless wave ; These western winds L*ve ever sung A dirge o'er Genius' hallowed grave. Then tell of forests dark and dee?, Where many a daring d-ed was done, By chieftains now in dreamless sleep, Wbo erst have victories lost and won. They linger round the mouldering walls Of ruined cities in the West, Where thousands from their crumbling halls In shades of dark oblivion rest; Or should the musing poet's ear Refuse such sadd'ning sounds to hear ; They'll instant change the mournful theme, And wake to life a bi ighter dream. The dark-eyed Indisn maid shall come Once more to view her woodland home And as she pours her welcome song The breeze shall bear ila notes slong. 'Twill tell of wealth, and pride and power, Of loves exchanged in wildwood bower; Of hearts who pledged their truth till death, A n<i th*ir fot^ ?aith dnmiv KruutK Again the hounding deer shall roam O'er flowery prairie* wild and free; Agsin the red man'a forest home Unlettered Freedom'* home shall be. Oh ' seek not then in classic lore Alone, for minstrel art and fire ; Seek not that gift in dee?ts of yore Wh ich Western scene* may well inspire : Sweet Fancy hi re delighted rove*, And ne'er could poet he more blest Than wandering 'mid the bowering groves That crown our loved and lovely West. Cow st an tine, Michigan. Correspondence of the Madlsonlan. _____ Philadelphia, February 17, 1845. Ria Well, now, the fact is, I scarcely know what to **y, or how to say it. The speech of Mr. Buchanan, which I have just read, fills me so full of new ideas, besides State pride, party pride, and every thing else that is buoyant and inspiring, that I am almost afraid to give vent to anything, for fear of an undignified inundation. However, I must try to say something, craving your indulgence for any discrepancy which enthusiasm msy beget. An eminent statesman, speaking of the right of instruction, once said, that if it should grow into a pre cedent, the States might as well be represented in the Senate by automata as men. Mr. Ruchanan has in variably acknowledged and submitted to it* exercise. He then, according to this idea, is a mere automaton. I believe it is generally admitted, that MelzelPa celebrated automaton beat the world at chess I have now the almost unspeakable gratification to ssv that Pennsylvania's political automaton has heat the world ' at speech-making If all the States in the Union " were represented by such an automaton, the proudest ** body of men upon earth might learn wisdom from s our Senatorial debates, as well as courtesy and dig - nity from the eismple of ntch automata But to be ! in earnest, did you ever read such a speech? Its pre t mines are so simple, its deductions so plain, it* concluaion* so irresistible, and withalgso unexceptionable to the moat refined taste, that it rr minds one of the sound, common sense, unbought charge of an able jt?dge, after the special pleading of counsel ha* closed That idea of his about the treaty-making power re ail I tie* by implication from the absolute grant in the Constitution, of power to arne* a Stale by art of Congress, ia not only new, bill tip top, unanswered I- and unanswerable, ilia idea of slavery, too, is ongi I- nil, end i? substantiated bj every history of every d State south of New Orleans. Throw ae independent e population ?f aaiaed tod eonscieaeelees ad rao tumrf I. into Teiae, and no ooo doubts that that black blot cf e the ocean, the African slave trade, would be made f to extend its ini In exact proportion to (he want of | "UPP'J from the United Slates. Thus, instead of diminishing en acknowledged evil, e refute I to annex Tax ax would unquestionably add additional deformity to ita disgraceful and debasing features. Not the least virtue, either, of this great speech, is tbe uniform courtesy and liberality towards opponents, which marks every sentence. That portion, also, which was obliged to be extempore, is glorious in its hits, its humor, and must* have been in its ettect.? Speaking more particularly for uiyaelf, and knowing tbe speaker as 1 do, there is one other thing which may he clearly inferred from the tenor of this mas. terly eti'oil, which suits my fancy to a t. 1 have never in my life voted for any other than regular Deino. cratic nominations. 1 am, therefore, generally denominated a loco loco; but 1 have yet to learn the necessity of vilifying, wounding, or probing the old wounds of mere political opponents. That objec1 can never be a uoble one, which requires unkind lies*, noi to say iujusi.ce, 10 consecrate its achievement. 1 am glad, then, to remark throughout Mr. Buchanan's speech, in addition to his own courteous demeanor, he gives abundant proof of enjoying the same thing at the hands of every political opponent. No one, whether Whig or Democrat, considers himself too exalted to enjoy a lele-a-tite with Mr. Buchanan, even while be drums with his fingers upon his political shield. This is as it should be. Contemplating this well-timed effort of a great statesman, as well as also the various newspaper par agraphs touching his appoiutment as Secretary of State under Mr. Polk, I know no reason why 1 should not he permitted to add a remark in this latter connection. Pennsylvania has never enjoyed that distinction in the councils of the nation which ber size her position, and her glorious labors would seem to indicate as her due. The Vice Presidency is a contingent office, and, in my humble opinion, does not fully indemnify her for the sacrifices and services which she has heretofore rendered the Democratic cause. James K. Polk, President elect, is an honor to his party, an honor to the country, as bas been so declared by an overwhelming majority. A tender of the office of Secretary of State from such a man, and under such circumstances, would be a compliment to Pennsylvania, and she would so consider it; and adjourning the question of her real deserts, I have no doubt, would be glad to see it accepted by her fa" vorite son. Rich as she is in intellect, however, she cannot be prodigal of Buchanans; but whe nthe in. terests of the whole Union are concerned, 1 think it would be nothing more than fraternal duty to consent to his withdrawal from her special service. This, however, will be tor the consideration of the able heads more immediately concerned. You will of course give us Mr. Buchanan's speech in full in the Madisonian. At the close of my last letter, I expressed a hope, among other things, that Mr. Polk might leave Washington, four years h<^nee, without a grey hair in his head. 1 have since seen some reasons for believing that such an event would not be altogether agreeable ; 1 therefore retract It. H. ANNEXATION OF TEXAS. SPEECH OF MR. BUCHANAN, OK PENNSYLVANIA, In Senate, February 14, 1645. The Senate resumed the consideration of the joint resolution for the annexation of Texas ; when Mr. BUCHANAN, of Pennsylvania, rose and addressed the Senate nearly as follows: I am deeply impressed with a conviction of the vast importance of the present question. Shall Congress, to use the language of the Constitution, admit the New State of Texas into this Union, or shall Texas maintain the position of an independent Power ? Shall we exhibit in our history those mutual jealousies and wars which have ever been the misfortune of neighboring and rival nations? Shall the lone star of Texas be blended with our glorious constellation, and shed its benigh influence over the length and breadth of our land ; or, comet-like, shall it threaten "diseases, pestilence, and war" to our Union ? It does not occur once in a century, it may not again occur in our history for many centuries, that a legislative body u called upon to decide a question which must exercise such an important influence for ages to come, both on the fate of this North American Continent and of the whole world. Wars may be waged by ambition, and countries may be deluged with blood ; but bounteous nature soon repairs the devastation. The field of Waterloo is now covered with cheerful green, and the happy cultivator of the oil now drives his plough ahead over the plain where but a few short ye^rs ago the hostile armies of all Burope fought the most terrible battle recorded in history. 7'he devastation has passed away, and no trace of it remains. But should Texas bee me an independent rival Power, should a foreign influence be exerted over her counsels, at it most certainly will be, to disarminate dissensions between her and ourselves, the fatal effects will live as long as the two nalii ns shall endure. Texas will remain either to bless us by re-union and to promote harmony among the Anglo-American race, or, like the Philistines to the lsarelites of old, be a perpetual thorn in the side of this Republic. For my own part, I rejoice that my humble name has in a small degree been connected with this question I shall endiavorto elevate myself to its high standard ; I shall endiavor to soar above all personal or party jealousies, above all sectional feeling-, arid treat it us a purely national question. It is s matter of comparatively small importance to the c untry by whom-this great boon is acquired, ?o that it shall be secured. Texas first offered herself to us in 1637, and wa? then rejected by the Executive|Governmcnt In that ' decision, under the circumstance* then existing, I heartily concurred. In 1*44 *he again offered her- | self; hut the treaty wa* rejected by the Senate It | ha* been now proposed to admit her into the Union by act of Congress, and the House of Representatives have passed the hill. The entire re*pon*ibility of her : rejection again devolve* upon the Senate. If we a third time turn a deaf ear to her application, the opportunity may be gone forever. Mr. B. went on to **y that if he had been consulted in the preparation of these resolution* for the admission of Texas, there were some provision* now included in them to which he should have objected ? Fie concurred with the honorable Senator from Kentucky (Mr. Morehead) in the opinion that the United Sta cs Government ought to have control over the public land* of Texas; that we should also have the control over the Indian relations within her territory, and that she should cede her public domain to the United States. Nor did he like the provision that | Texas was to be consulted iri the creation of new States from her territory. Rut let the resolutions pass as they stood, and we could do justice to Texas and to ourselves hereafter. He considered it unjust to deprive her of her revenue from custom-houses, and of all her public property, without making any provision which would enable her to pay her debts. Nor did he approve the granting to her all her public domain: this ought to he ceded to the United Mates for a fair equivalent. But, as he had said before, let us but obtain the precious boon of her admission, and all minor difficultica could readily be adjusted at the proper | tune. Mr. B. said lie was greatly pleased with the first in thi? series of resolutions, because it provided for immedinte admission, ao far as ihat was practicable. For, was it not a matter of vast importance that a question which had agitated this Union for years past, which had disturbed our social peace, which had fomented feelings of strife and personal enmitv, raising up man against man, from one end of our country to the other, and which, he undertook to say, had been derided by ihe people at the late Prendrn tial election, should, as soon a* practicable, he put at rest. They had heard, and should hear again, aa had ' hap;cned when Louisiana wn admitted, threats of the dissolution of the Union: doubtless the emissaries of discord would he busy until the sgitsting question should have been decided ; but now, as then, these liiwenncr rlniids would n?s? (mm Ik. ?l p , ? ' IMMWCBI heaven* , we should all arain worahip together at the aacred altar of union, and thnee who had been loudest in their oppoaition would find thai their own portions of the eouetrr were the large at aharera in the blessing* and benefit* of thin great national aieaeure. Whet, he aahed, would New England have been without the aoqaiaitioo of Louisiana? Bold, hrara, ' ' ' " w ' 1 1 ? m " 1 Induatrioua, enterprising u she wh, tbta measure, t? which the bad at the time manifested eo decided a hostility, bad presented a field tor the extenaiou 0 tier couiiaerce and navigation which she never could otherwise have enjoyed, and had promoted her prosperity iu a greater degree than that of any other portiou of the United Stales. Mr. B. liked the first resolution for that reason. He was pleased with it, again, because it settled the question of slavery. These resolution# went to re-establish the Missouri compromise, by fining a line wiihin which slavery was to be in future confined That controversy had nearly shaken this Union to its ceulre iu an earlier and better peiiod of our history ; but this compromise, should it be now re-established, would prevent the recurrence of similar dangers hereafter. Should this question be now left open for one or two yeais, the country could be involved iu nothing but oue perpetual struggle. We should wiluess a feverish excitement in ibe public mina ; parties would divide on the dangerous and exciting question of abolition; and the irritation might reach such an extreme as to endanger the existence of the Uuion itself. But cloae it now, aud it would be closed forever. Mr. B- said he anticipated no time when the country would ever desire to stretch its limits beyond the Kio del Norte; and, such being the case, ought any friend of the Union to desire to see this question letl opeu any longer? Was it desirabfe again to have the Missouri question brought houie to the people to goad them to fury ? That question between the two great interests in our country had been well discussed and well decided ; and from that moment Mr. B. had set down his foot on the solid ground then established, and there he would let the question stand forever. W ho could complain of the terms of that compromise? it was then settled that noith of 36 deg. 30 min. slavery should be forever prohibited. The same line was fixed upon in the resolutions recently received from the House of Representatives, now before us. The bill from ihe House for the establishment of a Territorial Government in Oregon excluded slavery altogether from that vast country. How vain were the fears entertained in some quarters of the country that the slaveholding States would ever be able to control the Union ! While, on the other hand, the leais entertained in the South and the Southwest as to the ultimate success of ihe abolitionists, were not less unfounded and vain. South of the compromise line of 36 deg. 30 min. the Stales within Ihe limits of Texas applying to come into the Union were left to decide for themselves whether they would permit slavery within their limits or not. And under this free permission, he believed, with Mr. Clay, (in bis letter on the subject of annexation,) that if Texas should be divided into five Stales, two only of them would be slaveholding and three free States. The descendants of torrid Africa delighted in the meridian rays of a burning sun; they basked and rejoiced in a degree of heat which enervated and would destroy the white man. The lowlands of Texas, therefore, where they raised cotton, tobacco, and rice, and indigo, was the natural region for the slave. But, north of St. Antonio, where the soil and climate were adapted to the culture of wheat, rye, corn, miH mttlp fhd? plimotu varoa 11 *r a<lan(o/l I while man of the North ; there he could labor fur himself without risk or injury. It was, therefore, to be expected that three out of the five new Texan States would be free Stales?certainly they would be so, if they but willed it. Mr. B. was willing to leave that question to themselves, as they applied for admission into the Union. He had no apprehensions of the result. With that feature in the bill, as it came from the House, he was perfectly content; and, whatever bill might ultimately pass, he trusted this would be made a condition in it. He did not, nevertheless, set himself up to be a dictator to the Senate as to what sort of a b'll it should or should not pass; provided the great and leading measuie of reunion was secured, he should make no difficulty about mere subordinate questions. He went on to say that he liked this bill for another reason. One of the greatest and moat weighty objections to the Texas treaty, as submitted to the Senate at its last session, was, that it had been form ed between the Government of Texas alone and the Government of the United States ; and the friends of the measure had been driven to maintain their ground that the people of Texas were unanimously in favor of the measure of annexation ; and, therefore, though | their Constitution contained no provision warranting their Government to make such an arrangement, yet a unanimous people could dispense with constitutions and laws. But this bill was exposed to no such objections: it adopted the true American system ; leaving the question to the people of Texas. They were required to assemble in convention and adopt tor themselves a Constitution republican in its character ?and if it did not conflict with the Constitution of the United Slates, then ihey were to knock at our door for admission, as every State had done which had hiiherlo been admitted into our Confederacy.? This course was in sirict analogy with that practised toward every other State. When one of our own Territories became ripe for admission, Congress passed a law allowing them to elect their delegates and to form a Constitution for their own Government, imposing in the law such conditions as Congress might deem requisite. When the Territorial Convention assembled and assented to those conditions, the law became a compact between the United States and the people desiring to form the new Stale ; and when she afterwards came and asked to be received, the faith of the nation having been previously pledged, nothing more remained than to pass another act in four lines declaring her to be admilted This was the mode in which Mississippi, I ..?i i t a n III.mot orwt ?lh., o.o, v.-... I....I received into the Union. The preamble of the bill recited the fact* that a State Constitution had been formed, that the |>eople had complied with the terms of admission proposed by the United States, and, the national faith being pledged by the former law, the new Slate was introduced accordingly. This was what he desired should now be done in the case of Texas: this was what the present bill proposed; and this was "immediate annexation, as far as practicable ," it treated the people of Texas as we treated the people of our own Territories If any plan could lie devi-ed to accomplish the object sooner, Mr. B. had not been able to conceive of it. The fact was, that Texas would virtually be admitted as soon as this bill should become a law, though ihe act could not be formally consummated until afterward. The public laith would be pledged to her, and her subsequent admission would be an irresistible conclusion. Again, Mr. B. said he was pleased with ihese resolutions, because they raited the broad general question of the power of Congress to admit new States. And here he must be permitted to say that, notwithstanding the very able and ingenious argument of his friend from Kentucky, (Mr. Morehead,) and in spite of his undoubted eloquence on this occasion, Mr. H. bad not been able to bring his mind even to a doubt?no, not the entertainment of one tingle doubt, that Congress might by a joint resolution admit Texas into the Union. On tin* joint be intended to be as brief as possible. What, he asked, was the plain language of the Constitution 7?(he should not reply to ibe argument that the clause was in the latter part of the insiru i ment, and not in the beginning?it wai in the Constitution ' ) " New Stale* may be admitted by the Congress | into ihi* IJ hi. .n , but no new Hiate shall he formed or i created within ttie jurisdiction of any other Siute, nor any State t>e formed by the junction of two or more Stale*, or part* of Siatee, without the content of the Legislature ol the Siate* concerned as well aa of the : Congress.'' Hpre was a universal, unlimited rule: "New State* inay he admitted," ami "admitted by Congrr**, into thia Ur.ion " The exception, and the only exception to the jmwer. wan that if the new Slate was formed out of a Stale or part* of Slate* already existtrig, it could not be adtniited without the con*ent ol the I?egi*laluie? of the State* intere*ted. Wa* ever language clearer or more comprehensive ? "Npw State* may lie admitted." What wa* a Slate? Vattel *ay? that? ' Nations or State* are bodiea politic, socteie* of men unitid together for the purpose of promoting their mutual safety and advantage, by the joint effort* ol their combined *trength. Such a society ha* i her affair* and her interest*; she deliberate* and ' take* resolution* in c >mmon, thu* becoming n moral person, who possesses an understanding and a will (leculiar to herself, and ia au*ceptihle uf obligation* ' and right." I wmiHir ? ivnmivinr? fuki mil male WM I n?* IB oat general term which couhl be uied, equally einlirai mg I he v nut empire of Russia anil the kmalleei (*eim in principality. 'i he Conaiituiion said that " new Hiatea" might he admitted. What, then, an the Herculean taak im poaeil on the opponent* of thr>*e resolution* 1 They could not atir one step unleaa they interposed the word* "arming within the territory of the United States," and to interpolate such a clauae would, ac cording to hia notion*, be indeed "construction conaimed.*' "New State* may be admitted by Congress into th* Union " Now, all knew perfectly w*|| that every word, nay, he ought aloaoet add, every ayllable of lha Conetitation, had dm* subjected to the sevefeat scrutiny before the Convention which prepare*] it. Apd what h?d been the character of the meo ' who ooBportd that BOM ttloatrioat ammply, termini M ibojr tM ih? oigtuio law of a (mt |NO|tl?, laying tha deep foundations uf a Government which waa tn endure tor age* 1 They Tamed it with all that car* and anxiety and deliberation which it waa iheii duty to exercise in a matter to grave and uioiueutoue. They were men of the highest reach of intellect, and of tuuie devoted patriotism than had belonged to men who had since, or that might again ble.-a the Republic. And what was the rule laid down for the construing of such public luatruments 1 Vattelsaya; " The lirst general maxim of interpretation ia, thai it u not allowable to interpret what has no rued (J interpretation. W hen a deed ia worded in clear and pre cise terms?when tu meaning M evident, anc teatia to uo ubsuid conclusion?there can be no reason foi refusing to admit the meaning which such deed naturally presents. To go elsewhere in search of conjectures, in order to restrict or extend it, is but an attempt to elude it. If this dangerous method be once admitted, there will be no deed which it will not render useless. However luminous each clause may be?howevei clear and precise the terms in which the deed is couched?all this will be of no avail, if it he allowed to gc in quest of extraneous arguments, to prove that it in not to he understood in the sense which it naturally presents.'1 Was th> re ever a quotation more strictly appropriate 1 The worthy Senator from Kentucky had gone all the way to Patagonia for the sake of construing away the plain language of the Constitution He had invoked ihe aid of the stuall-fooled beauties ol China; nay, he had even gone to the land of the anthropophagi, " men whose heads do grow beneath their shoulders." Yes: he had brought cannibali into the Senate to devour honorable Senators, and all to avoid the plain leadiug of a plain clause in the Constitution. When men of his capacity and ingenuity resorted to such expedients, it showed very plainly how sorely they were pressed by the force of truth. The honorable Senator in this part of his argument leseinbled the strong man in the midst of the Serbonian bog?ihe more he struggled, he plunged but the ueeper in tne mire. What had ihe Supreme Courtol the United States said on this subject 1 Chief Justice Tuney says: " In expounding the Constitution of the United States every word must have its due force and appro piiate meaning, for it is evident from the whole insliument that no word was unnecessarily used or needlessly added. The many discuss ons which have taken place on the construction of the Constitution have proved the correctness of this proposition, and shown the high talent, the caution, and the foiesigbl of the illustrious men who framed it. Every word appears to have been weighed with the utmost deliberation, and its force and effect to have been fully understood." New States may be received; yet his ingenious friends interpolated the addditional words, ''arising within the existing territory of the United Slates." But what would be thought of this argument when it was found that the very Convention which framed the clause as we now found it in the Constitution had had before them the expre.-s question whether it should be thus limited or not, and had had these very words, or words of a similar import, under consideration for weeks together, and had deliberately rejected them? 'i he records of the Convention established that fact beyond dispute or question. Mr. B. had made some references to the journal of their proceedings, and had noted down a few extracts which he would now read. On the 29th May, 1787, Mr. Edmund Randolph offered his famous resolutions to the Convention.? The tenth of these resolutions was in the following words: "Resolved, That provision ought to be made for the admission of States, lawfully ariAng within the limits qf % United States, whether from a voluntary junction of government and territory or otherwise, with the consent of a number of voices of the National Legislature less than the whole." It will be peiceived that the point was thus distinctly presented to the Convention whether the power of Congress to admit new States should be restricted to those "arising within the limits of the United States." What was their decision? On the 19th June, 1787, the Committee of the Whole reported this resolution to the Convention in the words of Mr. Randolph, containing the restric tion. The committee on detail afterwards reported the resolution a? it originally stood. On the 6th August, 1787, the committee which reported the draught of a Constitution retained the restriction limiting the power of Congress to new States "arising within the limits of the United States." The following is a copy of their report: " New States, lawfully constituted or established within the limits of the United States, may be admitted by the Legislature into this Government; but to such admission the consent of two thirds of the members present in each House shall be necessary. If a ti' W State shall arise within the limits of any of the present States, the consent of the Legislatures of such Stales shall be also necessary to its admissionIf the admission be consented to, the new States shall be admitted on the same terms with the original Stales. But the Legislature may make conditions with the new States, concerning the public debt which shall be then subsisting." On the 29lh August, 1787, it was moved and se conded to agree to the following profiositiori as a substitute for the article to which I have just referred : "New Stales ma; be admitted by the Legislature into the Union ; but no new Slates shall be erected within the limits of any of the present States, without the consent of the legislature of such State, as well a* of (he general Legislature." The restriction was thus abandoned, and the pow. er left unlimited to admit new Slates, whether within the limits of the United States or composed of foreign territory; and the article in the Constitution was Dually adopted as it now appears in ^the instrument. Thus it appeared that from the 29th May, until the 29lh August, 1787, the Convention had adhered to the proposition of putting a limitation on the admission rlause, but had finally rejected this illiberal proposition and strickm it out ol their draught. And they had acted wisely : for no human foresight could then, or now, tell what was to be the destiny of the new horn Kepublic, whose Constitution they were entrusted to prepare ; and to have limited it in the manner supposed by gentlemen on the other side, would have accorded neither with the wisdom nor the pro louud siatesmenship of those eminent men. But to go further What was the contemporaneous construction of the instrument? Mr. B was sorry his friend from Kentucky had not got so far in his quotations from the Federalist as to the 43d number, where Hub subj.ct was expressly treated on. If the gentleman had hut proceeded as far as that, he would have found the astonishing fact that the old Confederation tiad no power to adopt any other than a foreign Stale Their power of admission was con nnen wiimn mis limn I lie only clause in the nrticles of confederation referring to the admission of new States was this : "Canada, according to the confederation, and j lining in the measures of the United States, shall he admilted into and entitled to all the advantages of the union ; but no other olony shall tie admitted into the same, unless such admission be agreed to by nine States." Mr. Madison said that by "colony" in this article was meant a British colony; and that it was for this very reason that the clause was leit in as broad and unrestricted terms as we now found it. flow would that statesman be astonished could he he?r his own language now invoked to prevent the United Stat s Governmi nt from ever admitting Canada as a Stale in o union "T<> admit nfw Stair* into tin* Uni n; bat no new State ahull he formed or erected within the jurntdic ion of any oihrr State ; nor any State be formed hy the junction of two or more Slat*-, or part* of State*, without the conaent of the Lrgi-laturna of the Siaie* concerned, aa well an of the Congress." " In the article* of Confederation, no provision i* found on thia important eiihject. Canada wan to lie admitted of right, on her joining in the ineaaure* of the United State*; and the other roioniea, hy which weie evidently meant the other British colonies, at the discretion of nine State*. The eveoturl e* ahlishment of new .S'/nle* neenmto have heen overlooked by the compiler! of that instrument. We h ive ??en the inconvenience of lb* ornsaion, and the assumption of power into which Congress hove been led by it. With great propriety, therefore, ha* the new ?y*. tern supplied the delect. Now, Mr. B. asked, could langunge be plainer 7 Heretofore the Confederation could admit none but foreign Siatea, nnd these British colonies ; but, ex pre-sly to obviate this very difficulty, the tramers of the Constitution struck out ail limitation of every kind, nnd left the provision in such unrestricted terms as enabled Congress to admit any Htaie whatever that hail adopter) a republican lorm of Government. Their eyes were fixed on Canada ; and this was Mr. Madison's allusion whin he spoke of Riatra that migh^ arise " in oar neighborhood." They had daeired, shove all thine* that Canada miirht unite with than. I in the war, and, in order (hat abe might now oome in, the pro?i*iona of the Conititmion were enlarged.? (1 [ Who Would cMtwd that, Uilctd at btlsg (ttoiM , the powers formerly enjoyed by ibe Confederation > were abridged and narrowed down in the new Con-' ' alitution, eo restricted that Canada never could be received to the end of lime aa a State of the Union < | Nearly contemporaneous wiib these expositions of i the Constitution lived the venerable Nathaniel Ma: con, a celebrated paliiot of ibe alrict-conatrucliou H school?a ataleaman in whom waa no guile?a man who, for practical wisdooi and sound good sense, never had his superior among us. He was the link I that connected the paat age with the present: and I sure Mr. ti. was there was no gentleman here who I would not accord to biiu all that he had aaid, and more. H ' The first time the interpretation of this clause had I coma up before Congress was ou the admission of Louisiana into the llnion aa a State. Mr. Macon made a apeecb on ibat aubject in the Houae of Repreaeniativea on the 4lh of January, 1811, and which waa found reported in the National Intelligencer of the 11th of that mouth. And what waa hut language ?? A " If the article of the Constitution, however, did not mean that Congress might make States out of new territories, what diditinean? There was no occasion for it in relation to the old territories; for the ordinance of the old Congress had secured to them the right; and those ordinances were aa bindiog as the treaties which Congress had entered into.? The change of the form of government did not affect j national obligations. The right to become States was one which Congress could not take from the old , territories. The right of creating States out of ac( quired territories was one which he had always con[ tended for ; and it had been stated by at least one of those who formed the Constitution that this article had reference to Canada: 'New States may be admitted by the Congress into the Union.' At the time this provision was made, Florida and Louisiana were not thought of. Canada was the territory kept in view. Much, sir, said Mr. Macon, as the United States wanted the Southern country, and great as is the convenience of possessing it, 1 never would have consented to have taken it to have kept them in territorial government forever. 1 do not want pro| vinces." J The cases of Louisiana and Florida put this qu< stion at rest, that the treaty-making power has the right to acquire foreign territory. The legislative, ' executive, and judicial departments of the Govern1 raent had all concurred in the opinion, and it would be idle for Mr. B. to attempt to deny it. He had no inclination to deny it. That foreign territory might be annexed by the treaty-making power was certain from the very nature of things; because, if we dismembered a foreign country, the portion dismembered could not then act fur berself in coming into our Union. But how was it in regard to an independent State 1 How would it have been with Canada if she had declared her independence, adopted a republican constitution, and came knocking at our doors for admission 1 She would offer herself, and, if she had complied with the conditions of reception, she would have been received. Thus it was in the present case. The two things were entirely distinct from each other, viz: the acquisition of a part of the territory of a foreign Government by treaty, and the application of an inde^iendent Government to be admitted into the Union. The honorable Senator's mistake arose from his confounding two things entirely different. And, af- v ter all, the treaty-making power existed only by implication. There was no express grant of power to acquire foreign territory ; this power arose only from the general scope of the Constituiion ; and it had this limit, that it should not transcend or violate tt e Constitution. In Mr. B.'s judgment, the very strongest aigument in favor of toe doctrine that foreign territory might be acquired by the treaty-making power, was found in this very clause, according to which Congress might admit new Slates. It was a subordinate power ; for Done, he presumed, believed that we had power to acquire foreign Urritory only to convert it into colonies or provinces. In one case the power was clvar and palpable?it was found in the very language of the Constitution ; in the other, the power arose by construction?it was an implied power merely. The power to aumit new States was an exprtss grant? I the power to acquire foreign territory arose by impli- I cation ; yet the argument of the gentleman from Kei.- I tucky (Mr. Morehead) went to make the subordinate I and implied power override the expressly granted I power. I Mr. Jefferson in 1803 had his doubts and his diffi- 4 cultirs ; but did he say one word about resorting to I the treaty power 1 No; he referred at once to the It fountain head ; he did not go to ihe streams. He doubted a* to the nower of Conure.iiM in mlmii a f,? ' rtign Stale ' [Mr. Morehead. Did not he deny the power?] Yes, he denied it; but, after the letter of Mr. Nicholas (who had been in the country all the while, whereu> Mr. Jefferson himself had t>een absent in France) informing of his opinion on the question, he changed his mind, and said he should acquiesce in (he acquisition on the suggestion of his friends. Mr. Jefferson yielded to the arguments ol bis friends. During the interval between ihe formation of the treaty and its submission to the Senate, he certainly did entertain strong doubts ; but it was manifest those doubts must hare been subsequently removed, for be approved and signed the treaty and the actfor the teriilorial government of Louisiana with his own hand. Since then the power had been exercised over and over again. But what had been the argument of the Senator from Kentucky ? Had he done any thing more than cite the letter of Mr. Jeffeison ? lie laid his entire foundation in that letter; he raised his whole argument on it. Yet rom the acts of Mr. Jefferson, (and actions spoke louder than words,) it was plain that he had become convinced that he had been in error. ^ Surely all who knew Mr. Jeffeison would admit that ^ if he believed an act would be a direct violation of his oath to support the Constitution, he was the last man living to do it. After ihis, we heard no more of his proposal to amend the Constitution; the qutstion passed away, and the doctrine was now established that we unght (at leai>t by treaty) admit new Stales formed out of loreign territory. Mr. Morehead here interposed ; and Mr. 3. having yielded the floor for explanation, he inquired I whether the honoruble Senat or Irom Pennsylvania ! intended to argue that Mr. J r fie i son had at any time I admitted to the full extent Mr. Nicholas's argument that Congress could admit a foreign Slate ? The acquiescence of which Mr Jefferson sp. ke, wan in the acquisition, not in the right to acquire. ( To be continued ) ^ From Ike ?Y. Y. Journal of Commerce. A Thunder-bolt.?On Saturday night, little paat one o'clock, the slunilrermg thousands in the vicinity of Columbia College, were startled by an explosion ^ like that of a cannon beneath the window Iinmedi* alely lie echoing crash came hack from the distant hills, and the pattering rain upon the roofs indicated that a bolt of lightning hud fallen in the neighborhood. In the morning the house of the Hon. Moses H. Grinnell, in College Place, attracted ihe attention of every one in the neighborhood The bolt h?d fallen upon the roof over the front door, broken into the alt c st try, burst out in front, carrying the dormar window entiiely awsy, and throwing most of it, wt.h slates, from the roof, into the college yard. From the window the I..k>r;... tru.L - ..nail lorn f J the iron post at the front of the *tr[>*, a section of which being a cylinder a* large a* a man's hat, it knocked a hole through l?i>th aide* of it, broke all the glue* in the front window* and door of the h*a>'tnpnl, and rented. The hole through the roof looka aa , though a barrel had fallen through. The man-servant of Mr. Orinnell wa* in hta bed directly under, (the whole room is not more than t welve fi et quare ) All the g'as* of the ronmwvas broken, and the other t furniture deranged, but the man was not hurt. He say* that the whole r om wa* full of a green h|az>- of light, and that he wa* not able to jump out of hrd when he first attempted to do eo. The rain poured j down immediately upon hia bed, which waa a straw pa I Master with a hair mattress on top The house was filled from lop to bottom with a strong smell of sulphur. The family were of course instantly up, but aftpr a careful esamination, Mr. Orinnell found that all his family were safe, and they retired to reat again, thankful Ihnt the bolt had been guided with such merciful accuracy. Stkamioat BtiawT ?/?.?* of ttft.? We learn by a alip Irom the the N. O. Courier, received last night by I I?? -I * l . r, ,L.. . uoTiiMurm r?|nn.i.t uini mil rairiiincier took fire near Grand Gulf, lit 2 o'clock on the morn- *' inR oftheHth mat., and wan in?iantiy put for hope, hut ?o rapid were the flame#, that <be crew and pa#aenjce.rs were compelled to jump overboard on ba're of cotton, planka, &c- Twelve perxona were reacued and landed in aafety, one of whom named Doug|aa Hardin, the steward, died from the cold aoon after reaching the shore. Several passengers wete miaaing, two of whom were #een to drown. Their nai^ee are 8. Cariton, Samuel Caldwell, John Butler, Mr. Pinchbeck, Mr Huggins, Hardman Poogtaa, and a flreman. Moat of thoae aaved auflbrad aetrerMy from the cold About 1500 balaa of cotton on board wrt contained, i ?