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T ’■ a L I N O I S \ aV5 xO laaaaaaaaaaaaaa ■ a a a 1 ■ a I ■ Coming next week1. ■ I In Poland—1943 i : with ■ A Progressive Weekly ■ ■ VOL. 1, NO. 9 ’♦'M8 Chicago, Nov. 6, 1948 -fr ■ JO0 HcIlTllltli a To the victor: IT S ALL YOURS, HARRY -WHATS ON THE AGENDA> Never did an election victory confuse so many people ! Public opinion pollsters had said Harry Truman couldn't win. But he did. Republi cans — and almost everybody else but Truman — had thought that Thomas E. Dewey couldn't lose. But he did. Progressives had expected more than 2 million votes for Henry Wallace. But they were wrong. Even Democrats had called it "a Republican year." But it wasn't. Republicans had hoped to tighten their hold on Congress. Instead, they lost it. To every partisan — Democrat, Republican, Progressive — the biggest question of all was: What happened? Answer to that bewildered cry lay hidden in the facts and figures. The surface facts were obvious. In a spectacular close race, Harry S. Truman won his first election to the Presidency by nosing out Thomas E. Dewey. The Democrats won con trol of both the Senate and the House of Representatives, both of which had been in the hands of the GOP. The Demo crats themselves were stunned; they had hoped at best to win only the Senate by a narrow margin. Henry Wallace received less votes than were expected. And the Democrats, generally speaking, swept the nation in races for Congress, governor ships. and state, county, and local of ices. Liberals could take some cheer, some sadness in the re sults. Truman's victory brought no great gladness to most liberals, although they had disapproved of his major opponent fully as much. Many factors went into the President's triumph—and it was definitely his personal triumph. It was generally admitted that one of the decisive factors that swung the election to Truman was the vote of potential Wal laceites who, once in the polling booth, switched their ballots to the President in fear of a Dewey victory. Many other voters, in casting their ballots for Truman, clearly were voting for the Wallace pro gram, which Truman had osten tatiously embraced (except foi foreign policy) in his campaign speeches. In the face of the apathy ol his own party workers, Truman had stumped the country and put new life into the tottering Democratic organization. Better than any of his ad visors. the little man from Mis souri knew what he had to do and he did it. He talked liberal, even radical at times. Toward the end of the cam paign, it sounded as though Tru man was reading Wallace’s speeches. He tried to get the voters to forget his illiberal rec 1 ord, and succeeded. In this way, ; he managed to recover a large part of the votes that probably would have gone to Wallace. As one Progresive ruefully put it, “Wallace got Truman elected.” Ignoring the Democratic ma jorities who had voted with the dominant Republicans to pass the Taft-IIartley Act and other reactionary legislation, Truman dubbed the 80th Congress, some what inaccurately, a “Repub lican” Congress. He made that bipartisan Congress’ record a campaign issue, and the vote for Truman was, to a consider Continued on page 2 • Looking ahead! • • Robert M. LeGlaire, a • • business man. of 1366 N. I • Dearborn, walked into Pro- • • gressive Party headquarters • • election night and handed • • William Miller, state direc- * J tor, a cheek for S500 “for 2 • your next campaign.” • • “Wallace is stronger in de- • • feat than any other candi- 2 • date is in victory,” he said • 2 simply. “I’ll always be for 2 • him. I always have been.” • Editorial This is YOUR job! TTENRY A. WALLACE launched a crusade against reac tion. That crusade bore fruit last Tuesday in one of the ' most astounding rebukes for reaction ever given by the ' American people. The known and advertised reactionaries of the Repub lican party took it on the chin all the way. Tom Dewey woke up Wednesday morning to find the door of the White House slammed shut in his expectant face. Republicans all over the country—Taft-Hartleyites, loud-mouths for big business, murderers of price control and housing programs—got from the people exactly what they deserved. The Republican brand of reaction suffered a defeat. It was defeated because Henry A. Wallace and the Progress ive Party had forced issues into the campaign . . . because the Wallace movement had forced a reluctant Truman into New Deal fighting talk in the weeks before the election. The people defeated the exposed reaction of the Re publican Party. They did that at the price of support to the more concealed reaction of the Democrats. Let no one think that their support went to the sour performance of the Truman administration. What they voted against was Dewey; what they voted for was the hope that Truman could be brought to live up to his progressive campaign pledges . . . pledges which would never have been made without Wallace in the race. Truman returns to the White House with a people’s mandate. It is an inescapable mandate for civil rights. Continued on page 4 HARRY S. TRUMAN, President-elect Green and Brooks bade in the Colonel's lap! Adlai Ewing Stevenson rode an anti-Republiean, anti corruption wave of public sentiment Tuesday to become the next governor of Illinois. He thus became the first Democratic governor of Illi nois since 1040. replacing Dwight Green, who was running for a third term on the Repub lican ticket. Green conceded defeat in the early hours of Wednesday and the arch - Republican Chicago Tribune granted Stevenson, La Salle st. banker, a plurality of over 300,000 votes. Stevenson attributed his vic tory to the fact that the people of Illinois “voted in protest.” He urged “continued support of voters in both parties who sup ported me.” The next governor asked his supporters to back him in pro viding “good, honest, decent government ... to clean up Illinois . . . and to put Illinois back in the column as one of the most progressive states in the nation.” Hiding to victory with Steven son was Paul H. Douglas. He will replace C. Wa.vland Brooks, who has served Col. McCor mick's Tribune in the U S. Sen ate since 1940. Both Democratic candidates were able to capitalize on New Deal sentiment and made the most of that asset in their cam paigns. Douglas, who once wrote a book entitled "The Coming of the New Party”, deserted his former views when he was offered nomination by the Demo cratic machine of Illinois. He had endorsed “sections’’ of the Taft-Hartley law but was thrust forward as an opponent to the act. In the races for the General Assembly and other state offices, the Democrats apparently made a clean sweep, judging from lale, but not complete, returns. Progressive candidates for state representative generally followed the national pattern of their party. They polled few votes. George R. Cermak in the 19th District apparently racked up the largest vote for state repre sentative among the Progres sives. The ‘•bullet" vote (three for one) helped. Typical were the results in the 1st District, where Oscar Brown Jr. got 888. as compared to 19,835 for the top winner, and the 31st District, where Robert Linn got 10,857. as against 111,363 for the top win ning candidate. Demos Win back lost 1 patronage The Democratic machine, which lost hundreds of machine supporting, payroll jobs when the Republicans took most county offices in 1946, made a clean sweep in Tuesday’s elections here. Winners in the unofficial vote included John Bovle, state's at torney; Victor L. Schlaeger. recorder of deeds; John E. Con roy. Circuit Court clerk, and A. L. Brodie, corouer. Il apeared that Progressives had polled less than the percent age required to place their party automatically on the ballot for future elections. Should final figures show less than five per cent of Cook County votes were cast for the Progressive Party, it will have to circulate petitions to put candidates on the ballot in the next election.