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SUPPLEMENT TO THE COURIER,
STAND BY THE REPUBLICAN COLORS!
SPEECH
or
Hon. Henry Wilson,
OF MASSACHUSETTS,
AT GREAT FALLS, NEW HAMPSHIRE
February 24th, 1872.
Mr. Chairman , Ladle* and Gentlemen:
During the year on which we have entered the
people of the United States will be summoned to
elect a Chief Magistrate. There are seven mill
ion persons in the country entitled to the right
of suffrage. They are now ranged into two
great political parties. One calls itself the
Democratic party; the other takes the name of
tins lUtpublican party. Each of those political
organizations has a history, a platform of princi
ples, and a programme of policy. To one or the
other of these parties the people of the United
States will commit, for four years, the precious
interests of the Republic. It devolves upon the |
citizens of New Hampshire to give the first tfote |
of the campaign upon which we are entering.
Whatever may be the result, it will be deemed
and taken throughout the country as an indica
tion of public sentiment, and the victory, to
whichever party it may come, will give to that
parly in the nation more numbers than it has
voters in the State of New Hampshire.
I come here to-night in behalf of the Repub
lican party of the United States, three and a half
million strong, to speak to the Republicans of
New Hampshire: to ask them to call the battle
roll anew, and to redeem their State, and place
her where she has so long been, and where she
ought to be again, at the head of the Republican
column. I am not here to belittle the Demo
cratic party. I know it has power; I know it
has elements of strength ; I know it will fight a
great battle this year for the control of the Gov
ernment. 1 pity the weakness or despise the
folly that underrates the power of the Demo
cratic party. It has vast elements of strength ;
it has wealth, prejudice, passion, and pride
of race. 1 know it has able men in its ranks,
and I have no sympathy with that disposition
which prompts us always to belittle whatever we
oppose.
I do not come here to apologize for the Repub
lican party. 1 would as soon apologize for the
spots on the sun that has bathed the world to
day in light and beauty. The Republican party
needs no apology and no defense. There is no
body of men in America to-day who froai their
jmst history or present position have a right to
arraign it before the nation, before the nations,
or before God.
There was a struggle, beginning in 1832, and
continuing until the spring of 1861—the period
of one generation—between these antagonistic
forces; but it was a struggle of thought, of
voice, of the press, a struggle of votes. Liberty
at last triumphed. Then the slave-masters raised
the banners of rebellion, hurled their section
into a wicked and brutal, barbarous and bloody
civil war. These are historic facts. They will
go into the history of our country: and when we
who arc here to-night, when the men of this
generation shall all have passed away, in other
days, with clearer lights than those of the pres
ent, the human family will recognize these facts,
and historians will record them for the study
and admiration or condemnation of after gen
erations.
We have had a serious contest, a bloody strug
gle, in which some of the bravest and noblest
have gone down and sleep in soldiers’ graves.
In this struggle, where stood these two great
parties that divide the nation to-day? Where
stood the Democratic party ? Where stood the
Republican party? Here to-night I assert it, and
there is not a man on God’s earth can contradict
it, for the record is against him, that from the
year 1832, when William Lloyd Garrison and
eleven other faithful and fearless men signed
their names to the declaration that black men
had a right to liberty, and that they would do
what they could, sanctioned by law’, humanity,
and religion, to emancipate the bondman, and to
lift up the poor and lowly in the land, from that
day to this hour, every moment of the time, and
on every distinct issue, the Democratic party has
been on the side of privilege, the side of caste,
the side of a brutal, ignorant, degraded barbar
ism, Measured by the standards of the philoso
phers and statesmen of the ages, measured by
the law of the living God, there has not been
a moment when it was not clearly, plainly, dis
tinctly, unqualifiedly wrong. It has been wrong,
and it is wrong now, and I fear it w v »ll continue
to be wrong.
The Republican party, made up as it has been
of men who came out of other organizations be
cause they were convinced that the party of
freedom and humanity was the party of the
country, has at all times, in every struggle, in
peace and in war, been on the side of the
country, the side of liberty, the side of justice,
the side of humanity, the side of a progressive
Christian civilization. There has not been a
moment during these forty years, whether Gar
rison Anti-Slavery men, Liberty-Party men, Free-
Soilers, or Republicans, starting from only a
dozen men and growing up to the three and a
half millions who w ill vote in November next —
I say that there has not been a moment in all
those years when the champions of human rights
have not occupied a position that the Christian
men and women who belong to it or sympathize
with it could not take it into their closets, and,
on their bended knees, invoke the blessing of
God upon it. 1 do not know that there are not
some men so forgetful of the position of the
Democratic party that they might ask the bless
ing upon it of that Being who bids us remember !
those in bonds. But 1 cannot imagine how a
man who has spoken for, apologized for, voted
for, or fought for slavery, privilege, and caste—
the side the Democratic party has taken—l do
not sec iiow such a man would dare ask the
blessing of God upon the violation of the doc
trines of the New Testament, that teach us to
love our neighbor.
I have briefly referred to this history to show
where the Democratic party has stood and now
stands, and where the Republican party has
stood and now stands. The Democratic party,
unmindful of its record of forty years, is asking
the toiling men of New Hamp.-hire to give it
their confidence and their support. I should .
quite as soon think that the Democratic party
would go to South Carolina and ask the men :
whom we Republicans have made free—the men
from whose limbs we have smitten the fetters,
the men into whose souls we have breathed the
spirit of manhood ; the men whom we lifted up
and put upon their feel; made them citizens of
the United States; secured to them civil and
political rights, and made them our equals and
our peers—l should quite as soon have supposed
the Democratic party would go to South Caro
lina and ask the votes of those men, whom we
converted from things into human beings, with
human rights, as that it would ask the voles of
the toiling men who stand on the hills of New
Hampshire. They will tell us that these men
were black men. I have only to say this, that
the man who w’ould make a black man a slave
would make a white man a slave, if he had the
power to do it.
I see before me men whom I recognize as toil
ing men; men who have to support the wives of
their bosoms and the children of their love by
manual labor. I call the earnest attention of
these men to this terrible struggle through which
we have passed, and to what has been achieved
1 for the poor toiling men of this country during
the last twelve years. I feel that I have the
right to speak for toiling men and to toiling men.
I was born here in your county of Strafford. I
was born in poverty ; want sat by my cradle. I
know what it is to ask a mother for bread when
she has none to give. I left my home at ten
years of age and served an apprenticeship of
1 eleven years, receiving a month’s schooling each
j year, and at the end of eleven years of hard
work, a yoke of oxen and six sheep, which
brought me eighty-four dollars. Eighty-four
dollars for eleven years of hard toil! I never
spent the amount of one dollar in money, count
ing every penny, from the time I was born until
I was twenty-one years of age. I know’ what it
is to travel weary miles and ask my fellow-men
to give me leave to toil.
I remember that in October, 1833, I walked
Into your village from my native town, went
through your mills, seeking employment. If
anybody had offered me nine dollars a mouth I
should have accepted it gladly. I w’ent to Sal
mon Falls, I went to Dover, I went to New
market, and tried to get work, without success,
and I returned home footsore and weary, but not
j discouraged. I put my pack on my back and
walked to where I now live, in Massachusetts, !
and learned a mechanic’s trade. I know’ the i
hard lot that toiling men have to endure in this 1
world, and every pulsation of my heart, every
conviction of my judgment, every aspiration of
my soul, puts me on the side of the toiling men j
of my country—ay, of all countries. I became
an anti-slavery man thirty-six years ago, because
the poor bondman was the lowest, most degraded
and helpless type of manhood. An anti-slavery |
man from conviction is by logical necessity not i
only the indexible foe of the doctrine that capital
should own laborers, but the unyielding friend of
the rights of the sons and daughters of toil.
Let us see what the Republican party has
done for the laboring men of this country during
the last twelve years. It struck the fetters from
j four and a half million laboring men and women ; \
j converted them from things into men and women.
Jn making them free, it struck down that proud,
haughty and domineering aristocracy of the I
South that held the doctrine —and proclaimed it, (
too —that “capital should own labor;” that the
men who toiled for wages were “ the mud-sills of
societythat the slavery of workingmen pro
duced “ a class of gentlemen, who were the
substitutes for an order of nobility.” Those
were the doctrines proclaimed in our ears for
forty years by the Calhouns, the McDuffies, the
i Hammonds, the Rhetfcs, the Ruffins, the Fitz
hughs, the Herschell V. Johnsons, and men of
j that class, who laid down the doctrine boldly
; everywhere that “ slavery was the normal condi
tion of laboring men, black and white.” In
emancipating these four and a half million black
men and women we struck down the power of
the owners of workingmen and workingwomen
in this country forever. They made labor dis
honorable in eight hundred thousand square
miles of the United States, in the sunny South,
as they were wont to call it. Laboring men
from abroad would not go there to toil; northern
laboring men would not go there to live; they j
would not stand by the side of the fettered bond- j
men where labor was dishonored. But by the
steady, persistent adherence to principle of the
men trained in the faith of opposition to slavery,
who now stand in the ranks of the Republican
party, all this has been changed, so that to-day
the laboring men of New England can stand up
in South Carolina by the graves of Calhoun, of
McDuffie, of Pickens, of the leaders of the slave
power, who proclaimed free society a failure—
that free men and women, when they emerged
from bondage into freedom were classed in four
subdivisions, “ the hireling, the beggar, the thief,
and the prostitute ” —and “ look up and be proud
in the midst of their toil.” We have made
labor honorable, even in the rice swamps of the
Carolinas and Georgia ; we have taken the brand
of dishonor from the brow of labor throughout
the country; and in doing that grand work we
have done more for labor, for the honor and
dignity of laboring men, than was ever achieved
by all the parties that arose in this country from j
the time the Pilgrims put their feet upon Ply
mouth Rock up to the year 1860. [Applause.]
And that grand and immortal achievement
is not all. We have opened that eight hun
dred thousand square miles to free laboring
: men; they can go there now, they are going
there now. The German, the Englishman, the
i Irishman, the New England Yankee, the man ,
of the middle States, of the Northwest, can
go there now, engage in the mechanic arts, cul
tivate the soil, and, in all the pursuits of life, no
longer feel the degradation that rested upon
workingmen when labor was extorted only by the I
lash. Let the man who toils for wages, whether :
in the mill, on the farm, or in the mechanic shop,
realize what has been done during these last |
dozen years to lift from toil the badge of dis- 1
honor, and to open the great South to the free i
laboring men of the world. Let him remember \
with grateful heart that he owes it all, under |
Providence, to the Republican party.
The Republican party was brought especially
into being, and won the victory, when it elected
Abraham Lincoln to save the magnificent ter
ritories of the United States to the free laboring
men of our country, their children, and their
children’s children, “ while grass shall grow and
water run.” It saved that magnificent territory
to freedom. Auction-blocks, bloodhounds, the
lash, chains, manacles, cannot go there now,
They have sunk down to the place from whence
they came—to the bottomless pit, and the lower
deep of the bottomless pit.
The Republican party maintains the policy
of the small farms against the great plantations.
The Democratic party joined with the South on
that issue, as it did in everything and on every
issue. We passed the homestead bill, and
. .lames Buchanan vetoed it, and the Democratic :
party supported him in that veto. The object of
that bill was to save the vast public domain to
landless men, that they might have small farms,
rather than that a few men might have great
plant«itions. We were defeated ; but the first
vear the Republican party came into power, in
the midst of the struggle for national existence,
it passed the homestead bill, and saved the pub
lic lands to the free laboring men of this country
forever and forever.
Here to-night I point you to these magnificent
achievements; I point you to what has been
accomplished in these twelve years for the work
ingmen, the mechanics, the free laborers, the
men who toil for wages; and I say again to you
that those achievements surpass all that had
been achieved in our country from the earliest
settlement of the colonies up to the year 1861,
when Abraham Lincoln was inaugurated Presi
dent of the United States. What claim, then,
has the Democratic party to the vote of a work
ingman in America ? None, none whatever. The
workingman who supports the Democratic party,
with its history of forty years’ hostility to the
equal rights of millions of toiling men, is not
onlv illogical and inconsistent, but indifferent
, and careless. I can see how the lawyer, the
manufacturer, the banker* even the farmer, who
stands on his fee-simple acres may vote the
Democratic ticket, but I cannot see how the
emancipated black man of the South can do it,
or how the laboring white man who works lor
wages can do it.
Persistent efforts are making to convince the
laboring men of New Hampshire and to make
i them believe they have a very hard time of it;
SHASTA, SEPTEMBER, 1872.
that they have to pay taxes; are, indeed, almost
taxed out of existence. A document is circulated
to prejudice the laboring men against the Admin
istration, on account of the high rates of duties.
In my judgment, the wise and sound policy is to
tax luxuries highly ; to put the burden of taxa
tion upon articles that come in competition with
our own, and to make a free list as large a pos
sible. We have a great debt to pay. We shall
have taxation enough for many years. That
burden, the legacy of the slave Democracy, will
rest upon the labor of the'nation for years to
come.
It was ray privilege last summer to spend a
few weeks in England. I hardly heard anything
else there but complaints of our tariff. If 1 went
to a dinner-party, or met Englishmen on ship
board or anywhere, they had much to say about
our exorbitant rates of duties. English impor
ters, German importers, French importers, all
berate our rates of duties. These identical docu
ments that the Democrats are circulating in New
Hampshire are not paid for by the Democratic
party, but by men who want to take care of
foreign interests rather than our own. [Applause.]
I asked these men abroad what they wanted.
“ Why,” they said, “ we want to sell more goods
in your country.” I had no doubt of that. They
said, “ You are a great agricultural country ; you
ought to raise agricultural products, and we
ought to make the manufactured articles.”
“ Well,” I said, “ I find that you bought thirty- 1
two million dollars’ worth of wheat last year,
and only eight millions of it in the United States.
I find that you bought millions of dollars of corn,
and only a few thousand dollars of it in the j
United States.” I asked them if they would give |
up their agriculture if we would give up our man- i
ufactures, and they said their agriculture was
w orth a great deal more than their manufactures.
They came right to the point, for they could tell
the truth on the subject in England ; their friends
do not like to tell it here. They said, “ The i
price of labor is too high in the United States.
You pay too much for labor. I has a bad effect.
It causes a great many of our laboring people to
go to the United States to seek better weges ; it
makes those discontented who remain at home ;
they demand higher wages, and we have had to
pay higher wages in this country this year than
i ever before.” “ Well,” I said, “ that does not
nurt my feelings a great deal. 1 am very glad
they get good wages in the United States ; 1 re
| joice that the toiling men and women over here
are getting better wages.”
I saw everywhere I went, especially on the
Continent, women engaged in the roughest and
hardest work. Women have to bear heavy
burdens there. I saw women doing all kinds of
hard work. You have heard a great deal said
by our women’s rights people—of whom I count
myself one—about the rights of women to work.
They have that right in the Old World to their
hearts’ content. [Laughter and applause.]
I am glad that workingmen are complaining.
I am glad the workingmen in Europe are getting
discontented and want better wages and are get
ting higher wages and fewer hours. I thank my
God that a man in the United States to-day can
earn from three to four dollars in ten hours’
work, easier than he could forty years ago earn
one dollar, toiling from twelve to fifteen hours.
The first month I worked after 1 was twenty-one
years of age I went into the woods, drove team,
cut mill-logs, wood; rose in the morning before
day light and worked bard until after dark at
night, and 1 received for it the magnificent sura
of six dollars. Each of those dollars looked as
large to me as the moon looked to-night. [Laugh
ter.]
On the farm on which 1 served an apprentice
; ship I have seen the best men who ever put
; scythe in grass working for from fit ly cents to four
shillings a day in the longest days of suruiimr.
Yesterday 1 visited that farm. I asked the (Con
who were there what they paid men in hayilig
time last summer, and they said from two dol
lars to two and a half a day. This was paid on
the same ground where men worked forty years
ago for from fifty cents to four shillings, and
took their pay in farm products, not money. I
have seen some of the brightest women go into
the farm houses and work for from fifty cents to
four shillings a week, milking the cows, making
butter and cheese, washing, spinning, and weav
ing—doing all kinds of hard work. I was told
yesterday that many young women were earning
! in the shops a dollar a day, and that those who
worked in houses were getting from two dol
lars and a half a week to three dollars and a
half.
In 1832, in the great debate in the Senate on j
the tariff, it was said by those who advocated
protective duties that they had raised the price
of labor in the United States so that it averaged
fifty cents a day. How is it now ? This winter
is the most prosperous winter the United States
has seen in its history. Everybody is at work.
There is very little suffering anywhere. Why
this change? Why this improvement? It is i
because we have smitten down the slave system, i
broken down the slave power, lifted up, dignified |
and honored labor, and tried to protect and di- j
versify our own industries. To-day the laboring |
men and women of our country are earning from 1
three to four times as much in a day as they
could earn forty years ago, and a days’ work is j
shorter now than it was then. After I had learned
a mechanical trade in the place where I now live
I worked fourteen and fifteen hours a day, I
month after month, to earn forty dollars a month. 1
There are hundreds of men there now who in ten
hours can earn a hundred dollars more easily
than I could earn forty in fifteen hours. lam
greatful to God that this is so. Ido not care
anything about a few men or corporations piling
up a great amount of money. The wealth of the
Astors, the Stewarts, and the Vanderbilts has no
allurements for me. 1 believe God made this
world to grow good men and women, and not to
pile up money. That is my belief, and I want to
see the men and women who bear the burdens !
and do the work have a full share of all they j
earn, and that an honest days’ wrork shall always
have a fair days’ pay. [Loud applause.]
Why is it that the Democrats of New Hamp- :
shire are circulating free-trade documents, pic- -
torials and cartoons over this State ? Why should
they strive to deceive poor laboring men, when
they were never so prosperous as now under the
system that tends to diversify our industries,
increase our production, add to our own w’ealth,
and take care of our own country ? My heart
goes out to the workingmen of England and Ire
and, of Germany and France, aye and of Asia
and Africa, too. A man is a man, no matter
where he was born or what blood courses in his
veins. 1 believe that God made him and Christ
died for him, and that he is destined to an im
mortal inheritance. I believe, 100, in that com
prehensive policy that watches over the poor ‘
and lowly and takes care of the interests of all
the world ; but, after all, 1 am for the Republic
of the United States, one and indivisible, and the
people of the United States, before any other
country or any other people. [Applause.]
I am for taking care of our own interests, and
not allowing the importing houses of Englishmen
or Frenchmen or Germans to control the finan
cial or business affaire of the people of the United
States, nor to direct the policy of the United
States. I think we are old enough and large
enough to take care of ourselves. [Applause ]
One would suppose, to hear our Democratic
friends talk, that we never had any corruption
before ; that they had always been pure, because
they never punished a thief. I Applause and
laughter.] I propose right here to lay down this
i proposition : that the reason why this Adminis
tration is so assailed is not that it has been more
corrupt, or as corrupt as its modern predecessors,
but that it is doing much to expose thieving and
to punish men who steal. The Democratic party,
1 mean the modern Democratic party, came into
power in 1829, under General Jackson,
One man, Samuel Swartwont, in General Jack
son’s day, when the Government raised only
about thirty million dollars a year, stole a million
dollars in the New York ctstom house—nearly
as much money as has been stolen under this
Administration in three years, in collecting and
paying out nearly twenty-one hundred million
dollars. The percentage of loss under the
Administration has been less than under any
Administration since General Jackson was inau
gurated President of the United States. There
is not a shadow of a doubt of it. I assert here
and now, that there has been a less percentage
of loss under General Grant's administration
than under that of any other Administration
since the days of John Quincy Adams. John
Tyler, a son of President Tyler, in a letter
recently published, states that there were, in '
Van Buren’s administration, ninety-eight re
ceivers of the public money, ninety-six of whom
became defaulters. Ninety-six out of ninety-1
eight! [Laughter.] Is there any man here ;
to-night who knows that any one of those men
was ever sent to the penitentiary ?
1 believe a Republican thief is a worse man
than a Democratic thief. [Laughter.] He has
not had so many bad examples. [Laughter and j
applause.] A Republican thief is the wickedest
and meanest thief in all the land. He joins a
great party that was brought into being to give j
freedom to the slave, maintain the unity of the j
country, and preserve the life of the nation. In i
the ranks of that party is a large mass of the |
intelligence of the country, of the praying men
and women of the country. A man who joins ,
that political organization, betrays his trust, and \
steals the money of the Government, is a base
creature, and the penitentiary is the only place
where he should dwell.
The difference between Republicans and Dem
ocrats on this question is this; the Republicans j
try to discover and punish their thieves; the I
Democrats never punish theirs. You cannot j
tell me to-night of a man who stole from the I
national Government under a Democratic ad-!
ministration who was sent to the penitentiary, j
Under this Administration several thieves have I
been sent there. Most of their stealing was
under the late administration, for there has been
little stealing under this. Under Andrew John
son’s administration mean men got office. He
went back on his party, on his record ; upright'
Democrats paid little attention to him ; honest
Republicans kept away from the White House,
and mean men of both parties sought the bene
fits of his patronage. About forty collectors of
internal revenue under his administration became
defaulters for about a million and three quarters.
Under the three years of General Grant’s ad
ministration four collectors became defaulters,
and for amounts less than two hundred thousand
dollars.
During the war we paid through the pay
master’s department of the Army more than a
thousand million dollars. That money was paid
sometimes* when troops were on the march,
sometimes when they were under fire, and we ,
lost less than a quarter of a million dollars. {
Never in the history of the human family was
there any higher evidence of integrity. In the
war of 1812, in paying out the little money we
paid during that war, we lost about two million
dollars. Since General Spinner entered upon |
his office as Treasurer of the United States,
555,000,000,000 have passed through his office,
counted by from three to four hundred men and
women. We have lost between fifty and sixty
I thousand dollars in these eleven years, while
$55,000,000,000 have gone through the office.
We punished one man, fined him, and he is now
trying to get back $5,000, for he says we made
him pay $5,000 more than he stole. [Laughter.]
We have sent to prison three trusted clerks,
men of capacity and ability, whom everybody
trusted and respected. That is the way we have
served our thieves. We have sent two men who
stole under Andrew Johnson’s administration, |
and were prosecuted under this Administration .
iu Baltimore, to the penitentiary.
We had a paymaster In the Army ; he was
not a Republican ; his father was not a Repub
lican but an old Whig, and Assistant Secretary ,
of the Treasury, under Thomas Corwin. This
young man was a college graduate, inherited
SIOO,OOO, was a member of a Christian Church,
had a noble wife and three beautiful children,
lived within his income, got a passion for stock
gambling, lost his SIOO,OOO, and then look
$400,000 of the money of the Government. He
was arrested when he might have run away. He
was sent to the penitentiary at Albany for ten
years. About the same time the discovery was
made of the boldest and most gigantic robbery
of the people ever perpetrated iu ancient or
modern times. Bill Tweed—“ Boss Tweed”—
a man who, a few years ago, went through
bankruptcy, and who is said to have boasted, j
within a year, that he had $18,000,000, and with
him the tribe of Tajnmany Hall have been dis
covered and exposed. Some of these thieves
have gone to Europe, some of them are enjoy- \
ing the pleasures of the healthful breezes and
snow-drifts of Canada, some of them are in one !
part of the country and some in another. While
we trying Major Hodge, and sending him
to the penitentiary at Albany for ten years, with
the approval of the entire Republican party of
the country, Bill Tweed, the greatest thief in all
the history of the human family, the boss thief
of the world, [loud laughter and applause] was
sent to Albany, not to the penitentiary, but the
State House as a State senator, by twelve thou
sand Democratic majority. [Applause.]
These two cases illustrate exactly the differ
ence between the two parties: the one denounc
ing thieves and arresting and punishing them
when it can, the other never punishing them.
I am told by leading Democrats, some of them
members of the committee of seventy, men who
have done all they could to expose and break
these Tammany thieves down, that they do not
believe that one of these thieves will ever go to
the penitentiary. They stole the Erie railroad ;
they stole the State of New York from General
Grant in 1868; they have stolen their millions
from the city; they have stolen judges and
stolen juries, and they get elected to the Legis
lature ; they do not get sent to the State prison.
And the n.*en who denied this stealing, who
depied that they stole the State of New York
when they knew that they did it, who denied
the stealing of these Tammany Hall men, until
it was finally brought out and established so
clearly that nobody could longer deny it—these
very men are accusing the Administration of
stealing. 1 have heard before of Satan’s re
buking sin, but I never saw anything so brazen
as this. [Loud applause.]
There has been collected, under General
Grant’s administration, in three years, nearly
twelve hundred million dollars nearly four
hundred millions a year; there has been paid out
nearly a thousand million dollars; making about
twenty-one hundred million dollars. We have
lost, out of this immense sum, in all the depart
ments of the Government, a million and a quar
ter—less than a fifteenth part of one per cent. 1
We have paid out, during these three years,
ninety million dollars, in pensions, and we have
had five defalcations, all of them soldiers, and
four of them, shed their blood for the country.
But the Government has not lost a dollar, for
the agents made good their accounts, or their
bondsmen did it for them.
Everybody knows that the Indians have been
cheated and wronged for years, and that many
of our Indian wars have grown out of our viola
tions of treaty obligations, our bad conduct, and
the stealing 'from the appropriations for the
Indians. General Grant, knowing the Indians
and their wrongs, two years before he came into
the Presidency tried to devise a plan by which
the Indians should receive what the Government
appropriated for them. When he came into
power he invited the Christian denominations of
the country to select some good men whom he
could send out to see that the Indians were not
cheated; and they selected men like George H.
Stuart; like Friend Lang, in Maine ; like Friend
Hoag, of Iowa; like William E. Dodge, of New
York; and like Edward S. Tobey, of Massa
chusetts, some of the noblest, best and purest
men who tread the earth. Those noble men
have worked these three years to save these poor
Indians from being wronged. The Indian policy
of General Grant, were there nothing else, is
enough to immortalize any Admiuistratiomhat
ever existed in the country, from the foundation
of the country. [Applause.] It has more of
justice in it, more of humanity, more of the
spirit of the divine Muster, than can be found
in any other deed of the Government, except the
emancipation of the slaves. It stands by the
side of that grand act among the great achieve
ments of the nation. It will be acknowledged
hereafter, it will go into history, and men will
applaud it, when many of the men who are as
sailing the present Administration sleep in for
gotten graves.
Tikis Administration came into power with the j
pledge to maintain the faith and honor of the j
country, then weakly or wickedly assailed, j
During these last thirty-live months there has
been paid $287,000,000, saving nearly eighteen
million dollars a year in interest. This money
has been mostly saved, on the one hand, by an
honest collection of the revenues*, for we col
lected the tirst fifteen months of General Grant's
administration, $67,000,000 more than was col
lected under the same laws in the last filteen
months of Johnson’s administration ; and on the
other hand, by a reduction of the expenses ot
the Government. From these two sources we
have paid this 5287,000,000. Throughout the
financial world it is a matter of wonder and
amazement that the financial policy of the
United States should be so successful. We
elected General Grant pledged to maintain the
faith of the nation, to make our debt sacred,
and what is the result ? Why, the $700,000,000
of currency is worth to-day $140,000,000 (twen
ty per cent.) more than it was three years ago.
The laboring man who has earned two dollars
to-day has received forty cents, in real gold
value, more than he would have received three j
years ago this day. There has been added !
twenty per cent, to every dollar the laboring men |
of this country have earned this day these many (
months; and it has been added because of the !
signal fidelity and ability with which that pledge i
has been, kept to maintain the faith of the :
nation, honestly collect the revenues, reduce!
expenses, and extinguish the national debt as I
fast as we could.
We have a class of men who are always look
ing behind them. They have never been satis
fied. They have taken their position on the
great issues of the last forty years and been
wrong every time. They linger behind their
age. All their predictions have failed. They
are the instruments of defeats and failures.
Still these men continue to believe that all the
statesmanship of the country is gone. They
once looked up at the slave masters of the South,
who were their masters, too, when they stood on
the heads of their negroes. They looked pretty
tall then. A great convulsion came, and it
shook them from their high position, and they
look quite as small now as other people, But
our Democratic friends do not see it; the old
illusion still haunts them. To hear these men
talk you would suppose General Grant was vastly
inferior to such great, magnificent statesman as
Polk, Pierce, and Buchanan. Who is General
Grant—this man so denounced ? When the war
opened he was earning a few hundred dollars a
year, tanning leather in Galena. He offered his
services to the nation, and they were not ac
cepted. He went down to Springfield and served
there for some weeks, helping to enroll and
organize the regiments they were raising in Illi
nois. Finally, they gave him a regiment. He
had not money enough to buy a sword with
which to fight the battles of his country, nor a
horse to ride. You did not know anything about
him; the nation knew nothing about him ; few
had heard of him. He had served in the Mexi
can war when a young man, fresh from West
Point, and won two brevets for gallant conduct,
but nobody knew anything of this humble man.
He took his regiment and marched away. He'
never asked anything of the Government; he
never disobeyed an order; he never made any
complaint. He went straight forward and did
his duty, a quiet, silent, modest man.
About the first thing we heard of him was that
he took about twenty-five thousand men up the
Tennessee river, moved on the enemy’s works,
attacked an army of twenty thousand rebels, and
captured fifteen thousand of them. You next
heard of him coming on the field of Shiloh when
it was nearly lost, and when asked if he had pre
pared for a retreat he said that one boat would
take all that would retreat. He defeated the
rebel army that had been nearly victorious. Then
lie went down the Mississippi river, passed Vicks
burg, made a movement into the country, attack
ed the rebel armies, captured Vicksburg; and
then you find him at Chattanooga to restore a
lost battle. You have heard of the magnificent
victory he won on Mission ridge and Lookout
mountain.
He was then brought to Washington, and took
command of the armies of the country, led the
army of the Potomac through the Wilderness,
fighting every day in the mouth of May, 1864.
He placed his army before Richmond, and when
the hour came, moved upon the doomed city,
and received the surrender of the rebel army at
Appomattox. Nineteen battles behind him, and
all victories! He did not march his army to
make a parade through the rebel capital, but
started off alone, with his carpet-bag in his hand,
for Washington, to stop the raising of troops and
the manufacture of munitions, to make prepara
tions to disband the army and save expense, and
to save what we regarded, and what wo all re
garded as a very important thing, a general bank
ruptcy in the country.
We Republicans turned to this man when
Andrew Johnson failed us, and asked him to be
President. He did not seek the Presidency; he
felt and said that his place at the head of the
Army was the post for him. We made him Pre
sident, and it was his strength and commanding
influence that carried the fourteenth amendment.
That some potent influence carried the fifteenth
amendment, and gave the black men the right to
vote in all the States. When a wail of distress
came up from the South, when poor black men
prayed for protection from the murderous blows
of the midnight assassins of the Ku Klux dens,
Congress hesitated, faltered, divided. Then it
was that he came forth with the brief message
that rallied our scattered ranks like a battle
order. Clothed with authority he has striven to
protect the weak against the cruelties of the
strong. Many hundred members of the Ku Klux
Klan have been arrested, several have been con
victed, or have confessed their guilt, and thirty
of those chivalric assassins are in the peniten
tiaries. The men who stood by the cause of
anti-slavery and the protection of the black man
have found in General Grant a man who has
stood bravely, steadily, and consistently on the
side of freedom and the equal rights of all men.
General Grant has now been President three
years. He has committed some errors, made
some mistakes in his appointments. But his
foreign and domestic policy, the leading measures
of his Administration, have been and are in the
interests of the country. The masses of the peo
ple, who have no personal grievances, who only
want good government, see it, feel it, realize it.
W ith ail its faults, they believe we have the most
reformatory, progressive, and best Administra
tion the country has seen for forty years ; and
they are right in their convictions. But he is
followed by obloquy and reproach. Again he is
passing through the “ wilderness; ” it is dark
ened, not with the smoke of battle, but the
storms of insinuation and accusation, detraction
and denunciation. But he will not call retreat.
The spirit that uttered, when the flame of battle
opposed his march (o the rebel capital, the in
spiring words, " I will tight it out on this line if
it takes all summer,* 1 is yet unbroken, and exult
ant toes may yet find that another Appomattox
lies before him. [Applause.]
In all the struggles of the last sixteen years
New Hampshire has been on the side of the
country and ot liberty. Forgetting that 11 victory
clings to unity,” you Republicans of New Hamp
shire allowed your banners last year to trail in
the Just. You have tasted the wholesome dis
cipline of defeat. Now you have the power to
rise again. Forgetting personal interests and
petty differences, and standing shoulder to
shoulder, you can redeem your State, and thrill
the hearts of your friends throughout the land.
To you, Republicans of my native State, I appeal
for unity and victory. I ask you, who maintained
the right of petition when it was cloven down
under the lead of Charles G. Atherton ; you who
stood by John F. Hale when smitten by Demo
cracy Cor fidelity to liberty; you who sternly
opposed the wicked compromises of 1850; you
who resisted the repeal of the Missouri compro
mise when sustained by Franklin Pierce; you
who were true to Kansas when its skies were
illumined by the midnight fires of burning cabins,
and its virgin soil reddened with blood ; you who
helped make Abraham Lincoln President; you
who followed the old flag of the Republic over
many battle-fields; you who sustained by voice
and vote that grand series of measures by which
slavery was annihilated and the slave power
broken forever; you who helped extirpate caste,
enfranchise the black man, and give equality to
all conditions ot men; I implore you, one and
all, to sustain now that sacred cause for which
you have toiled and prayed, voted and fought.
Stand by the Republican party ; stand bv, I
pray you, that great political organization until it
accomplishes the task assigned it by the needs of
the country and the providence of God. Make
sate the beneficent deeds of the past, and secure
in their full fruition the fruits of the seeds
planted in faith and nurtured by devotion and
valor.
Listen not to the seductive voices which pro
claim that the work of the Republican party of
the United States has been achieved. The re
forms of the past are not only to bo assured, but
other reforms of magnitude are pressing for ac
complishment. At any rate, it has a great, if
not its greatest, work yet to do. That work is to
humanize, convict, and convert the Democratic
party of the United States. [Applause.] Men
cannot be wrong all the time for forty years and
be convicted of their folly in an hour. Until
that political organization has been convicted of
its wickedness, repents of its sins, and brings
forth the fruits of repentance, the Government of
the United States cannot be safe in ita control.
Its history and the elements of which it is com
posed alike forbid that it should be again intrust
ed with power. The Democratic party has at
least one million voters in its ranks who fought
against their country with ballot and bullet; men
who are only sorry that they fought against their
native land because they failed. You must
breathe into their souls the spirit of patriotism
and the spirit of liberty, justice, humanity, and
Christian civilization.
There are a million and a half of voters we
call “ copperheads.” I 'will not call them “ cop
perheads ; ” 1 will call them what they love so
much to be called, “conservatives.” [Laughter.]
These men always sneered at the cause of liberty,
always took the side of the old slave masters,
stood up for privilege and caste, and rejoiced,
or if they did not rejoice did not manifest sorrow,
when our armies were defeated. To convert these
men is a great work. I think it will take us a
dozen years, at least. If in that time we can
change the hearts of the old rebels of the South
and these conservatives here in the North, and
get them to accept the vital and animating prin
ciples of Christian civilization, and go for the
elevation and protection of the poor and the
k>wly, the black men of the South and the poor
white men of the whole country—if we can do
this grand work in twelve years, the world will
say we have achieved quite as much as we did
when we put down the rebellion, made four and
a half million men free and gave them citizenship
and equal rights. The war Democrats, the men
who by voice, or vote or bullet, stood by their
country in time of war, will be utterly helpless if
the Democratic party comes into power. The
old rebel leaders will be the head, the conserva
tives will be the body, and these loyal war De
mocrats will be only the tail of the Administra
tion. [Applause.]
In the past sixteen years we Republicans have
taken from the Democratic party more than a
million of its best men—taken the cream right
off of it. [Applause.] We want the war Demo
crats, .some of these conservative Democrats, and
some of the rebel Democrats, too. They are oar
mistaken, erring countrymen. We want their
influence and all they have to give on the side
of Republican ideas, principles, and policies; on
the side of education and development, and the
inspiring influences that elevate and lift up the
masses of our countrymen. Never till the masses
of the Democratic party accept the vital ideas
of patriotism, of equality for all and protection
to all, will it be safe to intrust the mighty inter
ests of the nation to that political organization.
Its “ departure ” is a delusion ; its “ passive
policy ” is a snare. Neither the one nor the other
' will he adopted, because it is right. If either be
adopted at all, it will be in the hope to win power,
to defeat the full fruition of the great work
achieved by the Republican party. The accept
ance of the “ new departure,” and the “ passive
policy/’ may be an advance for the torpid con
servatism of the Democracy, but the adoption of
either by the nation will be a lowering down, a
reaction, an ignominious retreat.
Republicans of New Hampshire, of New Eng
land, of the Republic, cling then with deathless
tenacity to your grand organization, that now
j embodies three and a half million men in its
ranks. Stand by the Republican colors. They
symbolize patriotism and liberty, justice and hu
manity, development and progress. Trust vour
, selves, correct your own errors, move right on
ward, abreast of the advancing currents of a
progressive Republicanism. Look to your history;
•do not blur nor blot that immortal record. Let
it be an inspiration, a perennial source of faith
and hope, in sunshine and in storm. In the years
to oome, when the passions and prejudices of
these days of conflict shall have sunk to rest with
us in the bright hereafter, the record of the last
, twelve years will be a brilliant chapter in the
history of human progress. The world will note
it, and mankind will read it with beaming eye
and throbbing heart.
The Republicans of the United States should
never forget that they lived that history and
made that history. They should ever remember
that America, as they have made it, is no longer
dominated by a slave power, nor guided by the
councils of slave masters. It is moving on a
higher plane and working out a nobler destiny for
humanity than any of the foremost nations of the
globe. The continued triumph of the Republican
party assures the triumph of equality before the
law, and protection under the law'. Let, then, the
Republicans of New Hampshire, now' as in the
past, lead the Republican columns to a glorious
1 victory. [Loud applause ]

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