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PERRY BELMONT'S LETTER TO BRYAN, (Continued from First Page.) AND REPUDIATION IN 1890. You have clearly indicated in your recent volume, entitled "The First Bat tle," when and where was the origin of the conspiracy to repudiate that Democratic policy of 1892. The time was May, 1894, Omaha the place, and the first step was a call', to silver Demo crats to assemble at that place June 21, 1894. which ltd to a nominal control of the enduing Nebraska Democratic State convention, on a platform substantially like the Chicago platform of two years later. There was a Democratic "bolt" from your silver platform, because it Was in violation of the national Demo cratic policy of 1892, The candidates of the bolters had, at the next State «lection, more votes than your candi dates received. In two or three chap ters of your book, it is plain 'that you 1 ensphed with Populists, Republicans and silver Democrats' cf ail shades of opposition to the Democracy and its platform of 1892. Yuu mention Senator Teller as one of your fellow conspira tors both before, during and after the Republican convention of which he was a member. The Nebraska Democrats, whom you and your fellow conspirators denounced, declared, in their platform cf 1895, your financial pian meant ' poorer money and less of it, less wages Xor the laboring man and bankruptcy lor all save the mm* owner." Did not that convention sympathize with la bor? The New York Democratic State con vention of June 24, 1890, adopted a platform similar to that of the regular convention of the Nebraska Democrats, fend I was sent to Chicago as a delegate upon that platform. It declared among other things: "We are opposed to the free and un limited coinage of silver in- the absence of the co-operation of the other great nations. We declare our belief that any attempt on the part of the United States alone to enter upon the experi ment of free silver would not'only prove disastrous to our finances, but would retard or entirely prevent the estab lishment of international bimetallism. Until international co-operation for bi metallism can be secured, to which end all our efforts as a Government and a people should be in good faith direct ed, we favor the rigid maintenance of the present gold standard as essential to the preservation of our national credit, the redemption of our public pledges, and the keeping inviolate of our country's honor." I preferred the declaration on coin age by that Democratic State conven tion of New York, adhering to the Dem ocratic policy formulated in 1892, over the language in the Indianapolis plat form alluding to gold monometallism, but I preferred either one to the silver monometallism of the Chicago platform. 1 did not write a sentence, or word, of the Indianapolis platform. You may reply that you were as much entitled to stand by the declara tion of the Nebraska Democratic Con vention which sent you as a delegate to Chicago, as I was to stand by the de claration of the New York Democratic Convention which sent me. The reply would be plausible if one did not take Into account your previous conspiracy to commit the Nebraska Convention, whose delegate at Chicago you were, to a radical reversal of the Democratic policy adopted in 18if2. You condemn me because now I advocate a modifica tion in I!MM> of the Chicago platform. Yet four years ago this month you were conspiring with Populists and Repub licans like Senator Teller, and with Sil ver mine owners, to overthrow at Chi cago the Democratic policy of 1892. Is it not grotesque? In your convention speech of 1890 ycu described the conspiracy a* having been begun by Silver Democrats. You portrayed your doings as those of "a crusade" and declared that you and your allies were in Chicago "not to discuss, not to debate, but-to enter up judgment." a strange, method in a na tional convention, of holding together a great party representing th? Democra cy of a continent. Your speech was evidently prepared by one expecting to "bolt." In your recent book you re peatedly refer to your antecedent prep arations to "capture" the Chicago con vention. Burke defined a political party "as a bedy of men united for promoting by their ji int endeavors the national inter est upon seme particular principle in which they all agree." What "particular principle" of Dem ocracy in which we were all agreed did you represent by your crusade? Surely repudiation of public and private debts was not such a "principle." THE CHICAGO PLATFORM EXAM INED. The condition of the country in 1895 end 1890 by reason of business and commercial depression which began three years before owing to the Sher man silver law, whose repeal you re sisted, the "endless chain." short crops, long Western droughts, diminished for eign demand for our cereals and re duced prices everywhere, offered a fer tile field for your efforts. Under the present changed conditions we can calmly analyze the novelties of the Chi cago platfe>rm. It began by affirming that the first coinage law of 1792 made the silver dollar the money unit. That is a mat ter of statute interpretation and has been much debated. Jefferson said, as you have mentioned in your letter to tne, that the unit should "repose on both nn-tals." and so it is probable that the draughtsmen of th? law of 1792 intend ed a bimetallic standard. Bicycles! THE WHITE Holding all COAST RECORDS, The lightest running, most perfect wheel built. THE OLIVE New York's Favorite. THE DEFIANCE Best In the market, Ladies' ) 00 C lonlyI only *03« Our $30 Wheels are Gems. A. J. POMMER, NINTH AND J STREETS. It declared that the Democracy "*W unalterably opposed to monometallism," but the framers of the Chicago plat form urged what the country believed would be silver monometallism. Many things demanded by the plat form could be done only by Congress, such as opening our mines to silver and gold alike, on a fixed ratio, legislation to prevent freedom of contracts by making debts payable not in such a dollar as contractors preferred, extinc tion of the national bank notes, and making Government notes the only pa per cunency. The right to grant oth er demands^—such as, for example, the refusal to Government creditors of the right, existing for twenty years,- to se lect the coin of payment, whether sil ver or gold—was, and is now perhaps, in the discretion of the Secretary of the Treasury, to whom the law has so gen erally given decision in those matters. It is not given to the President. The Chicago platform clearly intended that the President should nominate, and. if the Senate confirmedt, appoint a head of the Treasury who should forthwith pay all Government creditors in silver dollars, the gold price of the bullion in each of which was then worth a trifle over fifty cents. You may say that you believed at the time that the open ing of our mints to everybody's silver on the ration of 1(! (the bullion ratio in 1896 was over 30), "without waiting for the aid or consent of any other nation," would bring Hi ounces of silver to a commercial parity with an ounce of gold, but, if you did. there were prob ably very few' experts in any- country who sympathized with ycur belief. All felt that the time would be far off, if it ever came, when such parity could exist. The Chicago platform plan, however, was not to await the opening of our mints by Congress and the ar rival of parity, but for the Treasury to begin at once to pay the pensioneis, officers of the army and navy, laborers and all Government creditors in silver dollars. NOBODY DEMANDS A HEAVIER SILVER DOLLAR. You condemn me because I did not support that in 1898, and because I would prevent such delirium in 1900. Had the Chicago platform not urged the immediate free and unlimited coinage of silver and gold on a ratio of 10 to 1. but awaited the commercial bullion par ity of the white and yellow metals be fore compelling creditors to accept the former, the scheme would have been more tolerable. You well know that our silver dollars are now in our country kept equal to the gold' dollars simply and solely by restricted coinage of the former, and by controlling exchange de mand. You ought to know that if our gold and silver dollars shall be at com mercial par on the ratio of Hi and France shall open her mints again on the ratio of 15Vi», then, since in our country 10 ounces cf silver would be re quired to buy one ounce of gold, our sil ver would, just as it did in 1834, go to France, where only 15% ounces would be needed. THE LESSON OF THE ELECTIONS. "Every tree is known by its own fruit." What has been the fruit of the Chicago platform? A tabulated state ment of percentages for 1802. 1896 and 1808, omitting the scattering votes and classifying as Democratic the Silver vote, the Populist vote, and the Demo cratic vote, will be more persuasive than any other form of words. In Colo rado, Idaho, Kansas, North Dakota and Wyoming the Democrats had not in 1892 an electoral ticket, but voted the People's party ticket in order to take these States from the Republicans. That was true also in Nebraska. Classi fying, for tabular convenience, that Weaver vote of 1802 as Democratic, and also in 1896 classifying the Fusion vote as Democratic, these are the percent ages for 1892, 1890 and 1898: _ 1592 - I«S6. IS9B. Parties. Per Per Per Cent. Cent. Cent. COLORADO. Democratic 57 85 64 Republican 41 4.10 14 33 IDAHO. Democratic 54 7S 49 Republican 44 21 35 KANSAS. Democratic 50% 51 46»£ Republican 48 46 51 NORTH DAKOTA. Democratic 49 _y_ 40 Rt-publican 4SV4 56Vi 58 WYOMING. Democratic 46 51 4714 Republican SOU 48 5914 OREGON*. Democratic 52 4-10 50 44ii Republican 44 50 531* NEVADA. Democratic 73 3-10 81 5514 Republican 26 19 551" NEBRASKA. Democratic 54 52 50 Republican 43' i 46 49 MONTANA. Democratic 56 2-10 80 7-10 Republican 42£ 19 SOUTH DAKOTA. Democratic 50>4 49 6-10 50 2-10 Republican 49% 49 4-10 49 7-10 Those voting statistics are so im portant that they deserve reproduction in another form as showing what has happened to the Chicago platform since 1896. Of the prairie States, Colorado. Kansas and Nebraska, the former, which gave 12,268 plurality to you, has gone into the Republican column, and the latter, which gave to you 13,576, gave only 2,721 to the Democratic ticket last year. Of the Pacific Coast States, California. Washington and Oregon, the f' rmer yielded last year 1!»,441 Repub lican plurality as against only 2,797 for McKinley, while Washington, which gave you in 1896 a plurality of 12,49.'!. surrendered Jast year to the Republi cans by 8,023, and Oregon increased its Republican plurality from 2,117 to 10, --774. Of the silver mining States, Ne vada. Colorado and Utah, you carried the former by 0,439 plurality, but the combined Populist and Democratic vote last year wan only 3.052 over the Re publican candidate for Governor. In Colorado the Republican conuidate for Governor polled twice as many votes as did McKinley in 1896. You had 51,033 plurality in Utah, but last year the Democratic Congressman only had 5.0(1,> and the Supreme Judge only 3,100. Ido not need to remind you what has been seen in New York. Connecticut and New- Jersey, which Cleveland carried in 1892 and which you lost in 1890 by tremon jdous pluralities. McKinley having had jin New York a plurality of 268,496. Th» vote of the three States stood last year for Governor as follows: I XT..™- v „„i, Republican. Democratic. I New York 661.707 643 921 ! ,V >W Jersey 164,051 igSjSi Connecticut 81,015 64 227 The great Republican plurality gains » 1898 in California. Idaho, Kansas, INe braska, North Dakota, Utah, Wash ington and Wyoming, amounting in total to 150,500, should at least sober ycur 10 to I optimism. May I ask what is your plan and PLAIN LIVING. Too much of sweet or fat or regular use of tea and coffee clogs the liver and shows in some form of ailment. Coffee seriously effects many highly or ganized people. It pays to live simply and be healthy. Well people can do things. " Postum Cereal Coffee looks and tastes like cof fee, but is a pure food drink and highly nourishing in its effect on body. Groc ers furnish at 15 and 25 cents. THE PtECOIID-rtKlOfr. APBIL 24, 1899. hope for persuading the country, North, East and West, to vote for the Chicago platform and yourself under the pros perous farming, mining, laboring, man ufacturing and exporting conditions now in prospect? JEFFERSON THE STANDARD AND TEST. In your unwarranted letter to me ofi March 10th you arraign my political opinions because, as you assert, they are hostile to those of Jefferson, "who stood for sacred, well defined prin ciples." Jefferson was by you made the standard and the test. In order to gratify your desire to know my opin ions I mailed to you a correct record of all I had said or written on the Chicago platform since the election of 1890. I did not, as you wrote in your letter of the Bth inst., to which I am now reply ing, ask you to point out objections. I said: "You are at liberty to indicate and expose any portion, that! Is unpatri otic, un-Democratic, un-American or in conflict with the Democratic treed as set forth in Jefferson's first inaugural address." You reply that you have not a standard by which to determine whether a given opinion is patriotic or American. I had suspected as much. On the issue raised by yourself over Jefferson you endeavor to make not his State papers the test of Democracy, but the innovations your co-conepira tors, chiefly Republicans., inserted in the Chicago platform. You complain of our first Democratic platform, which was Jefferson's inaugural address, that it dealt only "with, general principles." Of course i» did. It is the function of a platform, in the American sense, to deal with questions the conditions of which are permanent. Jefferson did, however, insist, "on honest payment of our debts, and sacred preservation, of the public faith," which you ignore in your un reasoning spite against creditors. In your hatred of creditors you ignore the public credit. Again shifting your position, you for get to apply Jefferson's platform to these three topics on which, you say, I have "taken a position." First, stand ard money; second, paper money; third, the income tax. As to the first, you affirm that Jef ferson "favored the double standard." but the Chicago platform declared that the first coinage law of 1792 set up a single standard which was the silver dollar, and insisted that alone was Democratic. As to the second, there is not "paper money" under our Constitution. Only" specie can be "money." Everything >n paper is mere currency and should not be legal tender. Jefferson said nothing of banks in his inaugural, but that he became intensely hostile to "the bank" is true. The conduct of the State banks in his time was enough to excite his condemnation. Mr. Gallatin wrote on June 14, 1841, that Jefferson "lived and died a decided enemy to our banking system generally, and especially to a bank of the United; States," but in the Briscoe (Kentucky) case a Democratic Supreme Court, led by Taney, decided that a State could empower a bank to issue circulating notes and that they would be protected by the Constitution. I leave you to wrestle with that judg ment and with the fact that the exist ing national banks and their notes are Republican creations. In the darkest days of the war of 1812 Jefferson, on September 10, 1814, did suggest the issue of Treasury' notes for large sums based on specific taxes, leaving the door opened for the "entrance of metallic money," and urg ed the States to relinquish the right to establish banks, but he did not advise that, evidence of government debt be made a full legal tender. During sev enty-three years after the Constitution was adopted no Democrat, or Whig, tol erated that idea. INCOME TAX. It is misrepresentation pure and sim ple to aver that I have resisted all forms of taxation of incomes. The volume I sent you proves it. In my friendly correspondence with Mr. Warner, to which you refer, I said: "The income tax may be the most equitable of all taxes if exclusive." I condemned the income tax which the Supreme Court declared unconstitutional. I referred to the disaster w-hich might ensue if the United States and a State should tax the same income, and also to the feasibility of income and inheritance taxes laid only by the several States, provided those taxes were not so un equally laid as, to violate the fourteenth amendment. ENGLISH ALLIANCE AND BIMET ALLISM. There is similar misrepresentation when you describe me as advocating goid monometallism. I have always stood by the National Democratic plat form of 1892. I infer that you con demn, as I do, a proposed alliaace be tween the two English speaking na tions. If such alliance be entangling in the sense denounced by Jefferson, and if it alienate the present "honest friendship" of other powerful nations, it should not be encouraged. A really Democratic President chosen in 1900, having a Secretary of State and of the Treasury inspired by intelligent faith in and zeal fcr international bimetal lism, might out of the desire of the two nations to promote the poCicy of the United States and the welfare of both Governments, accomplish even more than the W'olcott Commission might have achieved had it not been for the sudden and unexpected resistance which came from Calcutta. That first com mon interest of the United States and the United Kingdom you appear not to perceive. BRYAN'S EVASION. I put to you in my letter two or three questions easily capable of an affirm ative, or negative, reply. One was; "Do you deem the money question as presented in the Chicago platform as now paramount to all oth ers?" You evade. Another was, "Do you insist on the infallibility of the coinage ratio of 10 to las a test of Democracy?" You again evade. Another was, "Must all Democratic voters line up in 1900 on a Federal statute making every contract illegal which stipulates for payment in gold?" You evade again. was, "Will a law preventing wage earners and salary earners from demanding and securing payment in gold dollars, if they prefer gold dollars, be a winning issue in 1900?" You again evade. You go out of your way as a de feated Presidential candidate of three years ago, and an aspirant for renom ination, to condemn my Democratic opinions. I have no wish to suppress what I did at Chicago, and have sub sequently done in that regard. I am perfectly content with my course. I was present at the conventions of 1870, 1884, 1888 and 1892, and on July 7. t896, I was correctly reported in the New York "Sun" as saying that I had no candidate at Chicago, "because the platform presented by the free silver and Populistic elements would ruin any candidate." At a meeting of the Ni w- York delegation I remarked that "Altgeld can net compel me to yield to Populism." In the New York "Her ald" I replied that "the contest has been over a preposterous, agrarian, centralizing, socialistic interpretation POWDER Absquuiew Pure Makes the food more delicious and wholesome ROYAL BAKINO POWDER CO., NEW YORK. of the Constitution. It has been over an effort to tear down the gold stan dard in the interest of the silver stan dard. The vigor of the onslaught was born of the depression and disaster of the panic of 1892 and 1893," caused by legislation enacted by the party of Mc- Kinley. The platform of 1890 came from the hard times which disappeared when the peril of Populism and silver monometallism had passed. That pow der can not by you be burned again in a Democratic National Convention. Yours truly, PERRY BELMONT. SEVEN-UP FOR HIS LIFE. Wildcat Smith Beat His Comanche Captor at the Game. Old Wildcat Smith ig just about the last living one of that famous band of pioneers who drove the Indians to the mountains, killed the panthers and bears, and blazed the tracks through the trackless wilderness. He does not look like a lawyer, but he has, never theless, sat upon a camp stool and de cided oases of the greatest importance. He dot* not bear any very marked re semblance to a General, but he has commanded a considerable force in bat tle, and, while military critics might have complained that he was deficient in strategic ability, none ever charged him with lack of valor. Few people would discover in his face or manner any of those traits that distinguish a duelist, but he has demonstrated that he possesses them all in an eminent de gree by ordering "pistols and coffee for two" more than once. Upon one occa sion he had the audacity to invite Gen eral Houston, who was at that period President of the Republic, to "come out and exchange shots" with him. He says that the old warrior "floored" hint by coolly making a note on a slip of paper and putting it in his desk. In answer, to the enraged challenger's in quiry, the General simply said: "Mr. Smith, you are the fortieth; when I have killed these other thirty-nine d —n scoundrels who have challenged me I will accommodate you. Be patient, sir." Smith came to Texas in 1830, and served in the Texas army through all the long wars with Mexico. He was also a soldier in the great civil war, and when that ended he enlisted to fight Indians, and remained on the border until there were no more Comanches to shoot. He has been a man of war from his youth up, and in his old age he car . ries a soldier's musket with a fixed bayonet, and continues to make war on all kinds of game and "varmints." He wanted to go to Cuba, and when the boys insisted that he was too old and feeble he threw off his coat and chal lenged fhe whole company to fight him. Upon one occasion Smith was cap tured by a roving band of Comanches, many of whom were Well known to him. They frankly fold him that they in tended to make him run the gantlet and burn him at the stake when they reached their village on Devil River. The captive had a flask of whisky, which the chief took away from him. After taking several drinks the old war rior asked Smith if he could play "seven-up." Smith proudly boasted that he could beat any man living playing that particular game. This an swer appeared to put the Indian on his mettle, and he at once proposed that they should halt by the side of the war path and play for the highest stakes that mortal man ever waged on a game of chance—life. Smith eagerly agreed to the proposal, and they sat down under a tree and dealt the cards on a blanket. The other warriors dismount ed and anxiously watched the game. The chief's name was Big Laugh, so called on account of a natural grin that marked his features. After a short time they stood 0 to 0, and it was Smith's deal. He ran the cards off and turned a jack from the bottom. Smith had won his liberty, and Big Laugh told him he might go; but the Texan had something else in view - . He might easily have walked away, but he determined upon another act which marks him as a generous soul possessed of the highest courage. There was a young white girl tied on one of the ponies who was weeping in the most piteous agony. Smith coolly proposed to play another game, staking his life against the liberty of this young girl. Big Laugh was evidently pleased with the white man's courage, and after tak ing another drink he began to shuffle the cards. The young girl was cut loose from the pony and made to stand on the blanket, while the thongs for bind ing Smith in case he lost were thrown at her feet. Again they played a close game, and at the end of a short time stood 0 and 0; but it was Big Laugh's deal. With what awful interest that poor girl must have watched the turn ing of that trump! The Indian slowly dealt the cards, and, peeping at the trump, a hideous grin spread all over his face. "I was sure that all was lost, and was just in the act of springing at his throat," says Smith, "when he turned the queen of hearts for a trump. He could not give me, of course, and I held both the ace and deuce of hearts." Big Laugh was by this time hilarious ly drunk and in a most excellent good humor. He not only kept his word and gave Smith and the young girl their liberty, but he furnished them two pon ies and allowed Smith to take his gun. The liberated captives reached the set tlements in safety, where Smith's strange story would never have been credited had not the young girl borne witness that it was true. She is still living on a fine plantation on the Bra zos, and is the widow of no leas a per sonage than Colonel "Sam" Jones, who was killed at the battle of Shiloh. Wildcat Smith lives in a little cabin in the woods, and devotes his whole time to hunting bear and deer, and sometimes smaller game.—Caldwell (Tex.) correspondence of the St. Louis Globe-Democrat. A Bishop and a Drummer. Bishop Watterson of Nebraska was once mistaken for a traveling salesman by a commercial traveler who met him in a railway trim. "Do you represent a big house?" ask ed the traveler of the Bishop. - "Biggest on earth," replied the Bishop. "Whalt's the name of the firm?" "Lord and Church." "Hum! Lord and Church! Never heard of it. Got branch houses any where?" "Branch houses all over the world." "That's queer. Never heard of 'em. Is it boots and shoes?" "No." "Oh, drygoods, I suppose." "Yes, they call my sermons that sometimes." — Christian Endeavor World. | WEST OF THE MISSISSIPPI. OFFICIAL CALL FOR THE CONGRESS AT WICHITA. Objects and Purposes of the Or ganization Set Forth in Full. Following is the official call for the Trans-Mississippi Commercial Con gress: TERRITORY EMBRACED. Each State and Territory lying west of the Mississippi River, and that part of: Minnesota and Louisiana, east of the river, and the Sandwich Islands are en titled to representation. BASIS OF REPRESENTATION. The Governor of each State and Ter ritory may appoint ten delegates; the Mayor of each city may appoint one delegate and one additional delegate for each 5,000 inhabitants, provided that no city may have more than ten delegates. The executive officer of each county may appoint one delegate. Each business organization may appoint one delegate for each fifty members, pro vided that no such organization may have more than ten delegates. The Governors of States and Terri tories, members of United States Con gress and all ex-Presidents of this Con gress are ex-offieio delegates with all privileges, except that of voting and election to office. OBJECTS OF THE CONGRESS. The object of this congress is to .pro mote the business interests, and develop the resources of the States and Terri tories entitled to representation, and to increase reciprocal and foreign trade Iby the discussion of questions pertain | ing thereto, and to cultivate acqualn ! tance, fraternal feeling, and a hearty j co-operation among the various com imercial bodies, and thus influence legis lation and individual effort and pro mote the general welfare. SUBJECTS FOR DISCUSSION. Discussions will be confined to ques tions of common interest to the terri tory represented. Local and political questions will be excluded. Any ques tion germain to the object of the con gress may be introduced by the dele gates, but the following are suggested by the Executive Committee after a careful consideration of the many ques tions submitted by members. L Irrigation and the Arid Regions, (a) Should Congress Legislate in Their Interests? (b) What Can be Done for this Region by Individual Effort? (c) New Plants Adapted to Arid Lands. 2. Improvement of Western Rivers, j fa) Floods of the Mississippi, Cause and Remedy, (b) Deep Water at the Mouth of the Mississippi, (c) Preservation of the Forests. o. Water Transportation, (a) Nic aragua Canal, (b) rlarbors on the Pa ; cific Coast, (c) Gulf Outlet. 4. Transportation Facilities of the West, (a) Equitable Rates to Tide Water. 5. Our Trade and How to In crease It. (a) W T ith Mexico, Japan, China, Hawaii, the Philippines and Cuba, (b) Pacific Coast Cable. <c) Ship building on Pacific Coast. 0. Mining in the West, (a) Should There be a National Department of Mines? 17. Agriculture, (a) Beet Sugar In j dustry. (b) Introduction of Our Indian i Corn in Europe as a Culinary Article. 8. National Quarantine. 9. Statehood for the Territories. 10. Monroe Doctrine. 11. Homestead Laws. 12. Trusts and Combines, (a) Are | They Beneficial? IS. Our Foreign Possessions. 14. United States Senators, Should They be Elected by the People Direct? 15. Our Representation at the Lou isiana Purchase Celebration and the Paris Exposition. THE BEST TALENT. The men to whom has been assigned the subjects for discussion, have made national reputation by practical work and laborious study of the several sub jects assigned them. It is expected there will be present, the President of the (United States, the Governors of the sev eral States and Territories, and many lof the members of the National Con gress, both Senators and Representa tives, as well as some of the leading men from Hawaii. Hon, Hugh Craig, the President of this congress, is ex-Presi dent of the Chamber of Commerce of San F-aneisco, Cat, one of the most in fluenzal commercial bodies in the Unit ed States. The debates in this congress will be participated in by the most elo quent orators of the West, and a day spent here will be more interesting than a day in the Senate of the United States. This will be a notable gathering of the influential commercial men of the West. WICHITA. California, Colorado. Missouri, Ne braska. Louisiana, Texas and Utah have in turn hospitably entertained the Congress. It now falls to the good for tune of Kansas to have the Congress at Wichita, one of the young giants) of the W r est: it is a city of 25.000 inhabi tants, enjoying the distinction of being the commercial center of the State and the jobbing center of the southwest. The city, during the spring and summer, is a veritable forest of shade trees, with beautiful residences and well kept lawns; it is one of the most inviting cities of the Wesit. Four large trunk railways enter the city from different directions, the Missouri Pacific, the St. Louis and San Francisco, the Atchison, Topeka and Santa Fe and the Chicago. Rock Island and Pacific. Special rates will be made over all these roads. Ample hotel accommodations can be had at reduced rates. Delegates will "be cor dially welcomed and the citizens will take special pride in entertaining them. TRANSPORTATION. The Western Passenger Association has granted the congress a one and one third fare for the round trip, but an effort is being made to secure a rate of, one fare for the round trip on all the railways within the territory embraced by the congress. It is hoped that we can make such arrangements over all the roads in the United States. Specific information may be had on application to the agents of the several railways, or by addressing the Secretary of the con gress, and we will forward information to all delegates to the congress as soon as we learn of their appointment, j RESULTS. The congress has held nine sessions il»iMflKi.i:il |? Summer Dress Fabrics! | | Our dress goods preparation for the pres- tent | ent season is intensely practical. We ♦ ♦ v_ don't think you ever looked over a better ♦ t assorted stock, consisting as it does wholly ♦ | °* popular styles, standard and reliable ♦ X \\ * a b r * cs » an d tne profusion of novelties of | I Jv \UA V ne attractive, desirable kinds just suited ♦ X M^\^^^YiJ- /to y° ur needs. There's elegance, style ♦ I anc * quality which commands admira- $ t " tion, and the prices—lower than ever | | before encountered on textiles of equal worth and merit. ♦ Black Grenadines, Special 29c yard.. From a most satisfactory sale of these goods last week there still remains some few choice patterns to which we've added a limited quantity of new de signs for Monday's selling. Very pretty open work effects in scroll and stripe openwork, 3S inches wide and worth regular 50c per yard. A saving oppor tunity worth your while. Fancy Mohair Suitings. 36 inches wide, in neat fig ured effects, in colors of gar net, navy, reseda, new blue and purple. Just the thing for a neat summer suit. Price, 20c yard. Fancy Tartan Plaids. 36 inches wide, in silk barred effects, in new and desirable shades for spring. Just right for a neat waist or for a child's suit—styles you'd judge to be of 50c value. THE PRICE IS 25c YARD. Cheviot Suitings. 46 inches wide, very pretty fabrics for outing or jacket suits. All-wool with the extra rough effect. Very desirable and very superior values. PRICED 75c PER YARD. Black Grenadines. We've just to hand by express a few new patterns, most at tractive in design, lacey open work, checks, stripes, etc. These are the season's favorites and made up over colored linings produce costumes most rich and elegant for street or evening wear. These are exclusive pat terns, priced from $10.50 to $17.50 the suit. WASSERMAN, KAUFMAN & CO. If You Have m Glasses you need a case and this store is the place where a complete line of these goods are kept, at a small price, both fancy and plain cases. No charge for testing your sight.* A large assortment of the latest hearing instruments. CHINN, Optician, JS2,€> K. Street. influencing the National Congress to a greater degree than all other bodies in the United States together, among which may be noted the annexation of Hawaii, deep water on the gulf, reduced railway transportation, the Nicaragua Canal, the bankrupt law, and a general awakening of the agricultural and com mercial interests of the West. It was through the influence of this congress that the Omaha Exposition was con ceived and a national appropriation se cured for its benefit. Direct all communications to the Sec retary at 140 North Main street, Wichita, Kansas. E. R. MOSES. Chairman. Great Bend, Kansas J. Hudson McKnight, Treasurer, Wichita, Kansas. PARLIAMENTARY ORATORY. Hints Given by an Ex-Doorkeeper of the House of Commons. When Simpkinson had been in retire ment some six months or so strange ru mors began to be whispered about among those members who had known him best. When his name was men tioned men would look at each other searchingly. as if asking, "Are you in the know?" Or they would retire mys teriously to secluded corners, where they raised their eyebrows, whistl-'d softly, and, in a word, signified • their surprise in the usual manner. * * * The fact is, Simpkinson had begun to give private lessons in parliamentary oratory to new members and to others who had never acquired the art. No mere candidates were received on any pretext whatever. Indeed, his pupils had to produce evidence that they had signed the roll and taken their seats before they were admitted to the Simp kinsonian sanctum. When once these preliminaries had been satisfactorily settled Mr. Simpkinson welcomed his honorable friends with a courtly urban ity worthy of Mr. Speaker himself. From repeated conversations 1 haw had with a few of those who do not mind owning that they have sat at the feet of Simpkinson, it is evident that hi* course of instruction followed fixed and definite lines and varied but little. He would begin: "You will scon find that it matters but little what you say in the House of Commons, while every thing depends on how you say it. Ac quiring what is 'known as 'the Housa of Commons style' is more than half the battle. Give 'em plenty of 'hum' and 'haw'; to 'er, er.' is human, you know" —he would invariably laugh at this an cient little jest, though he had made it a hundred times. He had great sue - cess' in this part of his tuition, and the one instruction which all his pupils faithfully carried out was contained in the hint that the House of Commons was always impressed when a speaker did not appear to know what he was talking alroutt, and had no notion What to say next. Having thus grounded the beginner in the fiist pr:nc pies of House of C mm ns oratory—hesitation, a little stammti Checked and Striped Tailor Suitings. 44 inches wide, in silk and wool mixtures; very nobby and stylish suitings for street traveling or the seaside onting costume. Colorings in blues, greens, grays and tans. PRICE. $1.25 YARD. Odd Lengths for Suits and Skirts. Monday morning will find quite a number of very desir able lengths of summer fahrics, containing sufficient yardage for separate dress skirts and some will make you a full suit. These remain from the bolts that faded away in last week's great selling. Black and colors, plain and fancy; and this week a 25 per cent, reduction in price will clear them away rapidly. Dress Findings. Stock in this line as select as our dress goods and every wanted kind at the lowest prices. We quote in brief: Corduroy skirt bindings, 5c per yard. Never wear out, brush skirt binding, 8c per yard. Angora braid skirt binding, a full line of colors, 5 yard length in each piece. 8c piece. Skirt linings are here in every kind, weight, color and price desired—an unrivaled assort ment. Cotton moreens in all the pop ular colors, 15c yard. Jupon, a firm, light-weight summer skirt lining. 12'_ c yard. Velour skirt linings in all the wanted shades. 20c yard. Wattea skirt lining in at tractive designs. 20c yard. POULTRY, POTATOES, BUTTER, FISH, and plenty other go-id things to eat. Always fresh and always the best possible quality at CURTIS & CO.'S MARKET, 308 X Street ing, endless repetition, a reasonable amount of self-contradiction, and any amount of "hum" and "haw" —Mr. Simpkinson would proceed to teach a few of the more necessary formulae. How and when to remark, "I venture to say," or, "I have yet to learn," Wading up by many a subtle gradation to that final clima*c reserved for very special occusions, "I even go so far as to ven ture to think"—ah this was carefully ex plained. "All this sort of thing," he would say, "may seem trivial to a stranger, but it makes all the differ ence between success and failure in the House. For instance, if you were to ask point blank, "Will any man affirm that two and two make four?' most likely some member would call out 'Yes.' But if you put it like this: 'Will any man come down to this Hoiisf\ and stand up in his place, aim venture to say that two and two make four." they'll all sit mum. It impresses 'cm; I don't know why, but it does. Again, supposing you say something which is not quite accurate—you know what I mean —and the other side calls our, 'Oh, oh!' all you have to do is to turn to your men and say very indignantly, T am within the recollections of the House,' and if your side HSnowa its bus iness it will cheer like mad." Having made sure that these rudi mentary points had been appreciate!, Simpkinson directed the attention of his friends and pupils to the question of the hat in Pai I f m.nt. He h?d ma c this subject a specialty. "Let me im plore you." he would say with re.J feeling, "never to encourage the pesti lent heresy that a member should sit in his place uncovered. Wearing the hat in the House is a great privilege. Do not the police cry. 'Hats off, stran gers!' every day when Mr. Speaker passes through the lobby? That alone shows that the member may, if he likes, as a matter of privilege and right, keep his on. Disraeli was a gifted man, I grant, and Gladstone was well informed; but I have always admired PaimerSton more than either—he wore his hat in the House, and they did not." —Winds >r Magazine. By Rail to Ararat. We can soon go to Ararat, or its vi cinity, by rail. The Russians begun In liSUG the construction of a line from Titiis, on the Transcaucasian Railroad, southwest 185 milts to Kars, a fortified place near the Turkish border, and un til recently in Turkish territory (cap tured in 1577), through a mountainous country. Kars is 5)689 feet above sea level, which is 4,,100 feet higher than Tifli*. There are thirteen tunnels and seventeen large bridges on the line. At this time the road bed is nearly com pleted and 120 miles of track laid, but the formal opening of the road is to be next September. The railroad is chiefly lmj>ortan.t for strategic purposes. It has cost about $10,'MH),00l>.— Engineer ing News. . The man who Is fond of books is usually a man of lofty thought and elevated opinions.—Dawson.