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The Indianapolis Times <.% smirrs-iiowARD newspaper) ROT W. HOW ARD l*reMent TALCOTT POW ELL Editor EARL D. RAKER ........ Business Manager Phone RMey 5551 Member ot CnltM Press. S'Ttpim - Howard Newspaper Alliance, Newspaper Enter prise Association. Newspaper Information Sorrtce anil Au dit Bureau of Circulation*. Owned and published daily irxrept Sunday! by The In dianapolis Times Publishing Cos. 214-220 W. Marvin nd-st. Indianapolis, Ind Price in Marion County, 3 cents a copy; delivered by carrier. 12 renta a week. Mail subscrip tion rates in Indiana. $3 a year; outside of Indiana, 65 cents a month. ; t a L-_ ; -= _ Oil a l.t'jht nn<! the People Wul Fm'l Thrir Own Wap WEDNESDAY. AUG 28. 1935. A DANGEROUS DISPUTE TN its note rejecting as unfounded the State Department's protest, the Moscow govern ment is guilty of bad diplomacy. The diffi culty. of course, is that the Kremlin writes with an eye to home readers just as the State Department does. Every' political realist knows that it is a;. Impossible for Stalin to kick out the Com munist International as it is for President Roosevelt to go into the coming campaign as a Communist ally. The praise of Roosevelt as the anti-Fascist hope, which came from the Communist International meeting may seem very friendly to Moscow but it certainly is a political liability here. If Moscow were wise it would not have re plied to the sharp American note in kind. It would have sought a way out of a dangerous impasse. The impasse is dangerous not be cause of Communist propaganda activities but because of the international situation. If President Roosevelt had evidence or be lieved that Russia was deliberately trying to overthrow this government, it seems clear that he would and should have broken diplomatic relations at once without talking about it. Until such overt evidence is forthcoming, it can only be assumed that Russia's violation of her pledge was of a technical rather than a willful nature. But, technical or otherwise, nations during an international crisis can not fire notes at each other with such belligerent phrases as “serious consequences” without shaking world affairs. It is not an exaggeration to say that a break between the United States and Russia would strengthen the world forces for war, at the very’ moment when the flames are smolder ing in the Far East, are about to blaze forth in Africa, and are seriously threatened in Europe. The sooner this Russian dispute is settled the better. ONE GOOD EFFECT COME critics of the Roosevelt tax-the-rich bill, ourselves included, charged it was motivated by politics. Certainly it has been proved to be neither a revenue-producer nor a real tax revision. Yet it is interesting to note that, if, as charged, the primary purpose was to deflate the Huey Long share-the-wealth boomlet, the President’s gesture has not been in vain. Three months ago Huey Long's share-the wealth clubs were mushrooming all over the country. The Kingfish had the answer to our economic troubles. “Every man a king! Five thousand dollars and a home for every family! Take it away from the billionaires!” Then along came the President's bill to tax the rich at rates more drastic than Huey Long had proposed. And what was the esti mated yield 9 Enough to give $2 apiece to every man, woman and child in the country. An average of about $8 or $lO a family. Presumably, the Kingfish could not think up any amendments to sweeten its promise. Anyway, he didn’t. The Congressional Record covering the two days of debate preceding Senate passage of the tax bill fails to dis close a single suggestion or a single speech by the Kingfish. He was absent, as a matter of fact, and did not return until the tax job was out of the way. Meanwhile, public and congressional debate on wealth taxation has punctured Huey Long's extravagant sounding share-the-wealth talk. A demagog, says Webster, is “one who plays an insincere role in public life for the sake of gaining political influence.” Demagoguery in politics, like bluffing in stud poker, works all right, until you get caught. THE LEGION MYTH ONCLUSION of the American Legion state convention in Indianapolis has brought to thousands of residents of this city t::e realization that the Legion membership contains none of the ‘‘bad boy" elements so widely attributed to that organization. The Indiana Legionnaires are to be con gratulated for effectively dispelling a libelous myth. Theirs was a gathering of adult men and women, who went through the world's most disastrous war in active service, and who con ducted their business here with dignity and dispatch. When play-time came, the Legion played, cleanly and In the true American spirit. It was a great convention and to the new leaders of the State Legion this newspaper ex tends every wish for a successful year. We hope they all come back. DOES HISTORY REPEAT? WOODROW WILSON entered the presi dency in 1913 with a militant program of domestic reform. That program re viewed today shows a surprising similarity between the new freedom of Wilson and the New Deal of Roosevelt. Under Wilson there came the Underwood tariff, the income tax law. the Federal Re serve Act. the Federal Trade Commission Act, the Clayton Anti-Trust Act, all bitterly op posed by big business, as are the Rooseveltian acts of today. Almost precisely the same alignments existed then as exist now. Suddenly came war in Europe. From that l fateful month of August. 1914. through the rest of Wilson’s presidency, domestic issues were pushed far into the background. Had it not been for that war. many of the domestic reforms that Franklin Roosevelt has advocated undoubtedly would have been Drought about by Wilson two decades ago. Today, as the reform Congress of 1935 ends, Europe and war again dominate American at tention. Is history to repeat? Are our domestic problems once more to be submerged by a flood of events from abroad? What happens in the next 30 days may give the answer. ARMY PUTS ON A SHOW THERE is a homely American touch to the news that throngs of tourists have been so dense in the vicinity of Pine Camp, N. Y.. that the elaborate war games being practiced by troops there have been in danger of ac tual interruption. These games are the most elaborate ever held by the American Army. Some 35,000 regulars and national guardsmen have been assembled to go through maneuvers. The United States has never seen such a large as semblage of troops in time of peace. Naturally, the thing has been a bait for tourists. Army officials have estimated that at least half a million Americans are trying to get a look at the soldiers. We can’t be in much danger of militarism when the gay indiscipline of sightseers can overwhelm the American Army itself. DEATH ON A TRESTLE SIX Ohioans, taking an afternoon hike through the country, sought to shorten their homeward journey by walking along a railroad trestle over a little ravine. A freight train came along while they were in the mid dle of the trestle and it was unable to stop in time. Two of the six people were killed and a third was painfully injured. The moral of this tragic little story is too obvious to need mentioning—-or it would be. if it were r.ot for the fact that people still do use railroad bridges as footpaths, in spite of everything. A railroad bridge, then—to restate the ob vious—is a place for railroad trains, not pedes trians. It may offer a. welcome shortcut when you are out on a hike; but it is also a death trap, and if you use it you are taking your life in your hands. GILSON GARDNER of the gentlest souls that ever went forth to battle has withdrawn from the conflicts of this earth. Gilson Gardner, a militant champion of the abused peoples of the world and once pre eminent among Washington correspondents, has died. He left a record of journalistic in tegrity for younger men of his profession to emulate. It was his fortune to be associated inti mately with two of the great men of his time and to leave the impress of his stubbornly exalted character upon them both. One was Theodore Roosevelt and the other E. W. Scripps. Gilson Gardner never clamored for the freedom of the press. He accepted it as a mat ter of course, using it not for his personal ad vantage, but for the public welfare. So long as journalism occasionally produces men of his kind the press will remain free. In Washington and throughout the coun try there are hundreds in public life and in newspaper work who knew and loved this quiet, friendly man and who recognize the loss to the world that comes with his death. NOW, FOR THE TEST \ DMINSTRATION of the new Guffey- Snyder coal legislation calls for the best brains and greatest devotion to public service thai President Roosevelt can commandeer. Getting the right men is made more diffi cult by the threatened attacks on the bill’s constitutionality. The jobs may not last long. But no second-raters should be trusted, even temporarily, with the important responsibilities of advancing the public welfare and simul taneously bringing peace and prosperity to the bituminous industry. Here is a bill damned by its foes as pos sessing almost every conceivable fault, and pre scribed by its friends as the only cure for long existing evils that have oppressed both capital and labor. If this plan succeeds, it will provide a pat tern for other industries whose workers and management wish to unite. That will be true even if the Supreme Court invalidates the law. If it fails, through faulty administration or weaknesses in the plan itself (not including possible unconstitutionality), those who strive for co-operation between capital and labor under government umpiring will lose heart. The law will fail if its administration per mits any producing section to steal the mar kets of any other section; if the public is gouged with unjust prices; if any labor organ ization is permitted to squeeze out any other legitimate labor organization: if strife and poverty continue among mine workers. We supported the coal bill because soft-coal evils cried for help long before the depres sion and ceased for only a brief time under NR A. We hope to be the first to condemn if the law is used for selfish purposes We believe there are enough safeguards in the legislation itself, and enough others in the laws of economics, and enough good sense among coal operators and coal miners, to prevent the possible evils here listed. But all these protections will fail if ad ministration of this admittedly experimental law is intrusted to incompetent or politically minded men. NEUTRALITY LAW HELPS ' I 'HE neutrality bill passed by Congress is a step in the right direction—but only a step. If we expect too much of it, we lay ourselves open for an unpleasant surprise some day. Probably the best way to see how it would work in actual practice is to go back 20 years and imagine what would have happened if it had been passed in 1915. Its chief provision is a ban on the ship ment of munitions to warring countries. This would have had a very direct and marked effect in 1915 and .1916. Millions of shells which burst along the German lines between Switzerland and the North Sea were made in America; their use had much to do with arous ing German resentment to the point where unrestricted submarine warfare was declared. So if we had had this law in 1915, our chances of getting embroiled would have been substantially lessened. It must be remembered, also, that some of our great industrial con cerns which found so many dividends and jobs in the munitions trade would have gone idle. *i Next, the bill prevents American ships from carrying embargoed articles to the ports of warring nations, and forbids Americans to travel on the ships of belligerents except at their own risk. This would have saved us at least a little of the submarine warfare trouble; it might also have pulled a few teeth of the Lusitania tragedy, although the emotional shock of that affair would still have been great. The other provisions—barring the use Df American ports to the submarines of bellig erents which made illegal use of the American flag—would have been of minor consequence. So much for what the law would have done for us in the World War. Now for what it would not have done. It would not have kept us from selling mil lions upon millions of dollars worth of wheat, oil, autos, beef. copper, cotton, steel and simi lar commodities to the allies, nor would it have kept American snips carrying such com modities from passing through the war zones. It would r.ot have kept our bankers from floating billions in loans to finance those pur chases. And it was that trade, far more than the trade in munitions, which made us in effect the silent partner of the allies, and persuaded Germany that the chance of victory by sub marine warfare was worth the risk of bring ing us in as an avowed combatant. The law would have helped, undeniably. It is doubtful, however, if it would have helped quite enough. When Congress reconvenes this winter it should give earnest thought to a possible broadening of the law, if it hopes to guarantee American neutrality. MISPLACED BLAME 'T'HAT old theory that the big manufactur ing city whose population includes a high percentage of foreign-born is the most fer tile field for crime seems to have been ex ploded by statistical studies recently an nounced by Prof. William F. Ogburn of the University of Chicago. Prof. Ogburn discovered, first of all, that cities having a large percentage of foreign born had actually less crime, proportionately, than cities wit*, largely native-born popula tions. Secondly, he learned that the thickly popu lated East has a crime rate only a little more than half as great as that of a more thinly settled West. It would be well if these findings could be widely broadcast. It appears that by blam ing our lawlessness on the foreign-born we have simply been kidding ourselves—'and as long as we do that we can’t expect to reduce the crime rate very much. Liberal Viewpoint BY DR. HARRY ELMER BARNES THERE has undoubtedly been enormous prog ress in the rights and status ot organized labor in the last century. But this progress has been spotted, and many of the inroads upon la bor rights which were common 100 years ago still crop up from time to time. In his inter esting book on "The Workers and Their World’’ (The A. L. P. Committee, $1.50). Joseph Schloss berg calls to our aid the similarity between the crusade for deporting laborers in England in 1834 and in the United States a century later. “In 1834, six English land workers, in the village of Tolpuddle, in Dorset, were transported to penal colonies in Australia for the crime of organizing a trade union of agricultural work ers. When pronouncing sentence, the judge said that the exile for seven years—the highest penalty under the law—was intended not only as a punishment for the prisoners, but also as a warning for others. “The workers had the legal'right to organ ize. But woe to those who attempted to use that right. There were judges ready to trans port them to a penal colony in Australia, not only as a punishment for themselves, but as a warning to others. In England of those days, the technical excuse was the harmless initiation ceremony for new members. Excuses are easy to find. “In this country, years back, Socialism of I. W. W. (International Workers of the World) was the convenient charge against trade union ists. Now it is Communism. That is the charge against discontented workers who assert them se.ves. They may be Republicans or Democrats, but if they are dissatisfied and demand their rights, they are Communists. If a modern va riety of a penal colony is brought into being, of whatever else it may be, it will be for Com munists and non-Communists, aliens and Amer ican citizens. The six martyrs of Tolpuddle were not aliens in England. They were British subjects, and sent to jail regardless of their citizenship. tt tt THE talk of deporting aliens as trouble mak ers is hypocrisy. The threat is intended to frighten all workers into submission. That is the meaning of the turbulent events in San Francisco. Portland, Seattle, Minneapolis, Mil waukee, Toledo and other industrial centers, even as it was of the events in the life of George Loveless and his heroic comrades : 00 years ago.” Mr. Schlossberg is a veteran of the labor movement and a leader in the very important and up-to-date Amalgamated Clothing Workers of America. His book is an authoritative and entertaining survey of the principles of labor or ganization, leading figures in the contemporary labor movement in Europe and America, and the status of the labor movement, especially in the United States, England, Germany, Italy and Russia. While recognizing the uncertainty of cur age, he has complete faith in the ultimate triumph of the labor movement. .“In our swiftly moving age no one can say what the next day may bring. Some people think that Hitlerism will force anew world war, which will destroy civilization. That is possible. But it is also possible that Hitlerism will bring about its downfall much sooner. That will mean the re-creation of the labor movement. The new German labor movement will be different from the old one. It is impossible that the tragic lessons of the past should be lost in the future. tt U tt “ TUST what the new labor movement will be J like will depend upon the forces within the movement. The future of all labor movements, including the American, lies in their own laps’ It will be just what they will make it. In view of the events in recent times, the organized workers of the' world should realize that the su preme mission of the labor movement is to end all class rule and inaugurate a free economic society. The labor movements, which will emerge from the ruins of Nazism, Fascism and general reaction will be, as they must be, militant move ments.” In his "Intelligentsia of Great Britain” (Co vici Friede, $2.50) Dmitri Mirsky includes among other biographical studies estimates of such important leaders of British labor and radicalism as G. D. H. Cole, Harold Laski, Bertrand Russell, Bernard Shaw and H. G. Wells. "The Interna tional Protection of Labor” by Boutelle Ellsworth Low (The Macmillan Company. $3.50) is an ex tremely useful compilation of the history and present status of international labor legislation. In Iris "Rubber Truncheon” (Dutton. $2.50) Wolf gang Langhcx gives us a picture of what hap pens to German labor leaders and other German radicals who presume to defy the Nazi regime. It is a graphic account of life for more than a year in a Nazi concentration camp. A New York theater-goer has to be alert these days; otherwise, after waiting in line for his ticket, he’s liable to find he’s been picketing. Sally Rand will act in “Rain. H Maybe she ought to put something on. THE INDIANAPOLIS TIMES The Message Center (Times readers are invited to express their views in these columns. Make pour letters short, so all can hare a chance. Limit them to 2>o worils or less. Your letter must be sinned, but names will be withheld at reguest ot the letter writer.) a tt a VIEW OF SITUATION IN ECONOMICS By Another Reader No manufacturer can continue to produce goods at a money loss. In our system of production and dis tribution, the sole emphasis is placed upon the money value of goods rather than upon their social value in service. The money value is controlled by the ease or difficulty in obtaining money as a medium of exch *ige. This control of money, or its sub stitute, credit, permits those who control it to obtain goods without making any social contribution. This group is the parasite on the whole social body. Through this control of money, this group is able to steal legally the contribution made by those who do produce the real wealth tor social use. This control of money and credit gives this group the power to de stroy the wealth-producing ability of all who work in production and distribution. By restricting the volume of money in circulation and forcing the producers 'to borrow credit at interest as a substitute for money that is not in circulation, this group lives in luxury on the toil of all who work and absolutely controls the power ctf those who do work to cre ate goods for their own consump tion. The contraction of credit which is a substitute for money forces the delivery of the products of labor at low money prices to the nonproduc ers, which amounts to legalized con fiscation. This power to control the medi um of exchange at will and to col lect toll for the use of credit amounts to despotism. It brings on the collapse of in dustry and the suffering of those who want to work but are denied the opportunity, and makes relief necessary and permits the confisca tion of the property of industry and the homes of the workers through j bankruptcy and foreclosures. a a tt DEPLORES FAILURE TO SOLVE MURDER By J. E. Wyttenberr Nearly one year ago, a vicious , murder was done. The resultant in | vestigation was bungled and then \ the case was allowed to die grad ually of senility just as many other of our murder cases of late. This case which I speak of is the Dillon boy who lived on Shelby-st. and whose body was found trussed up with rope and stuffed into a sewer beneath the Pleasant Run bridge at Shelby-st. Can’t some pressure be brought to bear on the homicide detail to really try to solve this terrible crime and bring the guilty one or ones to light? tt tt M AMERICANS WON’T TOLERATE ANOTHER WAR By R. S. P. Big Bill Thompson, the book burning Mayor of Chicago, had the right idea all along when he used to storm about the perfidy and downright orneriness of His Maj esty’s Empire. Ever since Queen Victoria ex panded the gates of London to Asia and Africa. England has tried to get the United States in on her wars on the simple theory that all Eng lish -speaking people ought to band together to protect Great Britain. Strangely enough, some of the American folk had the idea that King George also ruled the United , States and if he said go to the front NOT AGAIN! Scores ‘Military Rule ’ By H. L. Sceger It looks very much like the Democratic Party has gone drunk with power. The attitude is very much like that which prevailed during the days of the reign of the Klan, when “I am the law” was the modus operandi. The bill of rights and our con stitutional guaranties are suspend ed at will, when they apply to per sonal rights, but are at the same time doubly enforced as they con cern the rights of property. The declaration of martial law made by former Gov. Leslie for Sullivan County at the time of the coal strike there has never been lifted. Officers of the military de partment of the state stationed at Shakamak Park are still the nom inal controllers of the county as far as the declaration by Leslie is concerned. Can any one remember a dec laration of martial law to protect the personal rights as set out in the bill of rights? Why a dual gov ernment of military and civil au thority, with the military supreme as concerns the suspension of the personal guaranties of the bill of rights? When does the declared military rule cease, if ever, in any district or county, where there is any possible chance of a strike against working or wage condi tions? Now Vigo County is added to the list of Russianized czarist rule. line trenches they ought to pick up their rifles and go. The English ambassador, Col. House, and Woodrow Wilson in dulged in this theory and sure enough the United States found it self in the "war to end war” in 1917. The mouth of the Blue Nile in Ethiopia is pretty far away from the comfortable American hearth, but his majesty's men are mad as blazes because America won’t sub scribe to the theory that it some how is mixed up in protecting Brit ain's river. The roast beef mind of the Brit isher can’t get over the idea that the United States is a part of Great Britain and can be called upon to mobilize the moment Parliament gives (he word. I have never seen any historical record of England rushing to Amer ica’s aid in the Spanish-American War, or before that helping the American frontiersmen subdue the noble red man. Mr. Roosevelc, heretofore a rather sensible man as President’s go, seems to have stuck his nose out too far in opposing neutrality leg islation. The American voter is a patient fellow who can stand about anything but being a target lor an Italian sniper. u tt a ANOTHER BONUS PROSPECT AND THE NEW WAR By Victor Volmer. The Italians and the Ethiopians apparently will wind up in a foot race down there in Africa among the lions. The English don’t want the lions insulted that way down there, so they'll save the civilization by horning in on the race. Some say it’ll be a real race, and everybody will be in on it. The Ethiopians are good runners, they've got it on us with their footgear, all they wear is spats, the rest of us will wear military pontoons studded with hobnails. Then, later they’ll be talking about another bonus again, and that ought to encourage the veterans now* waiting for the one now way overdue. Yes, that’ll also give them a chance to clean up their World War laundry bills. The soldiers never did balance their bud get in those days unless they had checks coming from home. If a new bonus will be an issue that'll [1 wholly disapprove of what you say and will 1 defend to the death your right to say it. — Voltaire. J The Constitution provides that the military power shall always be subject to the civil power, except in case of complete suspension or breakdown of civil authority. The military is the agent of the civil authority, not vice versa. When the courts are still operat ing, granting injunctions, divorces and money judgments, there can be no contention that civil au thority is suspended. Such condi tions raise a serious doubt of judi cial integrity. It seems as if the Democratic Party has found ways to block labor from protesting any of the grievances by speech, press and assemblage, much less the use of its only economic weapon, the power of strike. Are we drifting toward the totalitarian state of czarism and dictatorship? We must not forget what were the re sults of such government in Rus sia. Liberty can not safely be sup pressed with impunity for very long. Labor will be compelled to or ganize an American Labor Party, if it can not trust either of the major parties to guarantee civil privileges and rights. If it is to be martial law anywhere, let it apply to all alike. Why make the Constitution a scrap of paper? What does the so called right to strike amount to under these conditions? The dis guise is very thin. help our future Congress ride into office for years to come. That will make everything right with every body and defeat the depression with a few strokes. Just leave it to Mus solini. a a a PUBLIC LEADERS CONFRONTED WITH WAR DEBT PROBLEM By R. H. Stone The two oceans are still there. What happens to them and beyond them comes thundering in our ears. Hastily, we have passed a form of neutrality regulations. Something is out of joint. For, we have said our internal structure must be made over, due to no foreign trade. Evi dently, our planning engineers did not keep their eye on the trade mechanism. While they were tin kering with the blueprints for the rebuilding of the machine, this same machine went off and left them. It may be a good thing our mor bidness about that trade practice is given a healthy jar from outside. It looks as though we had better tend to business. The fates have decreed we formulate our foreign policy apart from the League of Nations. Therefore, we should get busy and put into effect a foreign policy evolved out of the best traditions of our nation as made possible through our form of government based upon a written Constitution. Napoleon said that war was no place for a debating society. Men who served overseas know that the older nations never slacken their watch. If we stop gnawing at the vitals of our traditions and gird ourselves to defend our territory by clearing away the foolish entangle ments of finance drawn up 20 years ago we will command respect in the family of nations. Silly vaudeville acts in which we put on smoked glasses through which to view the world will fool no body. If with boldness we emanci pate the old world of war debts as Daily Thought For great is the Lord, and greatly to be praised; H' also is to be feared above all gods.—l Chronicles xvl^s. FEAR is the mother of foresight. —Sir Henry Taylor. .AUG. 28, 1935 Lincoln did the slaves we will start a train of events that will lead to a lasting era of life for all mankind. We would be on firm ground to re duce prohibitive trade barriers be tween the nations. As it now stands we look like a spoiled child fum bling with broken toys (debts). We need men in public and private life who will look squarely at the facts about war debts. The spirit of America is not dead. It still lives. tt O tt ITALIAN-ETIIIOPIAN FLAREUP SIMILAR TO 1919 PROBLEM By George Fisher The Italian-Ethiopian controversy, the international dollar diplomacy of the hour, might be compared with a similar situation in Europe in 1919. At that time, the new govern ment in Russia, having instituted new economic relations among her people, although not firmly estab lished. became a menace to old forms of international capitalism. The new Russia, still writhing in agony in the birthpains of anew era, had to be stopped then and there. Germany, weary of war and great numbers of her people in sympathy with the Russian experiment, could not be persuaded in any way to help overthrow the Bolsheviki. Even England and France had to resort to covert aggression. Poland, drunk with enthusiasm over its new independence, would have been an ideal aggressor had it had the means to that end. An agreement soon was concocted whereby England and France were to supply the money and munitions. Organized labor of the two coun tries refused to load or transport the merchandise of war. Poland could not expedite her ambitions and labor had shown its humani tarian cause in international diplo macy. Admitted that organized labor never was as forceful a power in the American state of affairs as their contemporaries in Europe, outstand ing leaders proclaimed and hailed the seventh clause of the NRA the Magna Charta of labor. Then came the evasion and reluctance policy of the President’s code administration in the coal, steel and automotive industries and its unavoidable in fluence upon the rest of organized labor. According to surface indication, the President would like to go con siderably farther in the mainte nance of neutrality than either branch of Congress. Our Dream BY M How happy, dear Close on your breast To lay my head And silent rest. To feel you near And love you so Oh, this I know And know I know. I hear your words Os love repeat And truly know Life’s joys complete. Who never found A love as ours I pity all Lost golden hours. Come sun or rain These joys I’ll know In storm or strife Forevermore. You brought me life Complete tat last I have our dream No more must ask.