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ish our exports. Now suppose, to make this mat ter too plain for cavil or dispute, that we export* ed to Great Britain one hundred thousand hales of cotton, worth, (at thirty dollars a bate) three millions of dollars, and that we received in ex change three millions of dollars worth of British cotton goods. How much of out cotton would it take to manufacture these good.-,? Why, just twenty-five thousand bales, wnne me remaining seventy-five thousand would be disposed of on the continent. But suppose the importation of these goods prohibited, in order that they should be made at home, what portion of this cotton would find a home market? Only twenty-five thousand bales, and the remaining seventy-five thousand must be left upon our hands. Thus, it will be seen, that the effect of substituting a home market in the place of a foreign market for our cotton, would be to deprive us entirely of a market for three fourths of our productions. This result is inevitable, unless the domestic manufac turer can enter into competition with the British in foreign markets, an idea altogether too extra vagant to be worthy of serious notice; for surely, if any thing can be considered certain, we may safely assume that articles which cannot be man ufactured at home without a protecting duty of from fifty to one hundred per cent., cannot enter into competition with foreign manufactures in the markets of the world, where they will, of course, have no protection whatever. But to return to the condition ot the north under the protecting poliev. if the rich fruits of the system in that quarter were greater even than they are alleged to be, I should still think that they have been purchased at too dear a rate. It has even mere] depressed our commerce, disturbed all the rela tions of society, and had a tendency to produce that inequality of fortunes, which may, one day or other, be fatal to the liberties of this country. Surveying with the feelings of an American the actual ecthdition of things, I should certainly be disposed to exchange all the blessings which the protecting system has produced, even in rvew England, for those which it has destroyed. In the^place of the splendid villages, flourishing manufactories, joint stock companies, and lordly proprietors, clothed in fine liner,, and faring sump tuously every day, as a patriot, I should be dis posed to say, give me back the ships which have been destroyed, the merchants which have been reduced to bankruptcy, the sailors that have been forced into foreign servico, the “plundered plough men and beggard yeomanry,’” who have been driven from the pursuits of their choice into the gloomy walls of a manufactory; give me back these; and above all, give me back content—res tore the peace and harmony which this system has destroyed, and I will consent that every manu facturing establishment shall be razed to its foun dation, which has been built up, and can only be sustained, by this accursed system. Sir, it wealth were the highest good of a nation, and pecuniary profit the only standard by which a wise policy could be measured' it would even then be more than questionable, how far this system could be justified. But there are higher and more sacred principles involved in this question, which can not be safely disregarded; there are considera tions of justice, and political equality, which rise far above all calculations of mere profit nnd loss. Sir, what will it profit you, if you gain the whole world, and lose the hearts of your people? This is a confederated government, founded on a spir it of mutual conciliation' concession, and compro mise, and it is neither a just, prudent, nor right ful exercise of the high trust with which you are invested fur the common good, to resort to a sys tem o*” legislation by which benefits and burthens are unequally distributed. Sir, can any gentle man look this subject fairly in the face, and not perceive that such a government as ours (institu ted for a few- definite purposes, in which every portion of the Union must, from the very nature of tilings, have a common interest) cannot turn aside from their high duties, and undertake to control the domestic industry of individuals, with out undermining the very foundations of our re publican system. It is contrary to the whole genius and character ot our institutions; the ve ry form and structure of our government, that it should undertake to regulate the whole labor and capital of this extensive country. A per severance in this course will sow the seeds of dissention broadest throughout the land, and let it be remembered, that discord is not a plant of slow growth, but one that flourishes in every soil, and never fails to produce its fruit in due season. Whai a spectacle do you even now exhibit to the world? A large portion of your fellow citizens belioving themselves to be grieviously oppressed by an unwise and unconstitutional system, are clamoring at your doors for justiee, while ano ther portion, supposing that they are enjoying rich bounties under it, are treating their complaints w ith scorn and contempt. God only knows where all this is to end. But it “will not, and it cannot, come to good.” We at the South still call you our brethren, and have ever cherished towards you the strongest feelings of affection, but were you the brothers of our blood, for whom we should coin our hearts, it is not in human nature that we should long continue to retain for you undimin ished affection, when all hope of redress shall havo passed away, and we shall continue to be lieve that you are visiting us with a hard and cruel oppression, and enforcing a cold, heartless, and selfish policy. I shall now proceed, Mr. President, to exam ine the character of the protecting system. And here, I shall assume, that the protection it extends to the American manufactures is something sui stantial, and affords some advantage, be it more or less, to the protected interests. I shall take it for granted, that it is intended to enable the American manufacturers io enter into that suc cessful competition with the foreign, which they could not do without such protection; that the ef fect of the system is to enable the American manufacturer to obtain more for his goods than he could otherwise command. In a word, that it afTords substantial protection, and is not like that extended fo cotton—a mere name. For, on this latter point, let it bo remembered, that the first cotton produced in this country found a market abroad; and that, even now, nearly the whole of it is disposed of in Europe, where it remains a 'successful competitiohe against all the world. It is id ;, therefore, to talk of the benefit of a pro-j tecting duty to cotton at home. It is beyond alij dispute, Sir, that, if any duty be necessary to protection, it can only be, because it enables the manufacturer to sell his goods for more than he could otherwise obtain for them. Now, in this view of the subject, let us see how the question will stand. How must such a system operate, first, on the different interests, and secoxuly, on the different sections of the country? We will assume, that a particular manufacture cannot be produced in Ihe country, within nlty per cent, as cheaply at home, as the same article could be obtained from abroad, and that a duty which, w ith charges, should be equal to about fifty per cent, was absolutely necessary to introduce and to sustain it. Such a duty must operate as a tax on every other class in the community, for the benefit of the manufacturer; and supposing it to be imposed, not for revenue, but protection, would be a double tag:. Supposejtho value of the im ported articleito be a million of dollars, the duty would be half a million; and if the protection amounted to aa equal sum, here would be a tax of a million ol dollars imposed upon the whole people, to secure a bounty of half a million to one portion of them. But it is said the bounty is not confined to the manufacturers—that other classes participate. I admit that there is a cir1 cle embraced w ithin the range of the manufac turing influence, that partake of the benefits of the system. Farmers, mwhe neighborhood, who supply the operatives with food—mechanics, who construct the buildings and machinery—clergy men, physicians, lawyers, and others, who make up a manufacturing village, all come in for a share of the gains, and constitute, in fact, the protected class, which enjoy the benefits of the system; but nil other classes in the community must obviously' be laid under contribution, to make that a profitable, which would otherwise be an unprofitable pursuit; and, in the case assumed, would be taxed to the amount ot one million of dollars, to secure to the favored class a bounty of half a million. Now suppose, Sir, such a system as this to be extended to all the cottons, w'ooltens, iron and sugar, made in any countr , and we will take that country' to be the United States. We will suppose, further, that cottons could not be profitably manufactured without a protecting duty of from twenty five to a hundred per cent. —woliens from forty five to two hundred per cent. —iron from one hundred and to two hundred per cent.—sugar from one hundred to one hundred and fifty per cent.; and that these duties were accordingly imposed on those several articles, (amounting in the whole to the sum of nine mil lions of dollars annually:) that, in consequence of those duties, the protection on all the cottons manufactured in the country was equal to three cents a yard, and amounted to six millions of dollars per annum—woliens to eight millions— iron to one million—and surgar a million and a half—producing, as the result of the whole system, a tax of nine millions on the foreign article to secure a bounty of sixteen millions and a half to the home manufacturers. I have supposed protection to he the exclusive object of this system, and it then clearly follows, that all other classes would be taxed twenty-five millions of dollars per annum, ill order to se cure to the favored class a protection of six teen millions.—The Government would, in deed, receive its nine millions; but it would be an aggravation of the evils of the system, that this amount should be levied when it was not wanted, in order to secure the protected classes in their monopoly. The rates of du ties which I have here assumed, are those now actually imposed on the protected articles; (and which it is proposed to retain as essen tial to protection,) and the amount of the pro tection enjoyed by the manufacturers is sta ted at the very lowest that has ever been eg timated by any person who has undertaken to examine the subject. If you suppose half of the duty here stated to be necessary for revenue—this would not diminish the weight of the burthen, though it would lessen to that extent the injustice of the tax,—and let gen tlemen make what deductions they please, either from the duty imposed or the bounty received; and it will make no difference what ever in the principle. Whether it be one mil lion or twenty, just so far 4s the system is protective, in its character, and impose any tax upon the foreign article, and affords any pro tection whatever to the domestic, is the sys tem a tax imposed upon the other classes to render profitable the industry of the manufac turers. And when this tax amounts, ns it dn questionably does in the case before us, at the very lowest estimate, to twenty or thirty mil lions a year, it becomes a scheme of monstrous injustice and oppression.—Now let us trace lliis system one step farther. Suppose such a system applied to a country of a homogene ous character, with the same capacity for man ufacturing every where, and that manufactur ing establishments should consequently be equally diffused through every section. The benefits and the burthens of the system would, in such a case, fall equally upon every portion of the country, though not upon the different interests of tlie state, it has been said that if the profits of manufacturers were raised by such a system, above the average of the pro fits of the whole community, that the labor and capital absorbed in other pursuits would flow into new employment; and that the whole would ultimately be equalized. Admit that in process of time, this might be the result; yet it could not take place at once, because men cannot transfer at pleasure their labor and capital from their accustomed pursuits to others. But if the profits should be thus ulti mately equalized in a particular community; yet if the favored pursuit was only rendered profitable by the protection extended to it—it is clear that the scheme would result in an ag gregate loss to the whole community—-equal to the full amount of the bounty. 1 have assumed the case of an unprofitable pursuit being ren dered profitable by the protecting system— for to any other case the system is wholly in applicable. If the domestic manufacturer can make his goods as cheaply and supply the do mestic market on ns favorable terms as they could be obtained from abroad, ther. it isclcarj that no protection whatever would be neces-1 sary. It may be that in the very infancy ofa manufacture, on its first introduction into a country, a small protection for a short time might hasten its advancement, but at most, the withholding of such protection could have no other effect than to delay its introduction for a few years—for the existence in any country, oi unemployed capital, and individual sagaci ty and enterprize, sufficient to direct it pru dently, would soon lead to the introduction of every branch cf manufactures, for which such couutry was really prepared.—But this stage of infancy once passed, it is preposterous to talk of the necessity of protecting any article that can really be made as cheaply at home as it can be obtained from abroad—and to as sert, that to reduce such protection to twenty or thirty per cent., would be ruinous to any manufacture, is to admit at once, that such article cannot be profitably made at home, and consequently that it can only be sustained at the expense of the other interests in the com munity. Now Sir, let us suppose another case, and it is unhappily the very case which now exists in the United States. We will suppose an extensive country, of which one portion is ezclusively agricultural, and incapable of chang ing its pursuits, and that the other portion embraces within its limits, all the manufac tures and manufacturing capacities of the whole country. I he bounty would then be exclusively enjoyed by one section, and the other would share only the burthenB of the system. To make the inequality still greater, it is only necessary to suppose that the agri cultural section is not only incapable of man ufacturing at home, but is prevented by insu perable obstacles, from emigrating or remov ing their property to the manufacturing re gion—that their industry can only be profita bly employed in exchanging their agricultur al productions, for the very foreign articles which enter into competition with the domestic man ufacturers, and which are heavily taxed for the protection of the latter,—that the effect of such tax is not only to interrupt the Inter course and impair the profits of their industry, but that the agricultural section is thereby exposed to the eminent hazard of having the market for their productions entirely cut off and finally, to cap the climax of this injustice abd oppression, that the money thus levied on the foreign articles, is expended al most exclusively in the foreign region—and you then have the whole case of the southern States laid open before you. Their pursuits are altogether agricultural—they cannot change them—they cannot transfer their labor and capital to the favored region—they can not find a market for their productions, except by exchanging them for the very foreign manufac tures which are taxed almost to prohibition, and the taxes thus raised arc expended in other sec tions. Is there a man in this assembly w ho can lay his hand upon his heart, and say that it is a just and equal system? It may be said, however, that all this is merely the result of our peculiar condition, and the nature of our pursuits. It is not so, Sir. All we ask, is to be let alone.— Leave us to the free enjoyment of the bounties of heaven, and the advantages of our situation, and we ask no more. But where is the justice and equality of a system of legislation which is to make profitable the industry of others by the destruction of our own? And by what right i9 it that we are to be made victims to the prosperity ot others? I will here borrow an illustration, to make this matter plain. The southern States supply themselves with woollens, cotton, a,.d iron, bv raising cotton, rice, and tobacco. Now, sup pose we should exchange a bale of cotton for a bale of coarse woollens, for the use of our slaves, containing, we will say, a hundred pieces. This bale of cloth is ours. It is the fruit of our own labor, of American capital, and home industry. We may be said to have manufactured it, not with the spindle and the loom, but with the plough and the hoe. Now, Sir, we will suppose that a nor thern manufacturer has, by the application of an equal amount of labor and capital, produced a similar bale of woollens, of precisely the same quality and value. In what respect is the manu facturer entitled to be regarded with more faqpr than the planter? Doe* the freight which we may have paid to the ship owner, nnd the employment given to navigation, entitle us to less favor in the eyes of the government? Are the plough and the hoe less favored instruments of production than the spindle and the loom? Perfect equality, Sir, would seem to require that we should stand, at least, on the same footing, and that, whether these woollens were wanted for consumption or for sale, they should be subject to exactly the same tax. But how are we treated by a just and paternal government, who careth, we are told, equally for all her children? Our bale of woollens is stop ped at the custom-house, nnd forty pieces are ta ken out, as a tax to the government, whereby our stock is reduced to sixty pieces, while the bale of the manufacturer is free from all taxation. If these articles are wanted for our own consump tion, we can consume but sixty pieces; while the manufacturer retains his hundred pieces. If the goods are wanted for sale, we have but sixty pie ces to be converted into money, or to be exchang ed for other commodities; while the manufacturer has his hundred pieces for the same purposes; and if we should happen to meet at the same mar ket, ns the two articles must sell at the same price, being of the same quality, the manufacturer will, of course, realize forty per cent, more than the planter. Now, Sir, what are we to do in this di lemma? How are we to escape this unequal bur den? The Senator from Kentucky (Mr. Clay) on a former occasion taxed his ingenuity to pro vide us the means of escape; and 1 must presume, that if his ingenuity failed, the case is altogether without hope. There are four ways, said the Senator, by which the South may avoid the tax. First, “by abstaining from the purchase of the foreign article.” But, Sir, we cannot do without them; and this trade, moreover, furnishes the on ly market for our productions. To adopt this al ternative, would be to seal our ruin. Secondly, said the gentleman, “employ the rival American fabric.” But, Sir, if the manufacturer would toko our cotton in exchange for his productions, (which he cannot do, except to a very limited ex tent,) we should pay as heavy a tax in tho price of the domestic, as in the duty on the foreign fa bric; for no one will pretend, that if the qualitv bo the same, there would be any difference of price in the American market. Thirdly, “man ufacture for ourselves.'' Sir, we cannot manu facture. Except as to a few coarse articles, slave labor is utterly incapable of being applied to such an object. Slaves are too improvident, too inca pable of that minute, constant, delicate attention, and that persevering industry, which is essential to the success of manufacturing establishments. It was but the other day that some of our New England brethren got it into their heads that they understood jut institutions better than we did our selves, and undertook to create a splendid manu facturing establishment in the district represented by my distinguished and valued friend, Mr. Me Duffie. It was accordingly put into operation, but had gone on but a short time, when one of the slaves was tempted to make free with the goods, and, to prevent detection, burnt up the whole es tablishment. It might be supposed, Sir, that the people of South Carolina would not have been inclined to punish such an offence with great se verity; and if the culprit had escaped, I presume we should not soon have heard the end of it. Not 90, Sir, however. We have a law which punish es arson, w hether committed by a black or a white man, with death. The offender was brought to trial, and being convicted on the clearest proof, suffered the penalty of the law. And, Sir, to show how little justice is sometimes meted out to the South, I will state the fact, that since 1 arriv ed here, I have seen an account of this transac tion in print, headed, with large capitals, “CRU ELTY TO SLAVES,” and representing that a poor innocent negro had recently been hanged in South Carolina, for burning down a building by accident. I think, Sir, the gentleman will now himself admit, that, to embrace this proposition, would only be, to use an old adage, “jumping out of the frying pan into the fire.” The last reme dy suggested by the gentleman, is, that we should “supply ourselves with household manufactures.” What, Sir, give up our foreign trade! Abandon our agricultural pursuits, and involve the whole southern country in desolation and ruin? Are we to he driven front the pursuits of our choice, in order to promote the industry of the manufactu rerf The case which I have slated, of the bale of woollens, illustrates the unequal operation of this system upon the agricultural industry of the south, and the manufacturing industry of the north._ What is true of a single hale, is true of the whole amount of foreign importations which are taxed for the protection of the domestic manufacture— true of the eight millions of imports received in exchange for the productions of South Carolina_ and of the forty millions received in exchange for the productions of the plantation States, or at leafet of so much thereof as embrace the protected articles. Out northern friends say, however, that part of our cotton and rice belongs to them. Be it. so. Whatever remains to us, and is rightfuilv ours, is subjected to the unequal system which I have above described. Sir, it is put beyond all dispute, that the agricultural industry erf the south is taxed, unequally,unjustly,enormously taxed in its foreign exchanges, in order to sender profitable the manufacturing industry of the north Taxed, I will not say to what extent—but precisely to the amount of the duty imposed for protection, and the price added to the domestic article, what ever these may he. It is said, Sir, that the con sumer pays the tax, and that the tariff States pay their full portion of the tax on their consumption. Sir, I think this may be well doubted—our habits are different. A South Carolina farmer, w hose crop is worth a thousand dollars, sends, perhaps, the whole of it to market, and exchanges it for foreign productions, paying, it may be, a duty of fifty per cent. His tax would be five hundred dollars; the northern or western farmer, raising produce to the value of a thousand dollars, will consume nine hundred of it on his farm, and ex change but a hundred for foreign articles, and be subjected to a duty of only fifty dollars. This difference of habits between the different parts of the country, is greater than would be supposed possible. I have known a wealthy planter in the neighborhood of Charleston, that did not raise a single article that was not sent to foreign markets, and who purchasetl every thing that was consum ed by himself or his slaves. His cloth from Eng land, his wines from France, his horses, mules, and hogs, from the west—his corn from Maryland —wooden ware, potatoes, and other notions, from New England; and I assure our New England friends, that although we do not relish all of their notions, there are some that we prize very highly. But, Sir, if the consumer did, in every case, pay the whole amount of the tax, and the consump tion was in exact proportion to population, could gentlemen even then fail to see the wide differ ence in the operation of the protecting system on the two sections,when they consider that the tariff States are remunerated, and more than remunera ted, for any tax which they may pay, in the boun ties they Teccive, while wo receive no remunera tion whatever. If this be doubted, I will apply a test, which, 1 think, cannot possibly deceive us. Do our New England brethren not understand their own interests? Do you think, Sir, that they would be very apt to fall in love with taxation and court the impositions of burthens? How comes it, then, that they have been taught to be lieve that “taxation is no tyranny,” but on the contrary, thegreatestof earthly blessings? .Why is it, that they would regard as the heaviest of calamities, the reduction of the public burthens? Is it not clear, then, that they regard the duties as a bounty to their industry, and that they know that they have the power to indemnify themselves for all that they pay in duties? (To be continued.) State of Illinois, ) gg Jefferson County, $ Taken Up BY Joel Wilkinson and Janies Carrol, of said coun ty, two estrays, of the following description, viz: One a PALE SOllREL HORSE, 5 years old, 14 1-2 hands hands high, flax mane and tail, a small star and snip, a 75 cents bell, tied on with a leather strap, some white hairs round his neck under the bell collar; ap praised to $30. The other, a PALE SORREL MARE, 8 years old, 14 hands high, a small star in her forehead, one saddle spot on the near 6ide of her back, one white hoof behind, no brands perceivable; appraiped to $20, by R. Allen and G. Elkins, before me, this 30th day of Jan. 1832. George Bullock, J- P !-3t] A copy—^attest, JOEL PACE, Cl’k. JYew Establishment. THE subscriber has just received, and is now open ing an entire new and extensive stock of CrGOXlS which he offers, wholesale and retail, at very moder ate prices. The stock consists, in part, of the follow* ing:— CLOTHS. Superfine blue, black, olive, and drab Cloths and Cassimeres, pelisse ditto; blue, green, and scarlet save list Cloth, a good assortment. A general assortment of Silk, Valencia, toillinct, swansdown, and Marseille* Vesting; black Genoa Velvet; Oxford mixed and French grey Cassinets, a large assortment; a few pie ces superfine blue English Camlet; a few pieces cam el’s hair Camlet, claret and blue colored ; Scotch Plaids ; blue, drab, anil brown Petershams, first quality ; Man chester and Bang-up Cords and Beaverteens; a few pie ces Carpeting; a large assortment of Burlaps; Ozna burgs, Ticklenburgs, and Russia Sheetings. BLANKETS. Blue, white, 6carlet, and green Mackinaws, superior quality; a large assortment of rose and fancy end Blan kets; 4 point do.; a complete assortment of Flannels, of every color aud quality ; English Baizes, plain anti uop’d Superfine* black and blue-black Italian Lustring; su pjrfine heavy black Satin; black and fancy colored Gro.* de Naples; do. de Swiss; do. de Indies; black Son chews and Sarsnets; black colored Italian Crapes; 4-4 and 7-8 black Italian Cravats; imitation do.; Barcelona do.; a complete and very select assortment of ladies* dress Hdkfs.; Silk Gauze, Crape, Mandarine, Palma rine, &c. £c. Black and white silk Hose, half Hose, and Gloves; Pongee and flag Bandannas; Chopas; black, blue, and colored Sewings and Twist. A splendid assort ment ol bonnet, cap, belt, tafletta, and satin Ribbons y silk Umbrellas; gingham do.; superior Cambric and Muslins, of every description; Irish Linen and Lawns; black and brown Hollands; 8-4 and 10-4 Diaper and Damask; 3-4 wide bird-eye do.; Linen Cambric, and linen cambric Hdkfs., plain printed and bordered ; Meri no Shawls and Scarfs; Cassimere and Valentia do.; 3-4, 4-4, and 5-4 Bobbinet; Brussels Collars; thread and bobbinet Footing, Edging, and Lace; black and \ white bobbinet Veils; green and white gauze do.; black * and colored Bombazctts; do. Circassian; blue, green, and scarlet Moreens; Merino Cloth, dark and light col ors; calico and furniture prints, a large assortment; French Ginghhma, Furniture, Dimity, Sec. Leghorn Bonnets; ladies’ and misses’ Dunstable do.; a large assortment Navarinoes.—Ladies’ and gentlemen’s cot ton Hose, of every quality; do. worsted; black and slate colored Buck do.; Woodstock and Hoskin Gloves. Ladies’ Hoskin Mitts. DOMESTICS. 30 bales 3-4, 4-4, a 5-4 Shirtings and Sheetings; do. (to. bleached do.; 3-4 a 4-4 Tickings; Apron Checks; Cotton Checks and Plaids; red, white, and green Cot ton Flannel; blue Nankeens. A COMPLETE ASSORTMENT OP * Hardware, Cutlery, Saddlery. Horse skins, best quality; black and cochineal Mor rocco Basils, hard and soft; russet Calfskins, an excellent article; one case Philadelphia Calfskins; Leopard Skins; Stirrup Irons, Bits, Buckles, Spots, Bosses, &c. &c.; a good assortmet of gig, carryall, and coach Mounting; cotton and worsted Webbs; whole, half, seaming and pasting Laces and Cards; Cotton Cards, No. 8 to 10; Wool do. No. 6; a choice selection of Ri fle and Shot Guns, common and percussion locks. A GENERAL ASSORTMENT OF LIQUORS AND GROCERIES; Consisting of French Brandy; Jamaica and N. E. Runr; Holland Gin; Madcira/Sherry, Red, Port, and Malaga Wines; Imperial and Young Hyson 'Peas; Loaf Sugar; Coffee; Sugar; Spice; Pepper; Cloves; Cinna mon; Alum-, Indigo; Madder, &c. &c. ALSO, AN EXTENSIVE ASSORTMENT OP BOOTS <& SHOES. Ladies’ prunella Boots, Shoes, and Slippers; seal and Morocco do.; gentlemen’s seal and Morocco Pumps; do. do. Gum Elastic Shoes; sewed and pegged Brogans; gentlemen’s Bootees—together with an assortment of inisseS’ and children’s Boots and Shoes. Having located himself in this City, and determining to keep at all times a complete and extensive assort ment of the above and every other article in his line, he hones to receive a share of the public patronage. He solicits the attention of Country Merchants and others, confident that they will find as choice an assort ment, on as good terms, as can be obtained elsewhere In this section of country. DAVID KYLE. St. Louis, hov. 8, 1831.—29tf Main Street. JOSEPH CHARLESS & SON, WHOLESALE &. RETAIL mraoasvs-sft il®tob HAVE just received a large supply of MEDICINE. also—an extensive variety of Miscellaneous Ar ticles, calculated,for the Merchant, and Phy sician; among which are— 20 casks of Rochelle, Epsom and Glauber Salts, 25 do. refined Salt Peter and Camphor, 150 ozs. French and American Sulph. Quinine, in oz and 4 oz. bottles; Hydriod Potass and Iodine; Guux Opium, Myrrh, Allocs; Gamboge; KinoGuiac; Assafae tida; Scammony and Shellac; Spices, and Peari Barley; Sago; Tapioca; Arrow Root and Tamarinds; Ander son’s Lamotte’s, and Church’s Cough Drops; Thomp son’s and common Eye Waters; Bal. Copavia ; Burgun dy Pix, Borax; 20 carboys Nitric and Sulphuric Acide and Ether; 10 bbls. Spirits Turpentine; 8 bbls. Crem Tartar,Flor Sulpher and Chamomile Flowers; 12 bbls. Gu tian, Orange Peel, White Cunella, Quassia, Cori ander, Carui and Annisceds and Red Saunders; 5 box es English Mustard Seed and Cayenne Pepper; 20 bbls. Opodeldoc, Harlaem Oil, Oil Wonnseed and Worm 'Pea, Godfrey’s Cordial, British Oil, Bateman’s Drops, Lee’a N. L. and VV. Pills, Seiblitz and Soda Powders; Cephal» ic, Aromatic, Eclipse, Rappee and other Snufls; Ess* and Oil Peppermint; Henry’s, M’Kim’s and common Calcined Magnesia, Ess. Spruce, &c. &c. &c.—with many other articlik tod numerous for insertion; all of whioh will be sold at such prices for cash, or the usual credit, as must ensure satisfaction. June 2Gth, 1831. 8-1 y State of Illinois, Union Circuit Court, October Term, 1831. Polly Patterson, i against V LIBEL FOR A DIVORCE. Hugh N. Patterson,) THIS day came again the complainant, by Rowan her solicitor, and on her motion, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the Court thut the said defendant is not an inhabitant of this State,—Ordered, that notice of the pendency of this cause be published in the Illi nois Gazette for four weeks successively; and that un less the said defendant shall enter his appearance, and answer the bill of the complaint exhibited against him herein, by the first day of the next term of this Court, the same will be taken for confessed against him, and a decree entered accordingly :—And it is farther ordered, that this cause be continued until the next term of thu Court. A correct copy—22d October, A. D. 1631. 43~4t] _ W. DAVIE, Clerk. TAKEN UP BY Rodora Kinner, of Wabash county, Illinois, two ESWTRAY MARES; one a dark iron grey, about fourteen hands high, supposed to be two years old past_ appraised to thirty dollars. The other a sorrel with light mane and legs, about fourteen and a half hands high, long tail, same age, no other marks or brands per ceivable—appraised to twenty-seven dollars, by John Proctor and Samuel Fetinger, before me, the 26th Deo. 1831. ANDREW F. DYAN, J. P. I A copy attest, Hiram Bcll Clerk C. C. C. W. C.