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Polynesian. [volume] (Honolulu [Oahu], Hawaii) 1844-1864, August 03, 1844, Image 2

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42
T H E P 0 L V N K S IAN.
Arr.rnT,
; ui . j . - n J- - -' ' - '
Such was the state of Chili when Don
Manuel Rcngifo was called to administer its
finances; and that one man, by the force
of his genius, energy and fortitude, in less
than two years dispelled the prejudices that
beclouded the minds of his countrymen, gave
fresh life to the mining, agricultural and
commercial interests, filled the treasury, paid
the troops and other servants of Govern
ment, commuted and arranged for the claims
of retired and supernumerary officers,
revived .public credit, and totally extin
guished contraband, in every part of the
Republic. These great and really wonder
ful changes were effected through an im
mense reduction of duties, by removing
. all the restrictions and shackles that pressed
upon trade, and by encouraging the influx
of foreigners, with their wares and goods,
by declaring Valparaiso a free port.
What has been the consequence ? Chili
has increased in population, industry, wealth
and civilization, with a rapidity which leaves
all her sister Republics far behind. The
stranger of all nations finds there his home,
and full scope for the exertion of his talents
v and industry; and is enthusiastic in the sup
port of the government which so cordially
receives and so generously protects him;
public credit is fully restored both at home
and abroad; , the treasury overflows; the
army and navy are reduced, but well paid
and effective; corruption is unknown in any
department of government, and the revenues
arc everywhere honestly paid, and faithfully
collected.
If one man could do so much in Chili,
there is no reason why one man should not
do as much in Mexico. The present presi
dent Santa Anna has a power and a
" prestige," far greater than Don Manuel
Rengifo, or any other Chilian, over had;
and nothing could be more worthy of his
renown as chief of the nation, than to guide
it in the right path, as to matters of finance,
and of national industry.
The Chilians are not more docile than the
Mexicans, and the natural resources of their
country are far inferior. Under the Spanish
Government, Chili could not pay its own
expenses; now, it is as solvent as Great
Britain or France; the police is admirable;
the administration is powerful, energetic, and
and respectable; a national spirit has been
formed; morality has assumed a high tone;
civilization and a certain degree of refine
ment have extended themselves through all
classes, and as regards foreigners, their
political system is attractive not rfpuhive, as
that of this government has recently be
come. I have dwelt the longer upon this subject
of contraband, because until that is put an
end to, the Republic will never prosper, nor
will her creditors ever be paid. To destroy
it, and that forever, is a matter of the great
est care, but there is only one way of doing
it, and that is by following the example
of, Chili and Venezuela, in the reduction
of duties to an extent that leaves no compen
sating profit to the risks of contraband, and
by adhering to a rational system of duties
onco established.
Don Antonio Garay, in his remarks, states
his belief, that under such a system, foreign
merchants would 'discourage contraband.
That he is right, I am fully persuaded; for,
having an extensive acquaintance with the
merchants in both coasts especially my own
countrymen I know that there is not one
of them who does not deprecate contraband
as the bane of a sound and healthy business
in this country, nor one who does not de
plore as the greatest humiliation and debase
ment, the necessity of giving his hand to,
and perhaps admitting to the social inter
course of his wife and children, and seating
at his table, those perjured villains amongst
the employes of the custom-house3, who,
having sworn fidelity to the laws of their
country, infringe those laws, betray its inte-
m-l 1 I .1 .
una roo, lor tiieir own advantage,
a large share of its revenue.
It is no less ridiculous than disgusting to
aco thoso worms, fattened, bloated and over
grown through their own corruption those
public Robbers thoso vile and infamous be
trayers of their country's trust, arrogate to
themselves and families, airs of gentility, su
periority and refinement, contend for the
chief places at public festivals, chief honors
in society, and chief rank in religious pro
cessions, just as if they were not the mere
flcorn and contempt of the very foreign mer
chants whoso frauds they have protected,
and of all who know their real character!
and as if to enjoy, for a few years the glitter
of their stolen wealth, they were' not expo
sing their souls to the danger of Hell, here
after, and incurring the wrath of a God who
from Mount Sinai pronounced himself to be
a God who visited the iniquities of the fathers
upon the children, to the third and fourth
generation.
But it will be asked, how is it that Foreign
merchants, if they have such a holy horror
of those perjured Rogue and of their frauds
degrade themselves by entering into fraudu
lent combinations with them i I answer
from the dire necessity of self-preservation,
under Tariffs established by the government
so absurdly and evtravagantly high, that at
no period, could the prices obtainable in the
Mexican markets, enable them honestly to
pay the prime cost and charges on the goods
they imported, the interest of the money so
invested, and the duties, import and internal,
imposed by those Tariffs, unless by evading
a portion of the latter. Even were this ne
cessity not fully admitted by many of the
former ministers of Finance, from whose
" memorias" I have extracted, its existence
stands prominently forward on the very face
of the statement So. 2, before referred to.
Let any merchant either of Europe or Mexi
co, or any one who is familiar with the prices
of both markets, take up that statement, and
coolly and impartially calculate, whether on
the average prices obtainable here, for the
general assortment of goods of which cargoes
are composed, and not singling out a few
small articles, it was ever possible, without
grievous and irretrievable loss, to pay the full
duties imposed by the Tariffs that have been,
and are now in force.
Verily, the country is to be pitied whose
statesmen cannot devise a better system,
whose great financial interests are commit
ted to the care of servants so faithless; and
foreign merchants arc to be pitied where
their success depends not upon what may be
called the science of Commerce, but adroit
ness in the arts of evasion, or what may be
called fiscal chicane. Can any thin"1 be more
degrading and humiliating, than the spectacle
of a proud British merchant, on the arrival
of a cargo, shut up in his counting house,
with one or two of those perjured rogues at
his elbow, calculating how to make a profit,
not from the prices of the market, which will
not yield it, but from evasions in the rates of
the tariff", which are high enough to afford a
bribe, to pocket which his perjured friend de
liberately sells his public faith, his worldly
fame, and perhaps his soul's salvation ?
True, he may escape from that Purgatory
of honourable feeling, that position of moral
torture and debasement, and a house former
ly existing in Guadalaxara, whose partners
I am proud to call my friends, did escape,
but it was by proudly refusing to enter the
chornel house of honour and good faith, for
which contempt of things as they were, and
preference of things as they ought to be, the
servants of the nation whose laws they dis
dained to infringe, conspired to mine the
foundation of their establishment, as one
yielding to themselves no fruits; the house
fell, involving its constituents in loss, but it
fell through the moral heroism of its part
ners, and the reputation they have left, is to
be envied.
In what I have said of the Mexican Em
ployes, I wish not to be understood as indu
ing them all in one general ban of proscribed
villains. There is Don Rafael Cajigas,
visitudor" of Mazatlan, a man advanced in
years, with a large family, and poor, but
quite incorruptible. There have been, and
there are others, of the same honorable
stamp, but they are " rari nantes in gurgite
raslo", and if they adhered to their prin
ciples, they have commonly sunk in the
whirlpool, from combinations similar to those
which ruined my friends, the former house
of Guadalaxara.
Having proved that contraband, up to
a late period, has existed enthroned in this
Republic, I now proceed to give an approxi
mated idea of its amount.
In what I have already quoted from Don
Antonio Garay, it will be seen, that he esti
mated it at more than one half of the duties
received. Now it will be seen by nofe 2 to
table 6, that the average yearly amount
of duties received, for 1 1 years, was
$6,619,9, from the maritime custom-houses
alone. It therefore follows, nrrnrrlinif in
him that $6,619,996 was the measure of
yeany contraband, and that the maritime
custom-houses ought really to have produced
everyyear $13,239,992
Don Jose Mariano Blasco, Min
ister of Finance, in 1835, in his
"Memoria" for that year, to'
table No. 6, adds a note, signed
by Don Vgnacio Sierra y Rosso,
in which is given a calculation
that of $33,501 ,4.56 of goods im
ported, at least one-third is by
contraband. This on the above
average of duties, will bo 2,
206,663, so that according to
Senor Blasco, and his officer,
the yearly revenue derived from
the maritime custom-houses,
ought to be 8,826,653
Doctor John Jose Jesus Maria
Mora, a distinguished and learn
ed Mexican, who wrote upon
Mexico and its revolutions, in
1836, at page 42 of his first vol
ume, states, that of the goods
consumed, two-third.: may be
put down as having defrauded
the established duties. If that
were the case, the measure of
yearly fraud would be $4,413,
326, "and the yearly average
revenue of the custom-houses,
faithfully collected, ought to be 11 ,033,316.
I know, from evidence not to be doubted,
that in certain custom-houses the proportion
given by Dr. Mora was for years the correct
onc. the practice being that on the arrival
of every cargo, the merchant and the Em
ploye together made out a full calculation
of the whole duties leviable thereon, the
total amount of which was divided into three
equal proportions, of which the first the
merchant had to pay to the perjured villain
and his perjured coadjutors; the second to
the plundered State or " Patria", and the
third he kept to himself, he being in reality
the worst off of the three, in having to run
the risk of low markets, bad debts, kc. &.c.
before he could realize his share.
(To be Continued.)
To the Koitoh or The Polynehian:
Jr. Editor , Having shown by numer
ous quotations, from the most esteemed and
approved authors, that children born in a
country, no matter who were their parents,
owe a native, intrinsic and paramount alle
giance, to the nation in which they first draw
breath : also, that aliens, who come to live
in a country, whether permanently or for a
short time, owe submission to the laws, and
deference to the rulers of that country ; and
that foreigners, who swear allegiance, be
come metamorphosed into veritable subjects
by the law of nations ; 1 will, next in order,
attempt to show from authorities, without
circumlocution, and without the least attempt
at originality on this every-where admitted
doctrine, what allegiance is, which these
several classes of people owe.
Allegiance is defined to be "the tie or lig
amen which binds the subject to the king, in
return for that protection which the king af
fords the subject. The thing itself, or sub
stantial part of it, is founded in reason and
the nature of Government, the name and
form arc derived to us from our Gothic an
cestors." 1, Bile. Com. 366.
"The term my country, seems to be very
well understood by every body. However,
as it is taken in different senses, it may not
be unuseful to give it here an exact defini
tion. It commonly signifies the state of which
one is a member. In a more confined sense,
and more agreeably to its etymology, this
term signifies the state, or even more partic
ularly, the town or place where our parents
lived at the moment of our birth. In this
sense, it is justly said, that our country can
not be changed, and always remains the same
to whatever place we remove allerwards.
A man ought to preserve gratitude and affec
tion, for the place where he received his ed
ucation, and of which his parents were mem
bers when they gave him life. But as sev
eral lawful reasons may oblige him to choose
another country, that is to become a mem
ber of another society ; so when we speak
in general, of the duty to our country, we
ought to understand by this term, the state of
which a man is an actual member, since it
is that to which he owes it entirely, in pref
erence to all others." Vatlcl : Law of Na
tions, li. 1. Ch. 11, S. 122.
The allegiance due from citizens in repub
lics, does not differ from that due in Monar
chies from subjects. In the United States of
America, the doctrine laid down inOthMass.
Rep., 454 is, that the state in which the citi
zen was born, is for all purposes of allegi
ance, to be considered as the lawful succes
sor of the king of England, and as entitled
to as much allegiance from him, as Great
Britain could have claimed, if the revolution
had never taken place. In France too, the
rule holds as to thoso born in the realm,
without regard to extraction! Pothier Traiti
du droit de ProprUte, Yo. 94.
All these notions of conscientious venera
tion, and obligation to tho country, where
Providence happens to cast our lot, (which
is beyond our control,) have an instinctive
implantation, savoring of Divine law, not ea
sdy effaced. Their antiquity is also great,
and wo find the distinctions of alien and na
tive, existing in Egypt and Palestine, ia
Greece and Rome, at a very early period.
In Egypt, the land of Goshen was assigned
to the alien Jacob and his posterity, who
were not permitted to reside in the proper
dominions of the Pharaohs. In Palestine
the captured Caananites were reduced to ser
vitude, and made hewers of wood and draw
ers of water to the Jewish nation ; and the
whole tenor of the sacred page shows this distinction:-"!
stranger within thy gae,Stc."
Deut. v. 14, Lev. xxv. 45, Isaiah Ivi. 3, kc.
"n Greece in the time of Demetrius Phale
rius, there were 10,000 strangers in Attica that
had nut the rights of Athenian citizens." Mit
ford's Hist., 354.
"The Romans were noted for their jealousy
of the jus civitulis, or rights of a Roman Cit
izen. It was at first, limited to the Pomaru
of Rome, and was extended gradually to the
bounds oLatium." Gibbon's Hist., 268.
This distinction, whether the result of fan
cy, early intuition, habit, (which is second
nature) or Divine impulse, is the same in all
men towards the country of their nativity, no
matter what may be the form of Government
or the name and title of its executive func
tionary, whether Emperor, King, President,
Duke, Landgrave, Elector, Stadtholder,
Doge, Pacha, Grand Signior, or Imaum :
Man looks with veneration at that august
personage, even though he may be, in fuct,
far from immaculate, who impersonates the
sovereighty of the nation where he is born,
or where he resides ; and, who is placed by
his position above the municipal law ac
countable only to God and to his peers,
the sovereigns of other nations. Hence
the Jure Divino doctrine of the common
law and hence the doctrine of St Paul, "let
every soul be subject unto the higher powers,
for there is no power but of God : the potters
that be are ordained of God,1' Romans xiii,
1 ; and the whole chapter in extenso.
Neither does it matter what is the size or
relative strength of the government claiming
our allegiance. It is equally due, whether
the ruling power be great or small, strong
or feeble. " Nations are equal in respect
to each other, and entitled to claim equal
consideration for their rights, whatever may
be their relative dimensions or sti ,-crth, or
however greatly, they may differ tn govern
ment, religion or manners. This perfect
equality and entire independence of all dis
tinct states, is a fundamental principle of
public law." 1 Kent, 22.
Allegiance is founded in reciprocity be
tween the government represented by its
chief magistrate and the subject. The king
or his synonem, is in all countries, the foun
tain of honor and of office. He can ap
point and remove at pleasure, or in accord
ance with legislative provisions; and legisla
tive enactments' only become binding (with
political exceptions) after his signature has
been nflixed to them, so that the means of ob
taining protection and security, are in contem
plation of law, all derived, directly or indi
rectly from this awful supremacy. This is
the foundation of allegiance as a reciprocal
duty, in which reason and ideality are har
moniously blended. But, while the strong
est attachments of the human heart cling
around the country of its nativity, man is mi
gratory, tho world is to be peopled, the hap
piness of society requires intercourse and inter-communication,
and the internal laws of
all nations guarantee to the citizen and sub
ject the indefeasible right of locomotion.
This will lead me, in the ensuing number,
to consider the nature and extent of allen
ancc, how far a citizen or subject con
throw oft" his allegiance, and whether the na
tive country can exercise any authority over
its subjects residing permanently abroad.
TT LlGAMEN.
Honolulu, 15th July, 1844.
Puseyism. The newspapers are all scratch
ing away at Puaey'wm. VVe believe it is a
claw m the Episcopal church caf-cchism
that has afforded them such a ca-aloguo of
a-mnr-ment. It is obvious to the most jim-.-lanimou3
that if the Bishops do not paws
in the course they have begun rr-suing,
they will bring upon the church a co-astro-Ihy
that will sweep over it like a f-aract.
n atehhiver.

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