Polynesian. [volume], August 31, 1844, Image 1

About Polynesian. [volume] (Honolulu [Oahu], Hawaii) 1844-1864

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TIM POLYN
III
PUBLISHED WEEKLY, AT HONOLULU, OAIIU, HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
J. J. JARVES,
SATURDAY, AUGUST 31, 1844.
NEW SERIES, Vol. 1. No. 15.
T-T
.J2A
From the Opal, a Pure Gift for the Holy Djys.
A THOUGHT OVER A CRADLE.
BY N. P. WILLI.
1 sadden when thou snr.ilest to my Ftnile,
Child of my love ! I tiemblc to belie, e
That o'er the n.inor of that e;c of blue
The Hhidov of my he irt will ulwuys piss;
A he ut th.it, f.om its stru'lo with ti c world,
Comes nightly to thy gmrded cradle home,
And, ccise!e.n of the Ktainins dust it b i us,
Asks for its idol ! Strange, th.it Hoac.s of eirth
A:e visi'ed by ejery air tli it stirs,
And drink in sweetness only, wl i'e the child
That shuts wi hin its bic ist a bloom for he lven,
May take a b'emish f.oin the b.e-ith of love,
And bear tho blight foievcr.
I hive wept
With fhdnes9 at the if' of this lir child !
My life is bound up in her ! IJ , oh God !
Thou kno.v'st ho v he nily mv he irt at times
Beirs its s-vest burthen ! and if Thou hast given
To nurture such i9 Thine thn spotless ilo.vcr,
To b.-in,' it unpolluted unto Thee,
Tike Tio'i its love, I pny thee ! G ve it liht
Though, folio vinr the sun, it turn f.oin me !
Bu, by tho cho:d thus wruncj, and by the light
Shining about, deiw me o my child
And lin'.i us close, oh God, when neir to hen en !
COMMUNICATED.
M K X I C O .
Report on its Finances under the Spanish
Government, since its independence, and
prospects of their improvement under the
Presidency of His Eccillcncy Dm Antonio
Lopez dc Smta Anna; toilh calculations
of the Public Debt Foreign and Djmeslic-
Acerage of Eilimalcs, Revenue and Expen
diture; to which are added Tables illuslra
tive of its Commercial, Manufacturing, and
prohibitive policy, and Remarks on Coloni
zation; the whole inlenled for the infor
mation of Merchants, Emigrants, and the
holders of Mexican Binds.
BV ROBKRT CllICHTON Wvi.LII.
(Continued.)
But it will be at once obvious to ev
ery one that if S uUa A: ma had per
mitted the old system of revenue antici
pations, Loan and paper jobbing and usuri
ous contracts to prevail, that desirable peri
od, so longed for by the bind holders, would
have been postponed indefinitely; the decree
of the 2 j per cent assignment, is therefore,
on the part of His Excellency, a violent step
taken, on the riujht course, as the only visi
ble means of obviating the destructive con
sequences of the many v'ulent and illegal
steps taken by his predecessors (the con
gresses not excepted) in their long career on
the wrong course; and I cannot help think
ing that it will prove a mist foituna'o cir
cumstance for the bond holders, that the 1st.
of October la 17 arrives during the period
of his presidency. He has already laid the
substratum of a new and better order of
things; the state of the country and its fi
nances presents greater facilities for its re
generation than did that of Chile when Don
Mi l id Rsnfifo introduced the reforms al
ready mentioned, and with greater power,
he ha? certainly not less inclination, nor
les ability, if his mind could only be direc
ted to the adoption of similar means.
Lest a suspicion of m addictcdicss to
him personally should be entertained to the
prejudice of what credence might otherwise
be given to my statements respecting him,
I take occasion here to remark that I have
no reason to be partial to him personally,
beyond the courteous recepti n which, as a
gentleman, he vouchsafes to all ; that if I be
lieved any other Mexican were better adap
ted to rule the country, for its benefit, than
mla A ma, I would prefer that Mexican to
him; aid that in nothing that I have said of
his character or capacities to work out the
regeneration of this country, fertile in re
sources, do I go beyond the opinion which
I have heard twice stated publicly, by His
Excellency General JVal ly Thompson, Min
ister Plenipotentiary of the United State?,
and from the extremely delicate and difficult
negotiations with thw government which he
has brought to a successful issue, it must be
admitted that he has had rare opportunities
of judging of every thing relating to the
personal character of the head of this gov
ernment. On a careful consideration of the present
position of this republic, and of what tin.
cial reforms may be expected under a pow
erful, energetic and creative government,
it is my conviction, that it would be the in
terest of the bond holders, t o revert to their
original rights, pledges and guarantees,
under the primitive contracts. They are
clearly entitled to one third of all the reve
nues of all the maritime custom houses, and
if that should not be sufficient for all their
dividends, to as much more of the general
revenues as may be required to complete
their dividends, and the stipulated redemp
tion funds, and it is not to be supposed that
S.tnla Anna who has always respected the
assignments made to the Hritish bondholders
(and he is the only Mexican president who
has done so) would object to a course so
just and natural.
Resides by adopting that course the bond
holders would only act consistently with the
opinion of their right in the similar cases ol
Chile and Columbia, expressed by Lord
Palmerston, and afterwards confirmed by
Lord Aberdeen t two deputations of the
committee, of both of which 1 had the hon
or to form one. The bond holders will have
the more confidence in asserting their origi
nal rights, when they know that several o1
the Mexican ministers of Finance, in by
gone years have actually recommended the
appropriation of the whole net proceeds of
all the maritime custom houses to pay the
dividends and gradually extinguish the prin
cipal of the national debt, foreign and do
mestic. The ex-ministers of Finance Gor
ostiza, Echcvcrria and Canseco, in their re
spective "memorias" for 183t), 1840 and
1841 all support this application of the reve
nues raised by the custom houses, and the
adoption of such a course, is now the more
easy that direct taxation has been resorted
to, in aid of the general revenue.
As for the assignment of one fifth of the
duties receivable by Vera Cruz and Tampi
ro, it is wholly inadequate for the purposes
intended, and ought nut to be depended upon
by the bond holders.
They will remember that in 1837 and
I83f), I almost stood alone in my opposition
to the first and second terms of composition
offered by the agent of Chile, on the'ground
that the high-minded people of that country
would scout arrangements so unjust to the
bond holders, so inconsistent with their re
sources and so unworthy of their fame. The
increased dividends now received as com
pared with those offered is the measure of
benefit now accruing to them, from their de
pendence on Chilian honesty and honor
With the same confidence and knowledge of
their character and resources, 1 now sav
uiiu imu .Mexican peopie win, wnen duly in
formed of the arrangement with their British
creditors, injurious to their rights, and des
tructive of their own credit and fame as a
nation, haste to redeem the errors committed,
and resume their rank amongst h ncst and
honourable nations, for which they pos'sess
the most ample means, and to 'develope
which, they have now a chief well able
for the task.
Although I join with the Mexican minU.
tcrs of Finance whom I have named, in :ust
severity upon their own employe's, who have
defrauded the revenue, reduced the nation to
bankruptcy, sullied for a time, its fair fame
I am not to be confounded wtth those who
decry the Mexicans as a ncoole. renresent
them as a race without any virtues, sunk in
vict his degradati n and moral corruption,
beneath even the hone of regeneration On
the contrary I believe and have found them
to be, in the mass, a mild, docile, brave,
kind and warm-hearted people, of great en
durance and capable of every improvement,
unuer goou government.
Thcv are not naturally averse or inhnni.
table to foreigners, if the latter receive their
manifestations of good will with becoming
gratitude, though the late policy of their
government with respect to foreign com
merce and industry, may mislead foreign na
tions into such a belief. I can attest this
from my own experience in Rosario, Tepic
and Mazatlan. where, after an absenrn nf
thirteen years, I lately experienced a kind-
J . ....
ness and consideration, Irorn the inhabitants
of all classes that could not be exceeded in
my own country and amongst my own
relations.
As for the recent nolicv of ffovemmn
to which I have above, and in' other places
-II. .J. J I - J it.. 1a .1
au'jucu, i am persuaaeu iuai u is me ema
nation of a powerful clan interest, that it has
not oriainated in the deliberate conviction
of Santa Anna and his ministers; that it will
not stand the test of experiment, and that it
j will soon give place to a policy more in ac
; cordance with the spirit of the age and the
! interests of the Mexicans, in general.
Reverting to the hypothecation of 123
millions of acre9 of, land, under the law of
conversion, if the bond holders fall back up
on their original guarantees and assignments
that subsequent security will naturally lapse.
It would no doubt be greatly for the interest
of this country to cancel part or the whole
of her debt, in the manner provided lor by
that law; it is perhaps the only means of
preserving her sovereignty over the lands
adjoining her nothern frontier from sea to
sea, of improving the agriculture of her rich
littoral on both oceans; but the Mexicans
arc so blind to their own interest, in this re
spect, and so wedded to their system of se
curing the fealty of foreign colonists, by
restrictions and regulations calculated only
to produce the contrary effect, and it is so
impossible for the bond holders individually
to avail themselves of the provisions relating
to land, under that law, without the inter
vention of a company, such as I have sug
gested, that it may be more for their interests
and more in accordance with the wishes of
this government, to give up all idea of com
muting their bonds lor land, and claim their
original rights before particularized.
Were the Mexican government ever to
act, in accordance with its plain interests,
in the matter of colonization, it might carry
into execution, with great advantage, the
suggestions made for adoption in Canada,
by General Miller, in September, 1840.
This oflieer so highly distinguished in the
story of South American warfare, is now
here on his way to the Sandwich Islands
and others in the Pacific, as H. M's Consul
General, &.c, and knowing his intimate ac
quaintance with the character of these peo
ple, and how closely he has studied the
causes which promote their prosperty or
tend to their decline, I very naturally availed
myself of the opportunity to consult him up
on many points here discussed, and amongst
others that of colonization, as a means of
developing the resources of this country and
preserving the integrity of the Northern
frontier. This led to his showing me his re
marks upon the colonization of Canada above
referred to, from which he kindly permits me
to make the fallowing extract: If I were
asked what I thought would be the best
measure to adopt, in order to inspire more
life, prosperity and contentment, into Cana
da, of which there is so much need, I should
say it was to establish military colonies, by
selecting for that purpose, from each reci-
. : l i - 1
iiu-ui biuiiuiH u in muse provinces, io or UU
soldiers deserving reward, from length of
service or good conduct, but w ho should un
derstand something of tilling the ground,
and be or become married men. I would
grant to each, 10J acres of land and con
tinuc all of them on the strength of their
respective regiments, giving them their pay
regularly, for the space of two years. Thev
should be inspected or drilled once or twice
a week, under the eye of a subaltern oflieer
placed in command of each colony, but who
at the expiration of the two yeais should
ro oin his corps. At the same time, the men
should obtain their discharge but preserve
their arms and accoutrements, and be liable
to be called out as volunteers or local militia,
in case of war or internal disturbances.
Thus in every direction would spring up
numerous villages and towns, composed of
clean, hardy and robust colonists, truly
grateful, and enthusiastically loyal to their
sovereign. They would afford effective aid
in preserving Canada; thry would be most
interested in defending, and know how to de
fend their own homes, against American
sympathizers, marauders and incendiaries,
and their sturdy bearing would be an effica
cious check to disloyal influences.
But these are not the only advantages
to be derived from this plan of colonization,
which would be so simple, cheap and satis
factory to carry into execution. Without
incurring scarcely any expence, it would af
ford the British government an opportunity
of munificently and worthily rewarding many
brave and faithful soldiers, whose flower f
youth or prime of manhood, has been ttpent
in the service of their country, fighting her
battles, or under rigid and monotonous dis
cipline. The patronage invested in the com
manding officer, of choosing 3 or 4 men
from amongst the most deserving of each
would produce an excellent moral effect in
the rank9, and if the system conld be exten
ded to New South Wales and elsewhere, it
would not fail to create great satisfaction as
well as a stimulus to good behaviour through
out the British army
(To be Continued.)
To the Editor or Tub Polynesian :
Sir, Nations are governed among
themselves by the Law of Nature, to which
is conjoined Revelation or the written word
of God. These found the sciences of Moral
Philosophy and Ethics. The epitome of
Moral science in the law of nations is, that
" each nation should do as much good to (he
other in pewe, and as little harm in war as
possible;' a counterpart of which is beauti
fully expressed in holy writ: " Therefore all
things whatsoever ye would that men should do
to ycu, do ye even so unto them." Matt, vii 12.
f ounded upon these maxims nations do
not require of one another what would be re
ciprocated to their prejudice. For, although
a powerful sovereign might exact painful
compliance of a weak one, yet the lex talionit
would justify some other powerful sovereign,
perhaps more potent than the first, or a com
bination of sovereigns, in meting out, some
way or other, the measure of his exaction.
Precedents are strong reasons in diplomacy.
One nation can equitably justify a demand
upon another by pointing it to 6oine like de
mand made upon a third under peculiar cir
cumstances, and with propriety contend that
what has ever at any time been considered
just, in its view is still so. Upon this prin
ciple, when will the immoral doctrine of re
pudiation in the United States, or the dis
memberment of Poland by Russia, Austria
and Prussia, or the pretensions to maritime
search in England, be forgotten ? When
will the removal of the Italian relics by
France, in contravention of the laws of war,
be forgotten ? It is for the interest of all to
keep inviolate the national code, and the
word of a sovereign expressed in a treaty,
should be deemed as sacred as the Word of
Him whose vicegerents sovereigns are. It
is not presumable to be intended to be bro
ken, except for self preservation when the
political existence of a state is in danger.
The rules of eternal justice and morality
are a continual tacit convention between na
tions. To imagine an intention of violating
national faith is an insult which would by
the etiquette of courts justify a refusal to
hold further intercourse with the diplomat
that discourteously used it. This is the con
solidated guarantee of nations to each other,
in which the feeble find a powerful support.
If a sovereign can be compelled contrary to
the law of nations, to receive or to reject
aliens, or having allowed them entrance.
can be forced not to control or punish them
within his dominions, or can be compelled
to pass specific laws prescribed to him by
others, or to surrender to aliens privileges
and immunities cortrary to his internal poli
cy or detrimental to his internal interests,
then here is a precedent that these or any of
these things can be done to a sovereign, and
here is an example for doing the like to
others which all feel equally the world over.
Thus the national comity, like the gentle
rules of private breeding, form a shield to
the weak and a dignifier to the powerful, by
keeping each respectfully aloof fr cm the
other.
Vattel in his preliminary discourse at p.
61, 62, with great propriety observes; "that
it btlongi txclutivtbj to each natton to form its
own judgment of what Us eonscUnce prescribes
(pit; of whot it can, or cannot do; of what it
proper, Or improper for it to do. And of course
it restt ioltly with it to examine and determine,