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Sunday Chicago bee. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1925-19??, March 01, 1942, SECTION TWO, Image 16

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([email protected] Bee
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■ Volume 33 Number 9 ^
SUNDAY, MARCH .1, 1942
Thy suppression of superstition—
I—Higher education for all groups.
3— -Cordial relations between races
4— Civic and racial improvement ano
\—The promotion of Negro business.
4—Good w' desome and authentic news
All news items sent to the Chicag
Bee for publication, mast be signed
This Includes social, music and club
items, as well as general news. Un
signed items will be destroyed. Re
jected communications will not be re
to'rneu. . , . -j?’ -
— »i—■ mis—■■ .■ ■ ■
Dr. MacLean, The New
THE Fair Employment Practice committee
has had a change of leadership following
the recent resignation of Mark Ethridge. It
is to be said that the new head, Dr. Malcolm
S. MacLean, president of Hampton Institute,
was not appointed to compromise the rights
of colored workers for he is one who is four
square on the race question.
Dr. MacLean’s appearance at the Urban
League dinner in Chicago last week gave the
colored people the assurance that they had
in the new chairman of the FEP committee
a champion of Negro rights whose convictions
are strong, and who is outspoken in bis sen
timents regarding the wrongs which are suf
fered by a tenth of the population of these
United States.
Dr. MacLean said the United States must
recognize the potential power it has in the
^^y^red people of this country. He mention
,y .ml Arjny Air Corps and said that th^ ’Ne
gro must be permitted to participate iri that
branch of the military program of the na
tion like any other citizen.
, Ijrr the matter of- private industries turning
out equipment to whip th£ Axis, power; DTi
MacLean’s view is that all segments of this
nation?s population must be permitted in
participate in this necessary .production and
especially the Negro people. ' i
We are happy that President Roosevelt
sdw fit to appoint Dr. MacLean to head the
FEP committee, r We are happy because Dr,
MacLean represents the highest' convictions
necessary for the attainment of the demo
cratic process conceived by those who de
sired tb give more than lip service to the per
fection o-f the ideals of equality liberty and
freedom. :< .v
The Latin Americas
And The Color
THE United States is courting the friend
ship of the Pan-American nations that
there may be a unanimous all-out effort on
the part of the Americas for the defeat of
the Axis-powers. ,
Some of the countries have given favorable
response to the urge of this country in these
regards but others have been and are still
hard to handle.
There are several reasons why the nations
South of the border have not gone all-out for
the invitation of the United. States and among
which we wish to mention only one reason
J —the color problem.
The nations of the Latin-American coun
tries have not been sold on the lily-white
psychology of the United States and in the
nature of things it is not reasonable to ex
/ pect that they will.
The fact is simple to understand. Out of
the 120,000,000 people who live in those
countries only 25.000,000 are pure white.
That leaves a majority of citizens in these
countries who are persons of color and who
would be very reluctant to accept the Ameri
can view of things purely white.
in these Latin American countries Negroes
hold high positions in the governments. In
Brazil a Negro was president of the country,
It may be said in passing that Brazil is larg
er in area than the continent of the United
Obviously, if the United States desires to
sell the Latin American countries on white
psychology as a part of the war effort it is
only reasonable to suspect that a 100 per cent
response will be lacking.
The United States should no longer send
only its fat, sleek, selfish business men to these
countries to better relationships between the
Afnericas. It must send persons of color to
these countries in its effort to win them over
to the side of democracy and the princi
ples of equality fot all men,
Saboteurs Among Us
IN a certain church in the Englewood neigh
borhood a so-called “improvement associa
tion” met for the ostensible purpose of mak
ing a report on the progress of its program
apd to make plans for further action calcu
lated to make the peighborhood a better
place for “people to live.”
Among other things the members of the
association, and the parishioners of the
church who were among those included in
the membership, gave much concern to the
further spreading of restrictive covenants in
that area in, an effort to keep colored citizens
of this city from residing among them.
These people, for the most part, were
members of the Christian faith. They had
professed, in some manner or the other, a
belief in the principle of the Fatherhood of
God and the Brotherhood of man. They had
given lip service to the principles of Chris
tianity as expressed in the Old and the New
Testaments. They were persons, whom if
asked, would say that as citizens of the
United States they are believers in the prin
ciples of democracy and in the equality of
all people.
But these same so-called “Christians” deny
to the colored people the right to live where
they desire to. These same so-called “lov
ers of democracy” would feel perfectly sat
isfied if through their action the colored peo
ple of the city oC Chicago are forced to live
in overcrowded houses and in a manner that
is inimical to health and happiness.
Wa call these people saboteurs. They are
saboteurs of American democracy, of Chris
tianity, of decency.
Action Is Needed
THE frequency of disorders in camps
where Negro soldiers are stationed gives
immediate cause for a< thorough investigation
by the War department as to the causes and
solution to such disturbances.
It appears that the majority of the disor
ders have some connection with the white
military police. It should not be a difficult
matter to cure disorders growing from that
Some of the disturbances have had their
roots in the age-old prejudices of the South
occasioned by southern whites exercising their
resentment to colored soldiers. The War de
partment ought to have an answer for this.
If it is unable to protect its soldiers from
attacks by the citizens, this nation of ours is
in a terrible state of affairs.
If it can do so but fails, then it must be
because it either condones such acts or doesn’t
give a rap.
Our Negro soldiers must have protection
from the White South. They also should have
protection from white military police who
apparently take pleasure in visiting upon
thfem front time to time cruel and inhuman
; .treatment'.
| A. Philip Randolph
jL P&ILIP RANDOLPH was awarded the
; jrV NAACP ; Spingarn medal. He de
serves it. His work in behalf of the mass
es makes him the one person who should
have received it; His work on behalf ol
the democratic process of America places
him far atop most leaders.
Randolph is a fighter. He is an uncom
promising fighter. He fights for principles.
Personal gain is no concern to him.
Ih the March-on-Washington plan he
demonstrated the fact that he was a man
of superior courage. He also gave the Ne
gro masses hope in themselves. He gave
them a bit of that courage that has charac
terized his triumphs through the years.
He gave the Negro people more belief in
themselves. He made them more articulate.
In the beginning of the March-on-Wash
ington movement many people said it
couldn’t be done. Randolph stood his
ground. He won out and the masses of
Negroes will benefit because he had the
will reap the benefit that the courage and
strength of his conviction.
Generations of black citizens yet unborn
sacrifices and toils of A. Philip Randolph
produced. >
The Spingarn medal which is so deserved
should spur him and others on to greater
achievements for the people of the colored
Only fools make repetition necessary. The
Great Creator has said: “Of one blood made
. . . all the nations of the earth for to dwell
upon the face of the earth . . . hath estab
lished their bounds of habitation.” Then
why the hue and cry about race superiority?
Why the controversy about human blood—the
blood of men of one race or of the other?
If the Creator says we are all of one blood,
then man is a fool to try to show that there
is a difference. That is a fact that needs no
repetition; and only fools will dispute it.
-★ ★ ★—
Some men grow and learn. Others grow
but do not learn. Some, like the barren fig
tree, merely cumber the ground. For that
reason a nation decays. For that reason we
have wars, wretchedness and death—untime
ly. One cannot be optimistic over the fu
ture outlook of a nation so long as we have
so many “ground cumberers” among us.
Negro church leaders from all
over the nation, bishops, general
officers, moderators and great
preachers, met at John Wesley
A. M. E. Zion church in Wash
ington on Feb. 17 and expressed
the ambition and the couragje,
and the sanity and good sense, of
their race in this world emer
gency and in American history.
If we called the roll ot this
meeting, we would call some of
the greatest names in present
day Negro history and affairs.
We shall not call the names,—
except to thank Bishop C. L.
Russell, of the C. M. E. church,
for inviting me to be present and
to participate in the procedures.
A message was prepared and
presented to the White House, ad
dressed to President Roosevelt.
That message does not say ev
erything (no message could say
everything that ought to be said),
—but what the message says
will stand, and the brethren
will never have to back down
from the position which they have
taken. Believe it or not, this
was no ill-considered and hasti
ly drawn document; it took a
large committee two long sessions
between 1 p. m. and 7 p. m. to
get it to the final draft.
Loyalty to America and the de
termination to continue the fight
for equal and democratic rights
in America share equal honors
in this paper. In a large group
of men and women from all over
our country, there were only two
or three who, after our debates
were all over, failed to see that
their race, their church and their
country are in the “same boat”
in this world war; all of us^will
go down or stay on top together.
There is no perfection in this na
tion, but they at least want to
hold what good we have as a
civilization and culture, and push
forward as much as possible,
even in times like these.
These church leaders proved
themselves to be more realistic
than many of the other leaders;
there was very little talk in this
meeting about this war being a
“white man’s war.” This is a
weird war, with all colors on both
sides,—because it is a war be
tween freedom (such freedom as
we have in this world now) and
tyranny (tyranny that would oust
the common people from, a place
' at or even near the helm of their
own ships of destiny). There
are yellow Chinese on one side
and yellow Japanese on the oth
er. There is Germany on one
side and Great Britain on the
‘ other. And we need not forget
that most of the human content of
the British empire is distinctly
colored, and that the wisest lead
ers of these colored elements
realize that their best future lies
in the forces of democracy. The
British are not 100% democratic,
—neither are the people of New
York or Mississippi. But as
compared with Germany and It
aly and Japan, Great Britain is
a very democratic government
and a very free society of men.
Everything is relative in this
world. The blacks of Africa and
the blacks in the New World
have their dearest interests in
life on the side of Great Britain
in this war. There were some
pacifists present, and some of
them realize that this is not a
pacifist world; and some anti
imperialists, who realize that
there are imperialisms and worse
One speaker at this confer
ence complained very emphati
cally and very justly that _the
church, has too often allowed the
initiative in social programs to
pass out of the hands of church
people. But on Feb. 17 the) lead
ers of about'six millions of the
most American of the Americans
spoke for themselves, and in so
far as leaders may, for their mem
bership masses. In such a situ
ation a real leader does not have
to be commissioned by a written
diploma to speak for his people,
—he is commissioned by the fact
of his being the leader. The posi
tion taken by these leaders is not
an endorsement of war, but it is
a recognition of the existing fact
of war. One must not endorse a
fire; but one cannot save himself
from a fire by ignoring its exist
ence. When a leader tells his
people how to act in the face of
a flood, he is not telling them to
approve of the flood.
In the name of God, we live in
a world of human beings, and
these leaders (practically all of
them) were conscious of it. We
are also parts of the United
States of America and must go
up or down, or forward or back
ward, as America goes. There
are many worse places in this
world at this moment than the
United States. All things consid
ered, the United States is about
the best place on earth for mi
nority groups in this emergency.
Nowhere else could the dissenting
and very small minority have ex
pressed itself as freely, and as
safely, as it did at this meeting.
But there was no minority when
it came to vote on that final doc
ument which was sent to the
President. God save the Ameri
can Negro church.
_ i
What make America great?
It is not the vastness of the
country, nor the fruitfulness of
its acres. It is not the hidden
wealth of its natural resources,
nor the size and variety of it
manufacturing plants. It is not
its deep harbors, nor its naviga
ble rivers, nor the great arteries
of its highways.
What makes America great is
its latent power to turn all of
those into production for the good
of all the people from coast to
The greatness of America de
pends upon you and me; upon
each and, every one of us, wheth
er we live on a lonely farm or
in the crowded city, whether we
live on a tree shaded street in a
quiet town, or under the shadow
of the great sky scrapers of a
bustling metropolis.
As Lyman Abbott once wrote:
‘ A nation is made great, not by
its fruitful acres, but by the
men who cultivate them; not by
its mines, but by the men who
work them; not by its railways
but by the men who build and
run them. America was a- great
land when Columbus discovered
it; Americans have made of it a
great nation.”
A country is not greater than
its citizens. We are a United
States of America because the
men of this country decided to
put aside sectional and religious
differences to work together for
the good of the country as a while.
If we want to change our nation,
we have the power to do so, by
changing the minds of the men
and women who comprise the
country. If we want to be pros
perous, we can, for new wealth
can be built only by men. If we
want security, we can build it.
If we want to eradicate all evil
systems and handicaps, we can
—for we created them.
America was made great by the
men who built it. If it remains
great it will be the doing of you
and me and of all our fellow
Americans working together as
free men. We are in a war for
the preservation of America. It
is the fight of all of us—and
working together we will win!
C. S. Stamps, a citizen of Kan
sas City, Missouri, has filed a
complaint before the Interstate
Commerce Commission, charging
the Rock Island Railroad with
furnishing Negroes inferior ac
commodations for first-class pas
senger tickets to those furnished
to whites with first-class tickets.
The suit is of particular inter
est to Texas Negroes, because the
charge arises out of the accom
modations furnished from Dallas
to Houston. It is known that on
the “Zephyr” Negroes get accom
modations little better than those
furnished for cattle or fowl.
Basically, it is the same charge
filed by Congressman Mitchell,
which ultimately terminated in
fhe famous decision by the
United States Supreme court,
holding that Negroes could not be
denied Pullman service in inter
state traffic, and which gave to
Congressman Mitchell the right
to receive equal accommodations
for first-class passage as those
given to whites. Congressman
Mitchell’s suit happened to be de
cided by the Supreme Court pri
marily on the question of inter
state traffic, Mr. Stamps’ suit will
decide the question of equal ac
commodations intrastate, and if
it terminates favorably to him,
will be a boon to Negroes in Tex
as as well as in other southern
Incidentally, it will end a dis
crimination against the S. P.
That road spent much money to
comply with the law by giving
Negroes the same accommodations
as the whites even on the “Sun
beam.” To let the Rocket get by
with a baggage car is to pen
alize the S. P.
It will be a matter of embar
rassment to Texas Negroes that
a Missourian had to file the suit.
Negroes in Texas have been com
plaining about the accommoda
tions furnished on the “Zephyr”
to Negroes for years, but none
did anything about it. As is so
often the case with needed re
forms, there were many to com
plain but none to take action in
the state. For us in the state
Hamlet’s quei'y become perti
nent again.
“Whether ’tis nobler in the mind
to suffer the slings and arrows of
outrageous fortune or to take
arms against a sea of troubles
and by opposing end them.”
—Houston Informer.
By humility and the fear of the
Lord are riches, and honour, and
life.—Proverbs 22:4.
l. *1J -=^rr
Ned type
A Column of Humor, Satire and
Thought for Everybody
The devil himself has a rendezvous
With a lot of people as good as you.
He is willing and wants to block your way
To places that promise a happy day.
Perhaps youTl be slow to realize
How cunning he is and devilish wise,
You might think that some angel was charm
ing you
’Till you finally see what a devil will do.
You’ve been to church, and Sunday school,
And the best you know is the Golden Rule,
But it isn’t the devil that it applies,
Nor any gossiper’s elegant lies.
I wish I could tell you how it all acts,
It is made up with something that appeals
and attracts,
You mustn’t be easy, or weak in your knees;
The devil’s strong point is trying to please.
Too often we fall into ways that are wrong
We too often imagine that life’s a sweet song;
Keep your feet on the ground, securely set,
And first back that devil and keep out of
his net.
-Dr. M. A. Majors,
Los Angeles, Calif.
——-★ ★ ir
Waitress: We have everything on the me
nu to day, sir.
Customer: So I see. How about a clean
one. I can’t read this for the gravy spots.
-it ^ ^
Floor Manager: The lady who just left
complained that you did not show her even
common courtesy.
Clerk: Yes, but I showed her everything
else in the store, sir.
-★ ★ ★
The manager of the factory had engaged
a new man and gave instructions to the fore
man to teach him his duties. A few days
after that the manager inquired whether the
new man was progressing in his work.
The foreman, who had not agreed very
well with the man in question exclaimed
“Progressing! I have taught him every
thing I know and still he is an ignorant fool.
-if if if
Hubby: You’re always wishing for some
thing you haven’t got.
Wifey: Well, really now, what else is, there
to wish for?
-★ ★ ★
DICTONARY: The only place where some
of us can find satisfaction.
-if ir ★
You put no flowers in my path,
But you put thistles there;
I was the object of your wrath—
To me, you were unfair.
You put your feet upon my head
When you thought you were up,
But now see you begging bread;
O, what a bitter cup!
But bread thank God, I have to give;
Here is a loaf for you,
And just as long as I shall live
This one thing I shall do—
Give unto those who kicked me ’round
When I was down and out,
As long as one of them is found
In hunger here about
—William Henry Huff
-★ ★ ★
Jack: I used to think Jeanne was awfully
distant, but I found she was only a stone’s
throw away
Jim: Yeah? How did you find out?
Jack: I gave her a two and one half care
stone and caught her.
-★ ★ ★
How cheap
Is genuine happiness, and yet how dearly
Do we all pay for its base counterfeit!
We fancy wants, which to supply, we dare
Danger and death, enduring the privation
Of all free nature offers in her bounty.
! To attain that which, in its full fruition,
j Brings but satiety. The poorest man
May taste of nature in here element;
I Pure, wholesome, never closing; while the
From the same stores does but elaborate
A pungent dish of well concocted poison,
j —Barker.
-★ ★ ★
The greatest good that a man can do while
he yet lives is to show his brotherhood to
ward his fellowman by his good neighborli
ness. The deed of the Good Samaritan has
lived through all these years, while the deeds
of the so-called great of his time have per
ished along with the memory of the men.
Take care of what you say. Words are
wonderful things. They can be sweet like
bee’s fresh honey, or like the bee, they can
have injurying stings. Speak softly and at
the right time. Never be hasty in speech. A
verbose person who talks without reason is
obnoxious to everyone with whom he con
| verses. Time spent with him is time wasted.
between The lines
When I arrived in Richmond
20 years ago, my enthusiasm for
the cause of Negro betterment
knew no bounds. After three
years of study in the east and
contacts with the fuller life of
fered there; and after turning
down two fine opportunities to
remain there, there was a sense
of sacrificial responsibility to help
right the wrongs of rny less for
tunate people. I proceeded to
chart my way in my new envi
ronment and began by register
ing my protests against anything
that contravened the eights of
Negroes. I was aware, of the
fact that being “nasty” was no
part of protest, and that straight
argument on strong points was
not spectacular and would not
bring a kind of “popularity”, but
it would get. definite results in
the long run.
I found that little use was be
ing made of the white press of
this state and city. All of the
Negro’s protest was being regis
tered in the Richmond Planet
which the immortal John Mit
chell was editing. I turned to
the white press and whenever I
had any protest to make I made
it through the white papers. My
first protest was against a col
umn called ‘Good Morning,
Judge” where Negroes who came
before the police court were bur
lesqued. The editor pounced up
on me in an editorial that call
ed me a “schooled” Negro, inti
mating that I was “schooled”
but not educated. Very shortly
a cultured white woman took my
part and very soon “Good Morn
ing, Judge’ disappeared. ‘ Ham
bone Meditations went the same
My point here is, Negroes make
the great mistake of making their
protests through Negro papers
which are read primarily by Ne
gx’oes and are silent in the white
papers where their protests
might be carried to those for
whom they are intended. I see
no point in making brilliant pro
tests for Negroes to read except
in so far as we want to be hero
ized by Negroes. If we want our
protests to get results, why do
we not send them to the white
press that is always open to any
sensible and intelligent discussion
of any current question? It has
come about that here in Rich
mond Negroes are more and moi'e
making use of the white pi'ess
and there are some indications
that we are getting somewhere,
albeit all too slowly.
We have arrived at a stage in
our social and economic devel
opment, when the Negro himself
needs teaching. It is true that
the white man needs to know how
we feel about some matters and
what is more interesting many
of them want to know. Why not
then let him know through the
press he certainly reads rather
than through the press that he
reads only uncertainly? When
ever I have a protest to make to
the white man, I send it to the
white press. But what we need
most today is a Negro press to
educate the Negroes themselves.
[ We need leadership now as nev
er before. We are somehow af
j flicted with the notion that when
we make a protest to the white
man through a Negro press, that
we have struck the point. We
have not. We are further af
flicted with a kindred notion that
proving the white man a devil
proves that Negroes are angels.
| We are not. We are still further
* afflicted with the notion that
when our protest has been regis
tered our work is done. It is not.
The white man needs to be set
; right on matters pertaining to
the Negroes; but Negroes need to
know that protest without a pro
gram comes to naught; that pro
test is but a small fraction of
what it takes to advance the race;
that Negroes have a responsibil
ity in the situations as well as
the whites; that intelligent use
of opportunities is just as essen
tial as the opportunities them
selves; that in the world of to
morrow it is the efficient man
rather than the logical man who
is going to live; that the group
without vocational training is go
ing to perish in spite of their
One of the things that doomed
Pearl Harbor was the utter com
placency of the officers in charge.
They had a good time while the
defenses were unmanned. They
assumed that their own heroic
opinion of America was shared
by the Japanese. Being an Am
erican was fine; but being pre
pared would have been finer. It
does not matter how fine Negroes
are and how equal to the white
man they prove themselves, un
less they have a program for
their own advancement they are
going to perish. There is no fu
ture for a race that majors in
protest and minors in a program.
At Pearl Harbor they majored
in good times and jealousy and
minored in preparedness. Our
present program is based upon
hope and not upon reality. WE
(Continued next week)
* ■■ — ..■■■ ■ r .—■ ■ ., »»^> |
Orientation Towards Statesmanship
The history of events during
war is seldom logical. The pres
ent war is a strong confirmation
of that view. Both on the allied
home fronts and in distant the
atres of activity, the course of
events are such as to baffle the
minds of our ablest statesmen
and military strategists.
As the Japanese push travels
to the southern section of the
Dutch East Indies grave prob
lems confront the allies regarding
which stronghold is in the most
imminent danger, and which is
most important strategically in the
immediate future for allied mili
tary action.
Let us recapitulate briefly the
position of the allies and their
mutual commitments. Britain
and the United States are bound
by diplomatic and “spiritual” ties
i inherent in the historic Atlantic
charter to give and receive mu
tual assistance in armaments,
manpower, general supplies and
military bases for collective mili
tary action.
At the moment many of our
statesmen are wondering if our
commitments are too great. The
cue to this view is President
Roosevelt’s assertion that it may
be necessary to withdraw our
thinly spread fleet now fighting
the Axis all over the globe. Re
cent torpedoings on our own At
lantic coast possibly made this
critical situation more focal.
To accentuate this situation the
German thrust boldly into the
British straits of Dover gave em
phasis to a parallel crisis in Bri
Meanwhile, we are acutely pre
occupied with our immediate de
fense problems, namely, the Ja
oanese offensives on the Dutch
East Indies and the direct threat
to the blockade of the Burma
road, life line and lang artery for
sorely needed su|pplies enroujte
to China, our principal ally in
the far East. To complicate this
situation, the faithful Australian
troops who have fought so gal
alantly at Libya, Greece, Singa
pore and many other strategic
points are in grave need of help.
For the Dutch East Indies are but
a final stepping stone either to
India or Australia and New Zea
land. Our inability to convey
successfully large troop trans
ports, necessarily makes our aid
to our allies scanty.
This constitutes the danger we
initially pointed out. If we aid
Australia with our limited sup
plies, that is, those supplies which
successfully withstand the as
1 f
saults of the Nipponese fleet, and
fail to aid the Chinese adequate
ly along the Burma road, the
danger of a separate peace may
lurk. On the other hand, if we
aid the Chinese to the negligence
of the Australians, they will be
doomed because their troops are
greatly thinned out as well as
their supplies. Ere long a block
ade would make outside air vir
tually negligible.
From our perspective, it seems,
the wiser of two hard choices is
to concentrate our aid to China.
Her numbers and her accessi
bility to Japanese vulnerable
points would consummate this
choice. If the Burma road is
blocked and China is stymied from
contact with Russia she might be
coerced into making a separate
peace. Many elements of their
population are not averse to this
now, although the majority are.
The Buddish religious ties of many
racial elements in China and
throughout the far East is an im
portant favoring circumstance for
the Japanese. Therefore to make
this possibility negligible we
must make a concentrated effort
to keep the Chinese in the fight
ing. This will constitute a de
laying action that will better en
able the consolidation of the Au
stralian and New Zealand defen
ses, even with preliminary air
action by the Japanese.
Our home defenses must be
come impregnable. It will avail
little contractive action to criti
cize past errors. We are all in
danger and our collective minds
must be devoted to the best and
most precise methods of defense
and offense. The President has
told us that New York and De
troit can be successfuly bombed.
This being so, all the more im
pels unity of thought and action.
We must prevent the further
spread of racialism. The Japa
nese are making a plea to the en
tire Pacific theatre of war on
that basis. If this effort succeeds
separate peace pacts among our
allies all over the world will
make our position acutely pre
carious. All of our actions as a
nation and with our chief ally
Britain should be to improve in
ternal and allied morale, to in
sure against the ruinous possi
bilities of separate peace pacts
with our enemies—the Axis na
While just government protects
all in their religious rites, true
religion affords government its
surest support.—Washington.

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