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FROM BRYAN'S HOME.
Political Notes and Observations from the Popocrat Candi date's Own City. HIS PLATFORM ANALYZED. A Constant Appeal to Class Preju dice in the Interest of Sil ver Mine Owners. " Business men are studying the money question. Mr. Bryan has seen fit to tell his audiences over and over again that the business men of the country are against free silver partly because they don't know anything about the question -and partly because they are dishonest. In this Mr. Bryan misleads his follow ers and misrepresents the business men. Tt may be true that what is called free -silver agitation started first among the farmers rather than among' the business men, but later the business men have read the free-silver literature, have read tooth sides of the question, until at the present time the business men of the nation are thoroughly informed from a business standpoint and from a nonpar tisan standooint on the money question. It is probably true that the politicians that oppose silver are moved by prejudice and self-interest to a certain degree just as the politicians who favor free silver are moved bv self-interest to a certain degree; but the business men, the men who are managing the business concerns of the country, the bankers, and the financiers have made it a part of their business to read up on the money ques tion, to become thoroughly informed, and they have passed upon the question from a business and not from a political stand point. Mr. Bryan, recognizing the mor al force of the business judgment of the country and knowing that this business judgment condemns free coinage as a dangerous thing, seeks to discredit the business mind of the country by denounc ing it as ignorant and dishonest on the money question. Mr. Bryan professes to desire a restoration of the industries vf this country. At the same time he denounces the business men of the coun try and proposes a plan which he knows they are afraid of. The threat of free trade in the cam paign of '1)2 and in the election of '92, frightened the business mind of the coun try, first into distrust and doubt and then into a panic, the effect of which is still on. The question above all others at this time is how to remove this business depression from the business mind. Mr. iBryan says that free coinage will revive the industries, but at the same time he admits that the business mind is against it and is afraid of it. The effect of this threat of free coinage is to make every capitalist hide his money, to make every lianker afraid of investments, to make every dollar creep into the darkest corner of the safety vault, and by this process of .money hiding and money hoarding which is now going on all over the United States, the circulating money of the ouutry is disappearing from active use faster than all the government mints could coin new money if they were now Under a free coinage law. Laboring men are crowding around Sir. Bryan to hear his speeches and many of them appear to be pleased "with what he says. He talks kindly to "the laboring man and his words are as sweet as honey. But the thinking labor ing man knows that so long as industry, that is, the mind force which is man aging industry, is afraid of free coinage, "that all plans for the enlargement of in dustry or the employment of labor are suspended, pending the discussion of rthe money question, and that these plans -will be taken up and carried into execu - tion only when the business mind of 'the country is assured by the election of -McKinley that there is to be a sound business policy in the government of this nation. George Groot. chairman of the Nation al Silver party, speaking at Lincoln. Ts'cb., on Septemher 8. from the steps of the state capitol building. with Mr. Bryan sitting near him, denounced the toankers as the enemies of society, and declared that the financiers of Wall -etreet should be hung to the telegraph poles. On the evening of September 7, in front of the Hotel Lincoln, in Lin coln. Neb.. Ignatius Donnelly of Min Siesota denounced the bankers and the financiers of this country as the enemies of the people, enemies of prosperitv, and declared that their influence upon this country ought to be set aside. Now what do the followers of Mr. Bryan ex pect to happen to the laboring men and to the farmers of this country, when they, by reason of their superior num ber, have voted out the banker 'and the easiness man and have voted in this new system of finance? What force -will take the place of this business TOind force when it has been displaced? When the country has struck down its present bankers, its present financiers. xt" present business men. its present managers of industries and commerce when the common people by a majority ote have paralyzed this business power what other fni-n will : " , ' . '- ..... m 11.1 lljUf ?nZ I rlan8 for the employment of j V i "rryug on or commerce and for the management of all the indus trial forces which give vitality to the (material body of the nation? On the afternoon of Seotember 8 in TTXin t n f tha , . t ... 1 1 i : i i - . v - - niiuiug at T.ifwnln X r- Rian ..ft. . . . , -. ftnw ueuouncmg the business element of the country be- ?mtlSf it is .cflinat 1. i ... ln l. : .. . congratulated himself that the laboring tC" wl'u"J wuevea in mm and "that enough of the farmers believed in Jlim thnt thpno tvr. .,1.... - ttlus election wonld enable him to sween S3m pnnntrv in 't-imKn. rru: . . . : ; - ii us lit- cnar- 55ter,2i? a v""tory of the people, because very pleasing to Mr. Bryan when he Jt . " "e lce or lanonng men ... .wn-i n apiuauu sucn speeches raa this, but what reason have these la - Iwnng men and farmers to expect bet pr tlTTIA f-Hmncrl, 1,a aImi: " . , , . vi air. Bryan, when he himself admits that the business men of this nation regard his lection as a menace to business and prosperity? Can you revive business by doing that which paralyzes the h courage of business men? When the jnonstnes oi me nation revive, there nrust be some mind force in the country oring li aoour. nere must also -capitalists who believe in the future a -vho are ready to invest money. There nanut be banks and these banks must not -only have funds, but they must be will ing to invest these funds, and they must ftielieve and have confident before they ean consent. Mr. Bryan admits that py are not consenting now; will taey consent after election? "When Ignatious Donnelly u de bouncing the bankers and the financiers mm the enemies of their country, in his speech in front of the Hotel Lincoln, someone asked, "What about Mr. Sew all T' Donnelly reDlied. "I know noth ing of Mr. Sewall and I don't want any thing to do with him. If I had my way ne would come off of that ticket in twenty-four hours." Mr. Donnelly then went into a bitter tirade arainst all bankers and business men in general, and the Iaborins men 'who heard him applauded his utterances. Now it must have occurred to the more thoughtful of these laboring men that everv dav's work and every dollar paid to labor must first oe tnougnt out and planned by some business mind. Before labor can begin in any industrv there must be some thought force and some business judg ment wnich passes upon the plans of that industry and believes that it will succeed. There must be financiers. bankers and capitalists to consent and their consent must be based upon the faith that the industry will succeed. If Mr. Donnelly and Mr. Bryan were capi- iiisis ana Dusmess men, tnen taey themselves miirht Dromise emnlovment to labor. Or, if the plans proposed by Mr. Donnelly and Mr. Brvan were re ceiving the endorsement of the business juagnient of others who have capital, then it might seem reasonable that fref coinage might revive industry and bring wiLvr tunes. Mr. Bryan and his corns of free silver orators constantly denounce idle capital. Mr. Bryan knows that idle capital is al ways ine result of lack of confidence. He also knows that idle capital makes idle men. If one set of men hnv th capital and another set of men who are workers stand ready to be employed by this capital, then there must be a condition of harmony between the people who own the capital and the men who stand ready to go to work or there will ne no work, if a plan is proposed which makes capital afraid, and if th irnrtpr. stand ready by their votes and their ma jorities to carry out this plan, then it is but natural that the men who control tne capital, being afraid of his new plan, will hoard their capital and keep it idle rather than risk it under conditions which they believe will be disastrous. Does it then avail anything to the labor ing man that this canital is ripnnnnnnl as the enemy of the country? Edison was once a laboring man, but is jiow a cap italist. When he was a laboring man his opinions and his plans were in a certain degree dependent upon the plans and the opinions of some one else. When Edi son was a laborer, employed in con structing machines, whether he was em ployed or not depended upon his em ployer. If the emulover found bv prnpri- ence that the work in which he was en gaged was unprofitable to him. then Mr. Kdison lost his job. Now, Mr. Edison, having evolved by his own exertions out of a condition where he was a worker with his hands only, into a condition where he has become a great mind force which controls industry, is vastly more iniDortant to labor than he was before. Then he could consent to the employment of only one man, himself. Now he can consent to the employment of thousands of men, and whether they are employed or not depends more upon his judgment tnan upon tneir own. The industries of the world, no matter who is employed in them, have always been and always will be under the control and direction of mind. Majorities have nothing to do with it except as the majorities are in harmony with this mind force and have the approval of its judgment. Whether 50O or 5000 men are emnloved at the Burlington machines shops at Lin coln. Nebraska, during the next four years, depends not upon the political judgment of the men who are employed in these machine shops, but upon the business judgment of those who must fur nish money to pay for this labor. And this business judgment, looking always to the financial policy of the government for signs of business safety or of business danger, is inspired with confidence or is inspired witn tear as it interprets tne business prosperity of the future bv the political conditions of the future. If this business mind sees in the election of Bryan and cheap money signs of future stagnation and depression, then it is hot natural that it should keep the number of men employed to the very least possible limit. People who ride in the Burlington trams along py tue town of Havelock near Lincoln where these machine shops are located, can see the siirns of hncinps. depression and can interpret the doubt that is in the mind of the directors of the road, when they see the side tracks lined vwm oroKen engines which the small force of men employed are not able to repair. If the laboring people of the East were at work today there would be a market in these great centers of industry in the East for Nebraska's food product, and then these great railroad svstems would require every engine and every car which they own to be in repair and all the wheels would be kept rolling night and day carrying the great crops of Kan sas, Nebraska and Iowa to the food-consuming East. This condition would em ploy labor and give valne to farm prod ucts. The whole theory of Western suc cess depends upon the activity of Eastern iiiuuniry ana tne activity of Eastern in dustry depends upon the faith and confi dence of the Eastern business mind. A hired man cannot be employed upon a farm without the consent of the own er of the farm. A carpenter cannot get employment without the consent of the builder who is engaged in building houses, and the builder cannot get the house to build without the consent of the men who Svf the mony to build houses. In Li!"?? t industry the man who works wih his hands is dependent upon the man who works with his mind and in all countries the mind workers are th. controllers of industry. When the mind workers and those who have the making of the plans for industry have confi dence that industry will be profitable then there is employment. William Jennings Bryan and his plat form is a menace to industrv and Mr Bryan knows it. The conviction is fast ened deep upon him and the leaders of his cause, that the thing which thev are trying to accomplish is asainst the"bn-i-ness judgment of the American people. They are condemned by the mind work ers of the nation, and because thev realize this, they constantly appeal to class prejudice, honing that there are laborers and farmers who hate the busi ness men and the employers of labor, that when all these haters are organized into one great army there will be enough of them to carry this election for Mr. Bryan and for the mine owners of Colo rado, in whose interest his candidacy ex ists, SilTer Dollars Are Legal Tender. Z Many of the "plain people" of the United States have wondered what is meant, when it is said that Congress in 1S73 struck down one-half the money in the country. The figure is forcible but somewhat obscure. The Denver News comes to the rescue. It savs: "By the legislation of 1873 the mints were not only closed to silver bnt the silver money of the country was demonetized; it was deprived of its legal tender quali ty. Thus the silver money of the coun try was struck down," The News is in error. Section 67 of the act ot 1873 contained a proviso that "this act shall not be construed to affect any act done, right accrued, or penalty incurred, under former acts, but every such right is aaved," This lansmace preserved the legal tender quality of the silver dollar, since the right to pay one's debts in silver dollars waa one of the rights accrued under former acta, which nothing contained ia the act waa permit- tea to aestror. , SOME PERTINENT BUT RATHER EMBARRASSING QUESTIONS FOR MR. BRYAN. II CANDIDATE FOR THE PRESIDENCY. 1 As he comes upon the stage and as the applause breaks forth he smiles. It is a pleased smile properly speaking, a grin. The grin of one to whom the yeUs of "Hurray fur Bill" and the ap plause of a gallery is food and drink and raiment. Applause, of what kind it does not matter, is what the na ture of the man thrives upon. The rec ognition of him as a great man, a hero, a deliverer cannot but make him smile. He appreciates the joke. He composes his features as he re members what is expected of him. His attitude at once suggests the hero of the melodrama the "tank show." He looks this way, then that, aud then to ward the part of his audience from which comes the most hilarious demon stration. He grins again, as he thinks of his side of it. If the noise continues, he turns to those about him aud smiles naively. But he is not afraid of it. The eyes glow and gratification shows in every movement, glance and action. He is introduced and stands erect and again grins. It is not the pleasing, dig nified acknowledgment in keeping with the honor to which the man aspires, but the smile of the magician to the audience that cheers because it is mystified. He raises a restraining hand to hush the demonstration. The movement is grace ful, nothing more. Like every gesture he makes, it lacks strength. The hands nif weak, honelessly so. If the applause continues, he waits, posing as if f or the camera. He is patient. A dignified statesman s verv presence would com mand silence after the first burst of ap nljinse. It would not be necessary for the great man to wait until every nn- . . .. i i i.i . i v. . i. : coutn wit naa maue m juhr, i m. m man lacks the dignity of the position. He plays for the gallery, and the gallery whistles, stamps and claims him for its very own. i-lo hocins his address with a well- turned sentence, which he knows will please his audience. In fact, from first to last, it is his effort by skillful re treats never to offend. He is capable of a fair flight in words, but at no time is he an orator. At no time does he bring a known fact to the notice of his hear ers; then an argument, then one condi tion, and still another, and then, as a climax, as one indisputable, unanswera ble declaration, rounded and full, guard ed and protected by logic, launch it forth at his listeners. His flight of words alleged to be oratory are maae to aiven the mind from questioning his asser tions. He soars in an outburst, the ground work of which is as old as the human voice, to please the ear of his listeners and keep their thoughts on the wing. These flights appeal to all that is emotional. They are seldom original; they express no new thoughts, and they bear his trade mark. He makes asser tions while the audience is under the in fluence of his heroics. He pours forth w-hat he thinks, and declares it to be true, but when the time arrives in the course of his remarks when the facts to back his assertions should be heard, behold another flight in Fourth of July fireworks. Labor applauds itself, and this man knows it. He recognizes that "sacrifice, "crucified," "down-trodden," "the peo ple," "sweat of the face," and similar words and phrases arouse in the ordinary audience an imperative desire to applaud. For logic he uses heroics, for argument words used by truly great men, but which no more apply to his subjest than to the crucifixion. He compares himself to the Alan of Galliee without a blush. He defies facts as Ajax did the light ning. He declares that something can be got out of nothing: that a miner will be able to get 53 cents' worth of metal coined in to $1 and in the same breath insists that the miner will sell that metal to anyone who will buy it for 53 cents and give the buver the chance to make that profit instead of himself. Why the miner will sell at 53 cents and lose the coined profit, he explains by a highly colored account of a "crime" which has nailed "labor to a cross of gold." He refuses to believe that captital is of any use except to starve and grind down mankind. Insinuations, that every man should have more than enough in spite of his hibits, his drunkenness or his improvi dence, he lavishes noon his hearers. Declarations, that a country is all wrong which gives every man who will work with head and hands a chance to be above those who will not, he belches forth in torrents. "Sly friends," he says, and advises those to whom he applies the term as a sane man would hesitate to advise his worst enemy. He distributes chaff, coolly predicts a panic, quotes the words of Christ as glibly as the rowdy uses his name, and having directed the eyes of his hearers npon a bubble which floats pleasingly about, he says: "I thank yon. Paul Armstrong. In all parts of the country women have organized campaign committees, working under the direction of the Woman's bu reau of the national Republican commit tee, Thev distribute literature and use their personal influence with husbands, brothers and other relatives to secure their votes for the good cause., paying especial attention to first voters. lUr Mar itwk.68 ft ttflll be worth-gy A CREAMERY LESSON. Effects of Industrial Depression in Cities Brought Home in a Practical Way. STORY OF A KANSAS FARMER. Decrease in the Consumption of Food by Laborers Affects the Sale of Farm Products. A stock-feeder of Kansas, recently in Kansas City, tells a story that is worth repeating for the excellent lesson which it teaches. In a certain town was a creamery. It gathered the cream from the farms within a radius of ten miles and manufactured about 400 pounds of butter per day. Beyond the limits cf this circle from which cream was gath ered .there were a number of farmers who desired to sell cream, but were not able to do bo because the wagons from the creamery did not reach their farms. One day a delegation of these farmers called at the oflice of the creamery to consult the manager with reference to the enlargement of its business so as to include them and their neighbors. They explained to the manager that by send ing his teams a few miles farther in all directions he would double the quan ityof cream gathered, double the amount of butter produced and consequently double the profits of the creamery. The farmers were disappointed when they saw by the look on the manager's face that their proposition was not favorably received. There had been a great deal of gossip among the farmer patrons of the creamery that the price paid for cream was too low and that the profits of the concern were larger than they ought to be, and now these farmers could not understand why a business which - was making exorbitant profits should not be willing to enlarge itself, to double its output and consequently to double its profits. The manager explained that to enlarge the circle of their farmer patrons would require an additional number of men and teams to gather the cream, would require additional machinery and an en larged plant with more buttermakers and other operatives, all of which meant an additional investment of money in which he did not feel justified at this time. He explained that the price of butter was low, that thousands of laboring men in the cities being out of employment were not eating butter, but were buying oleomargarine and other cheap imita tions of butter, and because of all these discouraging circumstances he was unable to consider a proposition to enlarge the business of the creamery. The manager went on to explain that a creamery in Kansas, Nebraska or Iowa depended upon the big cities for its customers. In small towns many of the people keep cows of their own. but in the big cities such as Denver, Kansas City, Omaha, St. Louis. St. Paul, Minneapolis and Chicago, where thousands of laboring men are gathered, the farmers find their best customers not only for dairy products but all the other food products of the farm. The families of these la boring men are extravagant eaters and extravagant buyers of farm products when they have the money to buy with. When the laboring men in these cities are emploved they consume vast quanti ties of butter, eggs, flour, meal, beef and poultry. The thousands of creameries in Kansas, Iowa and Nebraska had more orders for their product than they could supply before the Democratic panic stooped the industries in the cities and threw the laboring men out of work. In the last two years the demand for food products have been less and less, showing that the families of the laboring men in the cities are growing more and more economical in their consumption of food. In a long conversation with the manager of the creamery, these farmers gathered the idea, as .they had never understood it before, that the food-producing farm is dependent upon the food consuming city for its market and that the price of food and the demand for it depends upon the employment at good wages of the laboring people of the cities. This much the farmers had al ready understood in a general way, but they had never stopped to realize the far more important truth, that the manage ment of "these great laboring employing industries devolves entirely npon the trained business minds of the heads of these industries whom the Popocratic or ators now denounce as plutocrats, and enemies of the common people. It is very fine sport for eloquent office-seeking politicians to denounce the men who manage the labor industries, to call them "plutocrats," "goldbugs," "robbers,' "op pressors" and other offensive names, but after all these eloquent speeches have been delivered and after all this mis chievous talk has bad its effect Mli ptrOunu Cents jicrOuOCt if i?"fCrt .ft eU Chicago TxQnnxe, August 26. npon the farmer mind, the truth, the great truth, still remains that the mind of the business man must origin ate all the plans for the employment of idle labor, and whether these industries are little by little enlarged each year, em ploying more and more men, or whether they are little by little narrowed each year, employing less ani less men, de pends, not npon the judgment or the po litical views of the men employed, but upon the judgment of the men who em ploy. When the farmers in the country and the laborers in the city suffer them selves to be led into some great national movement which the business mind be lieves is dangerous, then this business mind, in order to protect the interests over which it presides, begins the process of narrowing its operations to suit the new conditions. A farmer may believe in free coinage and a laboring man may believe in free coinage, but if the business -mind of the country on which both the farmer and the laboring man is dependent is afraid of free coinage, then the threat of free coinage, instead of breathing new life in to industry, strikes It with the paralysis of death. Every earnest thinking man in this country at this time, whether he be a farmer or a laborer, above all things, above all party or personal preferences, desires to see the industries of the nation revived, because labor can find employ ment and farm produce find a market in n other way. When all the arguments have been ex hansted on both sides, the whole ques tion narrows into this proposition, that activity in industry is dependent upon the confidence the business men have in the financial and tariff policy of the na tional government. Farmers may have confidence in some untried and catchy proposition, and the laboring man may have confidence and even be enthusias tic, but if the mind of the business man hesitates then industry languishes. A thousand laboring men may stand ready to go to work in a factory. And the farmers may stand ready to provide these laboring men with food, but if the managers of the factory are afraid to start it, then it will not start. It mav appear to these thousand laborers and to these farmers that the managers of the factory are unreasonable, and 'hat they have more power in the nation than they ought to have, but the truth will remain forever, that mind, and not ma jorities, is the controlling force upon which the industry of the nation depends and that the judgment of one trained business mind is worth more to a com munity than the judgment of many men who work with their muscles on the farm and in the factory. JOJTES' SILTEB 511 XK. The present interest in anything relat ing to silver recalls James Russell Low ell's witty rhymes of twenty years ago- A DIALOGUE. "Jones owns a sliver mine" "Pray who Is Jones? Don't vex my ears with horrors like Jones owns!" "Why. Jones Is Senator, and so he strives To make us bay his ingots all onr lives At a stiff premium on the market price, A silver currency would be so nice!" "What Is Jones' plan?" "A coinage, to be sure. To rise and fall with Wall street's tem perature. Ton wish to treat the crowd; your dollar shrinks Undreamed nercentnms while they mix the drinks." "Jones' mine's quicksilver, then?" "Your wit won't pass; His coin's mercurial, but his mine Is brass." "Jones owns" "Again! your Iteration's orse Than the slow tortnre of an echo-verse. I'll tell yon one thing Jones won't own that is. That the cat hid beneath the meal Is his." Cleveland World. He is Mistaken. In his speech at Springfield, O., on Wednesday, Candidate Bryan spoke of "the nation's peasantry." There are no peasants in this country, and the man who attempts to make such a class ification is unworthy the support of the free American sovereigns. Every man is a prince and no man is a peas ant. With the ballot in his hand, the voter ranks with Vanderbilt, The rich man of today may be the poor man to morrow, and he who is not endowed with wealth at this moment may be a millionaire before the close of a dec ade. This arraying of the people of the United States into classes is the most pernicious thing that has ever been attempted in this country, and the demagogues who are engaged in the un righteous attempt deserve the contempt into which they are sure to fall. Remember This. -When Bourke Cockran, in his recent great speech in New York, uttered the following sentence, he uttered a sentence which should be posted over the door of every honest laboring man, whether Re publican or Democrat, in this country: "I can take a $10 gold piece and defy all the power of all the governments of this earth to take 5 cents' value from it. I can go to the uttermost ends of the earth, and wherever I present it, its value will be unquestioned, unchallenged. That gold dollar the honest masses of this country without distinction of party divisions, demand shall be paid the la borer when he earns it. and no power on earth shall ' cheat him oat of the sweat of his brow." Gajesburg Evening Mail. , , , WOMAN'S WORK IN THE CAMPAIGN. Never was there before a presidential campaign in which the wemen of the country have taken such an active part as in the present struggle. In three states of the Union, Wyo ming, Colorado and Utah, women have the same voting privileges as men; but feminine interests in the campaign are by no means limited to those states. Intelligent women all over the country seem to feel that the contest ha an im portatbearing upon the welfare bf their households. They think that rfle cause of protection and sound money is bound up with the prosperity of the family, and they feel a great interest in the Re publican presidential candidate because of the nobility of his character and his devotion to his home life. The Woman's bureau is under the di rection of Mrs. J. Ellen Foster, the well known orator and political writer of Des Moines. Ia., for several years president of the Woman's National Republican as sociation. The bureau is established in commodious Quarters in the Auditorium Annex, Chicago, quite away from the noise and activities of the national com mittee, where Mrs. Foster is provided with every convenience, and assisted by capable aids. The Woman's Republican nssoeiatios is composed of thinking, active women women intensely aliv to the best inter ests of their country and homes. The Woman's association is not a suffrage association. Many of its members do not believe in suffrage at all. It is not a moral reform association, although many of its members are engaged in the philanthropies and reforms which illu mine this decade of our national history. They do not seek to utilize the Repub lican association to advance any of these reforms. Its members are simply, and all the time. Republicans, laboring for the support of the principles of that party and for the election of its candi dates. Mrs. Foster's immediate associates and assistants in the work are women of capabilities in various lines. Mrs. Thomas W. Chace, the general secre tary, resides in East Greenwich, R. I., and from there exercises a watchful care for the work in the New England states. Mrs. Chace has an extensive ac quaintance and is identified with many great charities, philanthropies and soci eties, aside from her political duties. rThe national treasurer. Miss Helen Var wick Boswell of New Tork city, has su pervision over the headquarters of her state, located at 1473 Broadway. Miss Boswell has inaugurated the plan of per sonal visits among the women in the tenement districts of New York, for the purpose of showing the women the mean ing of the free coinage of silver and how it will affect the purchasing power of their dollars. She finds these women with well-defined views on the currency ?uestion and ready to defend them, as hey do in insisting that the voters in their families shall maintain them at the polls. Miss Boswell has enlisted a large number of young business women to help spread the doctrines of sound money and protection and to help secure votes for the Republican candidates. In the Chicago headquarters Mrs. Fos ter's chief assistant and secretary is Mrs. Alice Rosseter Willard, who has wide experience in general business and news paper work in this country and in Eng land. Next to her comes Miss Anna Brophy of Dubuque. Ia. Miss Brophy is not only valuable for her education and wide general knowledge, but because everv piece of work which passes through her bauds receives her critical attention as to its correctness, its ac curacy. Miss Brophy is chief stenog rapher. Almost the first thing done by Mrs. Foster after opening her headquarters, was to issue an appeal to the patriotic women of the country, urging them to organize committees or clubs for study of the issues of the campaign, and to help promote the cause of national unity and protection. The responses have been most gratifying, coming as they have from Oregon to New Jersey. These women are directed in their work of or ganizing and advised how to make their efforts effective. The weapons of the women are personal appeal and litera ture. These are used to convince the women that their own personal welfare, including the interests of children and of the home, are on the side of the Repub lican party. This conviction assured little doubt remains as to how the vote influenced by these women will be cast. Free Wool and Free Silver. During the many weary months after the Wilson-Gorman tariff had given the death blow to the wool industry, free trade journals assured their readers that the blow would not be fatal. In time the industry would revive. Considerable pru dence was manifested as to dates, but the prediction was confident that in the course of time the industry would re cover from its paralysis. The Philadel phia Record was one of the most san guine of these free traders. That journal simply knew that its theories could not be wrong. Free wool must and would enable our manufacturers to recover the home market for woolen goods and grad ually get a good hold on the markets of the world. In a recent issue the Rec ord threw up the sponge. It admits that free wool is not strong enough to carry free silver. The confidence with which; it attributes the failure f its free wool theory to some other person's free silver theory would, if trensf erred to the money market, revive business even in these free trade times. Says the Record "The distrust engendered by the sil ver craze has cheeked sales of manu factured goods. Increased, the percent age of idle mills and eo narrowed the outlet and crippled the financial re- sources of Eastern distributors of wool that the latter bare practically ceased purchases of the staple in the. country markets, and in many cases have re fused to make even reduced cash ad vances on consignments." The silver craze did not materialize until free wool had had nearly three years in which to show what it could do. During all that time the wool in dustry went from bad to worse, Noie the people are asked to believe that free silver did all the mischief. St. Jo seph (Mo.) Herald. Give It to the Indians. "Let us restore the conditions that ex isted prior to 1873," says Mr. Teller. Very well: let us tear up all the rail roads that have been built since then; let us reduce the acreage of wheat and corn and cotton to what it was then; let us send back to barbarism those parts of the world that have since been reclaimed to civilization; let us plug op the Rus sian oil wells and destroy the wheat fields of India and the Argentine: let us smooth over the hills of Leadville and Cripple Creek, and fill up the mines, and reduce the production of silver from $170,000,000 a year to $60,000,000; let as kill off about 30,000.000 of our people, so as to make the population what it was in 1873; let us have a paper basis for our money, as we had then, and gold at a firemium of 15 cents or more on the dot ar in short, let us try to turn back the hand on time's dial, and make everybody as happy and wealthy as all the people are now alleged to have been before 1873. Colorado Springs Gaxette. FIVE.