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Western Kansas world. [volume] (WaKeeney, Kan.) 1885-current, September 26, 1896, Image 5

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Political Notes and Observations
from the Popocrat Candi
date's Own City.
A Constant Appeal to Class Preju
dice in the Interest of Sil
ver Mine Owners.
" Business men are studying the money
question. Mr. Bryan has seen fit to
tell his audiences over and over again
that the business men of the country are
against free silver partly because they
don't know anything about the question
-and partly because they are dishonest.
In this Mr. Bryan misleads his follow
ers and misrepresents the business men.
Tt may be true that what is called free
-silver agitation started first among the
farmers rather than among' the business
men, but later the business men have
read the free-silver literature, have read
tooth sides of the question, until at the
present time the business men of the
nation are thoroughly informed from a
business standpoint and from a nonpar
tisan standooint on the money question.
It is probably true that the politicians
that oppose silver are moved by prejudice
and self-interest to a certain degree just
as the politicians who favor free silver
are moved bv self-interest to a certain
degree; but the business men, the men
who are managing the business concerns
of the country, the bankers, and the
financiers have made it a part of their
business to read up on the money ques
tion, to become thoroughly informed, and
they have passed upon the question from
a business and not from a political stand
point. Mr. Bryan, recognizing the mor
al force of the business judgment of the
country and knowing that this business
judgment condemns free coinage as a
dangerous thing, seeks to discredit the
business mind of the country by denounc
ing it as ignorant and dishonest on the
money question. Mr. Bryan professes
to desire a restoration of the industries
vf this country. At the same time he
denounces the business men of the coun
try and proposes a plan which he knows
they are afraid of.
The threat of free trade in the cam
paign of '1)2 and in the election of '92,
frightened the business mind of the coun
try, first into distrust and doubt and then
into a panic, the effect of which is still
on. The question above all others at
this time is how to remove this business
depression from the business mind. Mr.
iBryan says that free coinage will revive
the industries, but at the same time he
admits that the business mind is against
it and is afraid of it. The effect of this
threat of free coinage is to make every
capitalist hide his money, to make every
lianker afraid of investments, to make
every dollar creep into the darkest corner
of the safety vault, and by this process of
.money hiding and money hoarding which
is now going on all over the United
States, the circulating money of the
ouutry is disappearing from active use
faster than all the government mints
could coin new money if they were now
Under a free coinage law.
Laboring men are crowding around
Sir. Bryan to hear his speeches and
many of them appear to be pleased
"with what he says. He talks kindly to
"the laboring man and his words are as
sweet as honey. But the thinking labor
ing man knows that so long as industry,
that is, the mind force which is man
aging industry, is afraid of free coinage,
"that all plans for the enlargement of in
dustry or the employment of labor are
suspended, pending the discussion of
rthe money question, and that these plans
-will be taken up and carried into execu
- tion only when the business mind of
'the country is assured by the election of
-McKinley that there is to be a sound
business policy in the government of this
George Groot. chairman of the Nation
al Silver party, speaking at Lincoln.
Ts'cb., on Septemher 8. from the steps of
the state capitol building. with Mr.
Bryan sitting near him, denounced the
toankers as the enemies of society, and
declared that the financiers of Wall
-etreet should be hung to the telegraph
poles. On the evening of September 7,
in front of the Hotel Lincoln, in Lin
coln. Neb.. Ignatius Donnelly of Min
Siesota denounced the bankers and the
financiers of this country as the enemies
of the people, enemies of prosperitv,
and declared that their influence upon
this country ought to be set aside. Now
what do the followers of Mr. Bryan ex
pect to happen to the laboring men and
to the farmers of this country, when
they, by reason of their superior num
ber, have voted out the banker 'and the
easiness man and have voted in this
new system of finance? What force
-will take the place of this business
TOind force when it has been displaced?
When the country has struck down its
present bankers, its present financiers.
xt" present business men. its present
managers of industries and commerce
when the common people by a majority
ote have paralyzed this business power
what other fni-n will : " , '
. '- ..... m 11.1 lljUf
?nZ I rlan8 for the employment of
j V i "rryug on or commerce
and for the management of all the indus
trial forces which give vitality to the
(material body of the nation?
On the afternoon of Seotember 8 in
TTXin t n f tha , . t ... 1 1 i : i i - .
v - - niiuiug at
T.ifwnln X r- Rian ..ft. . .
. , -. ftnw ueuouncmg
the business element of the country be-
?mtlSf it is .cflinat 1. i ... ln l. : .. .
congratulated himself that the laboring
tC" wl'u"J wuevea in mm and
"that enough of the farmers believed in
Jlim thnt thpno tvr. .,1.... -
ttlus election wonld enable him to sween
S3m pnnntrv in 't-imKn. rru: . .
. : ; - ii us lit- cnar-
55ter,2i? a v""tory of the people, because
very pleasing to Mr. Bryan when he
Jt . " "e lce or lanonng men
... .wn-i n apiuauu sucn speeches
raa this, but what reason have these la
- Iwnng men and farmers to expect bet
pr tlTTIA f-Hmncrl, 1,a aImi: " .
, , . vi air.
Bryan, when he himself admits that the
business men of this nation regard his
lection as a menace to business and
prosperity? Can you revive business by
doing that which paralyzes the h
courage of business men? When the
jnonstnes oi me nation revive, there
nrust be some mind force in the country
oring li aoour. nere must also
-capitalists who believe in the future a
-vho are ready to invest money. There
nanut be banks and these banks must not
-only have funds, but they must be will
ing to invest these funds, and they must
ftielieve and have confident before they
ean consent. Mr. Bryan admits that
py are not consenting now; will taey
consent after election?
"When Ignatious Donnelly u de
bouncing the bankers and the financiers
mm the enemies of their country, in his
speech in front of the Hotel Lincoln,
someone asked, "What about Mr. Sew
all T' Donnelly reDlied. "I know noth
ing of Mr. Sewall and I don't want any
thing to do with him. If I had my way
ne would come off of that ticket in
twenty-four hours." Mr. Donnelly then
went into a bitter tirade arainst all
bankers and business men in general,
and the Iaborins men 'who heard him
applauded his utterances. Now it must
have occurred to the more thoughtful of
these laboring men that everv dav's work
and every dollar paid to labor must first
oe tnougnt out and planned by some
business mind. Before labor can begin
in any industrv there must be some
thought force and some business judg
ment wnich passes upon the plans of
that industry and believes that it will
succeed. There must be financiers.
bankers and capitalists to consent and
their consent must be based upon the
faith that the industry will succeed. If
Mr. Donnelly and Mr. Bryan were capi-
iiisis ana Dusmess men, tnen taey
themselves miirht Dromise emnlovment
to labor. Or, if the plans proposed by
Mr. Donnelly and Mr. Brvan were re
ceiving the endorsement of the business
juagnient of others who have capital,
then it might seem reasonable that fref
coinage might revive industry and bring
wiLvr tunes.
Mr. Bryan and his corns of free silver
orators constantly denounce idle capital.
Mr. Bryan knows that idle capital is al
ways ine result of lack of confidence.
He also knows that idle capital makes
idle men. If one set of men hnv th
capital and another set of men who
are workers stand ready to be employed
by this capital, then there must be a
condition of harmony between the people
who own the capital and the men who
stand ready to go to work or there will
ne no work, if a plan is proposed which
makes capital afraid, and if th irnrtpr.
stand ready by their votes and their ma
jorities to carry out this plan, then it is
but natural that the men who control
tne capital, being afraid of his new plan,
will hoard their capital and keep it idle
rather than risk it under conditions
which they believe will be disastrous.
Does it then avail anything to the labor
ing man that this canital is ripnnnnnnl
as the enemy of the country? Edison was
once a laboring man, but is jiow a cap
italist. When he was a laboring man his
opinions and his plans were in a certain
degree dependent upon the plans and the
opinions of some one else. When Edi
son was a laborer, employed in con
structing machines, whether he was em
ployed or not depended upon his em
ployer. If the emulover found bv prnpri-
ence that the work in which he was en
gaged was unprofitable to him. then Mr.
Kdison lost his job. Now, Mr. Edison,
having evolved by his own exertions out
of a condition where he was a worker
with his hands only, into a condition
where he has become a great mind force
which controls industry, is vastly more
iniDortant to labor than he was before.
Then he could consent to the employment
of only one man, himself. Now he can
consent to the employment of thousands
of men, and whether they are employed
or not depends more upon his judgment
tnan upon tneir own. The industries of
the world, no matter who is employed in
them, have always been and always will
be under the control and direction of
mind. Majorities have nothing to do
with it except as the majorities are in
harmony with this mind force and have
the approval of its judgment.
Whether 50O or 5000 men are emnloved
at the Burlington machines shops at Lin
coln. Nebraska, during the next four
years, depends not upon the political
judgment of the men who are employed
in these machine shops, but upon the
business judgment of those who must fur
nish money to pay for this labor. And
this business judgment, looking always to
the financial policy of the government for
signs of business safety or of business
danger, is inspired with confidence or is
inspired witn tear as it interprets tne
business prosperity of the future bv the
political conditions of the future. If this
business mind sees in the election of
Bryan and cheap money signs of future
stagnation and depression, then it is hot
natural that it should keep the number of
men employed to the very least possible
limit. People who ride in the Burlington
trams along py tue town of Havelock
near Lincoln where these machine shops
are located, can see the siirns of hncinps.
depression and can interpret the doubt
that is in the mind of the directors of the
road, when they see the side tracks lined
vwm oroKen engines which the small
force of men employed are not able to
repair. If the laboring people of the East
were at work today there would be a
market in these great centers of industry
in the East for Nebraska's food product,
and then these great railroad svstems
would require every engine and every car
which they own to be in repair and all
the wheels would be kept rolling night
and day carrying the great crops of Kan
sas, Nebraska and Iowa to the food-consuming
East. This condition would em
ploy labor and give valne to farm prod
ucts. The whole theory of Western suc
cess depends upon the activity of Eastern
iiiuuniry ana tne activity of Eastern in
dustry depends upon the faith and confi
dence of the Eastern business mind.
A hired man cannot be employed upon
a farm without the consent of the own
er of the farm.
A carpenter cannot get employment
without the consent of the builder who
is engaged in building houses, and the
builder cannot get the house to build
without the consent of the men who
Svf the mony to build houses. In
Li!"?? t industry the man who works
wih his hands is dependent upon the
man who works with his mind and in
all countries the mind workers are th.
controllers of industry. When the mind
workers and those who have the making
of the plans for industry have confi
dence that industry will be profitable
then there is employment.
William Jennings Bryan and his plat
form is a menace to industrv and Mr
Bryan knows it. The conviction is fast
ened deep upon him and the leaders of
his cause, that the thing which thev are
trying to accomplish is asainst the"bn-i-ness
judgment of the American people.
They are condemned by the mind work
ers of the nation, and because thev
realize this, they constantly appeal to
class prejudice, honing that there are
laborers and farmers who hate the busi
ness men and the employers of labor,
that when all these haters are organized
into one great army there will be enough
of them to carry this election for Mr.
Bryan and for the mine owners of Colo
rado, in whose interest his candidacy ex
ists, SilTer Dollars Are Legal Tender. Z
Many of the "plain people" of the
United States have wondered what is
meant, when it is said that Congress in
1S73 struck down one-half the money
in the country. The figure is forcible
but somewhat obscure. The Denver
News comes to the rescue. It savs: "By
the legislation of 1873 the mints were
not only closed to silver bnt the silver
money of the country was demonetized;
it was deprived of its legal tender quali
ty. Thus the silver money of the coun
try was struck down,"
The News is in error. Section 67 of
the act ot 1873 contained a proviso that
"this act shall not be construed to affect
any act done, right accrued, or penalty
incurred, under former acts, but every
such right is aaved," This lansmace
preserved the legal tender quality of the
silver dollar, since the right to pay one's
debts in silver dollars waa one of the
rights accrued under former acta, which
nothing contained ia the act waa permit-
tea to aestror. ,
As he comes upon the stage and as the
applause breaks forth he smiles. It
is a pleased smile properly speaking, a
grin. The grin of one to whom the
yeUs of "Hurray fur Bill" and the ap
plause of a gallery is food and drink
and raiment. Applause, of what kind
it does not matter, is what the na
ture of the man thrives upon. The rec
ognition of him as a great man, a hero,
a deliverer cannot but make him smile.
He appreciates the joke.
He composes his features as he re
members what is expected of him. His
attitude at once suggests the hero of
the melodrama the "tank show." He
looks this way, then that, aud then to
ward the part of his audience from
which comes the most hilarious demon
stration. He grins again, as he thinks
of his side of it. If the noise continues,
he turns to those about him aud smiles
naively. But he is not afraid of it.
The eyes glow and gratification shows
in every movement, glance and action.
He is introduced and stands erect and
again grins. It is not the pleasing, dig
nified acknowledgment in keeping with
the honor to which the man aspires, but
the smile of the magician to the audience
that cheers because it is mystified. He
raises a restraining hand to hush the
demonstration. The movement is grace
ful, nothing more. Like every gesture
he makes, it lacks strength. The hands
nif weak, honelessly so. If the applause
continues, he waits, posing as if f or the
camera. He is patient. A dignified
statesman s verv presence would com
mand silence after the first burst of ap
nljinse. It would not be necessary for
the great man to wait until every nn-
. . .. i i i.i . i v. . i. :
coutn wit naa maue m juhr, i m. m
man lacks the dignity of the position.
He plays for the gallery, and the gallery
whistles, stamps and claims him for its
very own.
i-lo hocins his address with a well-
turned sentence, which he knows will
please his audience. In fact, from first
to last, it is his effort by skillful re
treats never to offend. He is capable of
a fair flight in words, but at no time is
he an orator. At no time does he bring
a known fact to the notice of his hear
ers; then an argument, then one condi
tion, and still another, and then, as a
climax, as one indisputable, unanswera
ble declaration, rounded and full, guard
ed and protected by logic, launch it forth
at his listeners. His flight of words
alleged to be oratory are maae to aiven
the mind from questioning his asser
tions. He soars in an outburst, the
ground work of which is as old as the
human voice, to please the ear of his
listeners and keep their thoughts on the
wing. These flights appeal to all that
is emotional. They are seldom original;
they express no new thoughts, and they
bear his trade mark. He makes asser
tions while the audience is under the in
fluence of his heroics. He pours forth
w-hat he thinks, and declares it to be
true, but when the time arrives in the
course of his remarks when the facts to
back his assertions should be heard,
behold another flight in Fourth of July
Labor applauds itself, and this man
knows it. He recognizes that "sacrifice,
"crucified," "down-trodden," "the peo
ple," "sweat of the face," and similar
words and phrases arouse in the ordinary
audience an imperative desire to applaud.
For logic he uses heroics, for argument
words used by truly great men, but
which no more apply to his subjest than
to the crucifixion.
He compares himself to the Alan of
Galliee without a blush.
He defies facts as Ajax did the light
ning. He declares that something can be got
out of nothing: that a miner will be able
to get 53 cents' worth of metal coined in
to $1 and in the same breath insists that
the miner will sell that metal to anyone
who will buy it for 53 cents and give the
buver the chance to make that profit
instead of himself. Why the miner will
sell at 53 cents and lose the coined profit,
he explains by a highly colored account
of a "crime" which has nailed "labor to
a cross of gold."
He refuses to believe that captital is of
any use except to starve and grind down
Insinuations, that every man should
have more than enough in spite of his
hibits, his drunkenness or his improvi
dence, he lavishes noon his hearers.
Declarations, that a country is all
wrong which gives every man who will
work with head and hands a chance to
be above those who will not, he belches
forth in torrents.
"Sly friends," he says, and advises
those to whom he applies the term as a
sane man would hesitate to advise his
worst enemy.
He distributes chaff, coolly predicts a
panic, quotes the words of Christ as
glibly as the rowdy uses his name, and
having directed the eyes of his hearers
npon a bubble which floats pleasingly
about, he says: "I thank yon.
Paul Armstrong.
In all parts of the country women have
organized campaign committees, working
under the direction of the Woman's bu
reau of the national Republican commit
tee, Thev distribute literature and use
their personal influence with husbands,
brothers and other relatives to secure
their votes for the good cause., paying
especial attention to first voters.
lUr Mar itwk.68
ft ttflll be worth-gy
Effects of Industrial Depression in
Cities Brought Home in
a Practical Way.
Decrease in the Consumption of Food
by Laborers Affects the Sale
of Farm Products.
A stock-feeder of Kansas, recently in
Kansas City, tells a story that is worth
repeating for the excellent lesson which
it teaches. In a certain town was a
creamery. It gathered the cream from
the farms within a radius of ten miles
and manufactured about 400 pounds of
butter per day. Beyond the limits cf
this circle from which cream was gath
ered .there were a number of farmers
who desired to sell cream, but were not
able to do bo because the wagons from
the creamery did not reach their farms.
One day a delegation of these farmers
called at the oflice of the creamery to
consult the manager with reference to
the enlargement of its business so as to
include them and their neighbors. They
explained to the manager that by send
ing his teams a few miles farther in
all directions he would double the quan
ityof cream gathered, double the amount
of butter produced and consequently
double the profits of the creamery. The
farmers were disappointed when they
saw by the look on the manager's face
that their proposition was not favorably
received. There had been a great deal
of gossip among the farmer patrons of
the creamery that the price paid for
cream was too low and that the profits
of the concern were larger than they
ought to be, and now these farmers
could not understand why a business
which - was making exorbitant profits
should not be willing to enlarge itself, to
double its output and consequently to
double its profits.
The manager explained that to enlarge
the circle of their farmer patrons would
require an additional number of men
and teams to gather the cream, would
require additional machinery and an en
larged plant with more buttermakers
and other operatives, all of which
meant an additional investment of
money in which he did not feel justified
at this time.
He explained that the price of butter
was low, that thousands of laboring men
in the cities being out of employment
were not eating butter, but were buying
oleomargarine and other cheap imita
tions of butter, and because of all these
discouraging circumstances he was unable
to consider a proposition to enlarge the
business of the creamery. The manager
went on to explain that a creamery in
Kansas, Nebraska or Iowa depended
upon the big cities for its customers.
In small towns many of the people keep
cows of their own. but in the big cities
such as Denver, Kansas City, Omaha,
St. Louis. St. Paul, Minneapolis and
Chicago, where thousands of laboring
men are gathered, the farmers find
their best customers not only for dairy
products but all the other food products
of the farm. The families of these la
boring men are extravagant eaters and
extravagant buyers of farm products
when they have the money to buy with.
When the laboring men in these cities
are emploved they consume vast quanti
ties of butter, eggs, flour, meal, beef and
poultry. The thousands of creameries
in Kansas, Iowa and Nebraska had
more orders for their product than they
could supply before the Democratic
panic stooped the industries in the cities
and threw the laboring men out of work.
In the last two years the demand for
food products have been less and less,
showing that the families of the laboring
men in the cities are growing more and
more economical in their consumption of
food. In a long conversation with the
manager of the creamery, these farmers
gathered the idea, as .they had never
understood it before, that the food-producing
farm is dependent upon the food
consuming city for its market and that
the price of food and the demand for it
depends upon the employment at good
wages of the laboring people of the
cities. This much the farmers had al
ready understood in a general way, but
they had never stopped to realize the far
more important truth, that the manage
ment of "these great laboring employing
industries devolves entirely npon the
trained business minds of the heads of
these industries whom the Popocratic or
ators now denounce as plutocrats, and
enemies of the common people. It is
very fine sport for eloquent office-seeking
politicians to denounce the men who
manage the labor industries, to call them
"plutocrats," "goldbugs," "robbers,' "op
pressors" and other offensive names, but
after all these eloquent speeches have
been delivered and after all this mis
chievous talk has bad its effect
Mli ptrOunu
Cents jicrOuOCt if i?"fCrt .ft eU
Chicago TxQnnxe, August 26.
npon the farmer mind, the truth,
the great truth, still remains that
the mind of the business man must origin
ate all the plans for the employment of
idle labor, and whether these industries
are little by little enlarged each year, em
ploying more and more men, or whether
they are little by little narrowed each
year, employing less ani less men, de
pends, not npon the judgment or the po
litical views of the men employed, but
upon the judgment of the men who em
ploy. When the farmers in the country
and the laborers in the city suffer them
selves to be led into some great national
movement which the business mind be
lieves is dangerous, then this business
mind, in order to protect the interests over
which it presides, begins the process of
narrowing its operations to suit the new
A farmer may believe in free coinage
and a laboring man may believe in free
coinage, but if the business -mind of the
country on which both the farmer and
the laboring man is dependent is afraid of
free coinage, then the threat of free
coinage, instead of breathing new life in
to industry, strikes It with the paralysis
of death.
Every earnest thinking man in this
country at this time, whether he be a
farmer or a laborer, above all things,
above all party or personal preferences,
desires to see the industries of the nation
revived, because labor can find employ
ment and farm produce find a market in
n other way.
When all the arguments have been ex
hansted on both sides, the whole ques
tion narrows into this proposition, that
activity in industry is dependent upon
the confidence the business men have in
the financial and tariff policy of the na
tional government. Farmers may have
confidence in some untried and catchy
proposition, and the laboring man may
have confidence and even be enthusias
tic, but if the mind of the business man
hesitates then industry languishes. A
thousand laboring men may stand ready
to go to work in a factory. And the
farmers may stand ready to provide
these laboring men with food, but if the
managers of the factory are afraid to
start it, then it will not start. It mav
appear to these thousand laborers and
to these farmers that the managers of
the factory are unreasonable, and 'hat
they have more power in the nation than
they ought to have, but the truth will
remain forever, that mind, and not ma
jorities, is the controlling force upon
which the industry of the nation depends
and that the judgment of one trained
business mind is worth more to a com
munity than the judgment of many men
who work with their muscles on the
farm and in the factory.
The present interest in anything relat
ing to silver recalls James Russell Low
ell's witty rhymes of twenty years ago-
"Jones owns a sliver mine" "Pray who
Is Jones?
Don't vex my ears with horrors like Jones
"Why. Jones Is Senator, and so he strives
To make us bay his ingots all onr lives
At a stiff premium on the market price,
A silver currency would be so nice!"
"What Is Jones' plan?" "A coinage, to be
To rise and fall with Wall street's tem
perature. Ton wish to treat the crowd; your dollar
Undreamed nercentnms while they mix the
"Jones' mine's quicksilver, then?" "Your
wit won't pass;
His coin's mercurial, but his mine Is brass."
"Jones owns" "Again! your Iteration's
Than the slow tortnre of an echo-verse.
I'll tell yon one thing Jones won't own
that is.
That the cat hid beneath the meal Is his."
Cleveland World.
He is Mistaken.
In his speech at Springfield, O., on
Wednesday, Candidate Bryan spoke of
"the nation's peasantry." There are
no peasants in this country, and the
man who attempts to make such a class
ification is unworthy the support of
the free American sovereigns. Every
man is a prince and no man is a peas
ant. With the ballot in his hand, the
voter ranks with Vanderbilt, The rich
man of today may be the poor man to
morrow, and he who is not endowed
with wealth at this moment may be a
millionaire before the close of a dec
ade. This arraying of the people of
the United States into classes is the
most pernicious thing that has ever been
attempted in this country, and the
demagogues who are engaged in the un
righteous attempt deserve the contempt
into which they are sure to fall.
Remember This. -When
Bourke Cockran, in his recent
great speech in New York, uttered the
following sentence, he uttered a sentence
which should be posted over the door of
every honest laboring man, whether Re
publican or Democrat, in this country:
"I can take a $10 gold piece and defy all
the power of all the governments of this
earth to take 5 cents' value from it.
I can go to the uttermost ends of the
earth, and wherever I present it, its
value will be unquestioned, unchallenged.
That gold dollar the honest masses of
this country without distinction of party
divisions, demand shall be paid the la
borer when he earns it. and no power
on earth shall ' cheat him oat of the
sweat of his brow." Gajesburg Evening
Mail. , , ,
Never was there before a presidential
campaign in which the wemen of the
country have taken such an active part
as in the present struggle.
In three states of the Union, Wyo
ming, Colorado and Utah, women have
the same voting privileges as men; but
feminine interests in the campaign are
by no means limited to those states.
Intelligent women all over the country
seem to feel that the contest ha an im
portatbearing upon the welfare bf their
households. They think that rfle cause
of protection and sound money is bound
up with the prosperity of the family,
and they feel a great interest in the Re
publican presidential candidate because
of the nobility of his character and his
devotion to his home life.
The Woman's bureau is under the di
rection of Mrs. J. Ellen Foster, the well
known orator and political writer of Des
Moines. Ia., for several years president
of the Woman's National Republican as
sociation. The bureau is established in
commodious Quarters in the Auditorium
Annex, Chicago, quite away from the
noise and activities of the national com
mittee, where Mrs. Foster is provided
with every convenience, and assisted by
capable aids.
The Woman's Republican nssoeiatios
is composed of thinking, active women
women intensely aliv to the best inter
ests of their country and homes. The
Woman's association is not a suffrage
association. Many of its members do
not believe in suffrage at all. It is not
a moral reform association, although
many of its members are engaged in the
philanthropies and reforms which illu
mine this decade of our national history.
They do not seek to utilize the Repub
lican association to advance any of these
reforms. Its members are simply, and
all the time. Republicans, laboring for
the support of the principles of that
party and for the election of its candi
dates. Mrs. Foster's immediate associates
and assistants in the work are women
of capabilities in various lines. Mrs.
Thomas W. Chace, the general secre
tary, resides in East Greenwich, R. I.,
and from there exercises a watchful
care for the work in the New England
states. Mrs. Chace has an extensive ac
quaintance and is identified with many
great charities, philanthropies and soci
eties, aside from her political duties.
rThe national treasurer. Miss Helen Var
wick Boswell of New Tork city, has su
pervision over the headquarters of her
state, located at 1473 Broadway. Miss
Boswell has inaugurated the plan of per
sonal visits among the women in the
tenement districts of New York, for the
purpose of showing the women the mean
ing of the free coinage of silver and how
it will affect the purchasing power of
their dollars. She finds these women
with well-defined views on the currency
?uestion and ready to defend them, as
hey do in insisting that the voters in
their families shall maintain them at
the polls. Miss Boswell has enlisted a
large number of young business women
to help spread the doctrines of sound
money and protection and to help secure
votes for the Republican candidates.
In the Chicago headquarters Mrs. Fos
ter's chief assistant and secretary is Mrs.
Alice Rosseter Willard, who has wide
experience in general business and news
paper work in this country and in Eng
land. Next to her comes Miss Anna
Brophy of Dubuque. Ia. Miss Brophy
is not only valuable for her education
and wide general knowledge, but because
everv piece of work which passes
through her bauds receives her critical
attention as to its correctness, its ac
curacy. Miss Brophy is chief stenog
rapher. Almost the first thing done by Mrs.
Foster after opening her headquarters,
was to issue an appeal to the patriotic
women of the country, urging them to
organize committees or clubs for study
of the issues of the campaign, and to
help promote the cause of national unity
and protection. The responses have been
most gratifying, coming as they have
from Oregon to New Jersey. These
women are directed in their work of or
ganizing and advised how to make their
efforts effective. The weapons of the
women are personal appeal and litera
ture. These are used to convince the
women that their own personal welfare,
including the interests of children and of
the home, are on the side of the Repub
lican party. This conviction assured
little doubt remains as to how the vote
influenced by these women will be cast.
Free Wool and Free Silver.
During the many weary months after
the Wilson-Gorman tariff had given the
death blow to the wool industry, free
trade journals assured their readers that
the blow would not be fatal. In time the
industry would revive. Considerable pru
dence was manifested as to dates, but the
prediction was confident that in the
course of time the industry would re
cover from its paralysis. The Philadel
phia Record was one of the most san
guine of these free traders. That journal
simply knew that its theories could not
be wrong. Free wool must and would
enable our manufacturers to recover the
home market for woolen goods and grad
ually get a good hold on the markets
of the world. In a recent issue the Rec
ord threw up the sponge. It admits that
free wool is not strong enough to carry
free silver. The confidence with which;
it attributes the failure f its free wool
theory to some other person's free silver
theory would, if trensf erred to the money
market, revive business even in these free
trade times. Says the Record
"The distrust engendered by the sil
ver craze has cheeked sales of manu
factured goods. Increased, the percent
age of idle mills and eo narrowed the
outlet and crippled the financial re-
sources of Eastern distributors of wool
that the latter bare practically ceased
purchases of the staple in the. country
markets, and in many cases have re
fused to make even reduced cash ad
vances on consignments."
The silver craze did not materialize
until free wool had had nearly three
years in which to show what it could
do. During all that time the wool in
dustry went from bad to worse, Noie
the people are asked to believe that
free silver did all the mischief. St. Jo
seph (Mo.) Herald.
Give It to the Indians.
"Let us restore the conditions that ex
isted prior to 1873," says Mr. Teller.
Very well: let us tear up all the rail
roads that have been built since then;
let us reduce the acreage of wheat and
corn and cotton to what it was then; let
us send back to barbarism those parts of
the world that have since been reclaimed
to civilization; let us plug op the Rus
sian oil wells and destroy the wheat
fields of India and the Argentine: let us
smooth over the hills of Leadville and
Cripple Creek, and fill up the mines, and
reduce the production of silver from
$170,000,000 a year to $60,000,000; let
as kill off about 30,000.000 of our people,
so as to make the population what it was
in 1873; let us have a paper basis for our
money, as we had then, and gold at a
firemium of 15 cents or more on the dot
ar in short, let us try to turn back the
hand on time's dial, and make everybody
as happy and wealthy as all the people
are now alleged to have been before
1873. Colorado Springs Gaxette.

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