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White Cloud Kansas chief. [volume] (White Cloud, Kan.) 1857-1872, December 01, 1859, Image 1

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IN III il ll.V kv isr ytv . ' 1 II J.
Pi
it. . f I
' IB ' (I- , II
.; . . '.a:- s-
goLt jMLLEB, EDITOR iSD TUBLISnER.
THE CONSTITUTION AND THE UNION.
i TERMS $2.00 PER AWCM, II 1DT1XCE.
VOLUME M.-NUMBER;
WHITE CLOUD, KANSAS, THURSDAY,' DECEMBER J, 1859.
WHOLE NUMBER, 126.
w a. aa, i a mm w mm is icv ran i v i a bbbbbi
11V. Ik UUtV MHJHJP 111 1 . i y
..... ' - ' ' : : : - - - . , .. .
PICTTTRES OP MEMORY.
T ALICE CAUI. '
Aartsf hoaotlfal pletato
Il rf
-tat araraaih tb hut f all.
MM far iu pirlad Mil old.
Dirt with Bjistltaj
HO for A Ti(lu fMa,
That acwinkW th ml law
afortha ajilk wliita liliaa, -
Tint hi! fro" th fra-raol hodf.
Caqaattiaf all day with tb saabaaais,
Aad i(1ia( Ihoir fold df;
Hat rat tb riaM a tb oplaad,
Wbtr tb bri-ht, rad brri foot I
tar lbs piaks, aot tb pal, iwl aavtlip,
(t iMaiaib I bm tb bnt.
I bm had littl brther :
WIU ji that rt dark aad lp
litkt If that dial old fenw, ; ;
H linb i pac ailp.
Li th do"" fth tbiithr,
Fn at tb iad that blow, '
ye tofcd rhM. th brawl fal Basaart,
Tat 8aaawn f"Uot aja."
(at bit (t aa the hilb (rear arja
Aid, a of tb Aatoaia ,
I aid he air littl krolbr,
A badaf tk yllo tear.
wvllf bit pal anat fuUd
Mr aack, la a air.k nibnc,
A rba lifhl of imamnal brantj
i tenllf rorarad hii far;
A ad irbaa I ha am of aaaaa
Lmlad la ti traa-lopa liHrtt,
II. fall, ia bit aaial-lik baaala,
Ahap fc tb Gala af Lifkt! -
Tbrr 't'ra, of ail lh piclam
Tliat lianx a Maaiory'a wall,
Thxl on of tha dim old forelt,
rarrorlk tlw tfil of all.
Prospect of a United Opposition.
From t lie hins of the times. North and
K.tnih, tre nmy account it a fixed fact
tb it there will le a thorough au'l conli.il
nm of nearly all the Opposition ele
bu iu tlia next Prcsi'lential campaign.
Snrtnl anil his peculiar fiicndu ami
Imj amount to only a small faction
mj b fonnil to be iinpracticahle, anil
maj decline to co-operate iu support of a
national, conservative Opposition candid
ate (or the Presidency, with tlw view and
in the hope of perjHti;t ing the alavery
agitation forseltili and unprincipled ends.
But the great body of tha Northern Op
position have no sympathy with the
8wWii clique, and their ultra, revolu
tionary doctrine;) an I movements, and
will discountenance and frown upon any
attempt which Seward and his manager
may make, to ditttravt tire connciU and
thwart the pnrpoe of the conxeivativc
Opposition. Indeed, ne consider Setvard,
aa a t rcMdentuI aspirant, altogeher out
tf the question. Even tho.ie ileludel
persons who are most devoted to him?
an I who sinrerelv de-.ire to see hint eleva
tM to the Presidency, will hardly rnn
the hazard of revolution, disunion, and
rivil war, to gratify hi overweening
ambition. Well knowing that his ele
vation even if .ubmitted to at ail by the
ou'Jjj wobM be ultimately productive
f tse most dangerous and calamitous
wastqaenees, in engendering the bitterest
Wing between the two section of the
Tnion, and in kindling at the Sonth'par
ticrjlarly a spirt of indignation that might
fnlt in the establishment of a Southern
Confederacy, and in an appeal to arms
to 'indicate the step, the champions of
ard'a nomination for the Presidency
take connsel of their discretion, and
tap him before the close of the coming
'iter. It ig only jn New York and in
portion of the New England States,
nat Seward possmwea any real and effect
strength. In Pennsylvania. New Jer
and thronghont the enfire Nortl
Western States, there can be found scarce
I corporal's gnari who snsUia his
Presidential pretensions. A cold and
passionless and selfish agiutor and plotter,
be embraces in his composition none of
the elements calculated to render him
popular with the masses, and particular
J .with the Western and Northwestern
rtoiw of the . Union. He is popular
Jf ih political schemers and intHgn
w hb himself, and it is from that source
P, m T" bU the rogth, as a
Residential candidate, that he possesses.
are aware that such a class of men,
wmb.ned together, intent npon an end.
4 energetic and nnsempuloas in the
Pution of it, are somewhat forinida
. and may accomplish a great deal.
" unhappily forth. seward managers.
i"611 are tnonsn'y nnderstood
..n-pnhlie, and they are consequently,
rtTt , nce,in: watchfnlnesa on the
rn of the honest masses of all parties.
raor)1' thongh, ever so adroit and
teTP in their Uctic. t,,eir
0!terIT impotent to make Seward
to!ient,of tb United States, or eren
I, CUI? nomination for that office,
u H' . Jown therefore, as clearly.
M,;'.rminl that Seward's Presidential
to . , 0B! no formidable ohstacle
!am!!.niP,et8 nn!n of an the Opposition
, ft, campaign of I860.
rr.rl,-rB Kr,t,fie to observe that nn
hf lnfl1ntial journals at the North.
Wow ,Jentified wth the" Repub
eat rl re connseling the abandon
'ttprsciLaVi 8l!eryi8806 M Itog!'
Trts 7CZr ,n a 0Mwete. TDeyjasUy
hi.K .V1 object, to acoomolish
K lu !fPn.bllc P'rtJ was. organ
stiafc l d been secured that is
"Mbeen made a frte SUte, and
' piscclhncou5.
the question of slavery in all the Territo
ries has been, permanently and irrevoea.
bly settled, in accordance with the views
and wishes of the Northern people The
aiavery issue, in an us practical aspect
and relations, therefore, as an element of
political and sectional controversy, is ex
tinct. It belongs solely and exclusively,
to the' dead past it is not of the fivi'n?
present, and let the distant future take care
of itself.
The Philadelphia North American and
Gazette, we are glad to preceive, takes a
I .. . A 1 I . 1 1
jut auu rauoDai view 01 toe slavery ls
sus, and the policy which the Opposition
should persue in the coming Presidential
canvass and that jonrnal is one of the
ablest and most influential Opposition
organs in the Northern States. It has
heretofore,' also, sympathized with and
supported the Republican organization as
a means of rectifying what it considered
to be the error of the repeal of the Missonii
Compromise. Its object accomplished,
it has assumed its original position, and
advises the Republican party to dismiss
its nltraism, and its impracticable crotch
ets and theories, and to adopt such a line
of policy as shall bring together in an
harmonious and effective combination,
all the elements of Opposition, North
and S wth, East and W.-st. It says
To repudiate such (that is. Southern)
men, or to offend them with unnecessary
exactions, would be both nnjust and un
generous. We want their aid, and, what
is more, we want a National Opposition.!
A sectional Opposition is doomed. The
great material interests demand attention.
For years they have been put aside for
other and more unprofitable concerns,
until the expenditures have run np nearly
to one hundred millions of dollars a year,
and corruptions and extravagance have
invaded almost every department of the
government. Upon the basis of a gener
al reform, the Opposition can elect any
proper candidate. Upon any narrower
or merely hi. very platform the result of
lnou will lx repealed, only more disss
tronsly.
It a Ids "Let it be remembered thst
in driving off several of the Southern
htate.s, lv the droHcription which is re
commended by ultra Republicans, that
is not tho only mischief to be expected.
Pennsylvania, as the New 1 ork Tribune
candidly admits, is not a Republican
state, in party significance of that term
Neither is New Jersey, nor Indiana, nor
Connecticut, nor other States which
might be named. The Opposition suc
ceeded in all of them by a fusion of the
elements hostile to. the Administration
and its party, and that is the only policy
which will put victory beyond doubt in
18GU. 1 lie) rule or ruin interest, which
nominated in 1856, and discarded the
advice of Pennsylvania, mi? be able to
pack a Convention next year, and may
make a candidate, but it cau never make
a President.
These counsels and suggestions to the
ultra R-'pnhl loans, emmati ig. a t ley do.
from a leading and influential Opposi
tion jonrnal in one of the largest States
in the North, caunot fail to have weight,
and effectually conduce to bringing about
that nnion among all shapes of the Oppo
sition, without which the triumph of the
Democracy is inevitable. We hope and
believe there are prudence, and wisdom,
and patriotism enough among the Oppo
sition at the North, to discard the suici
dal counsels of such fanatical agitators
as Seard, Weed and Webb, and indnce
them to abandon the worn out slavery
issue, and unite with the Conservative
Opposition, North and South, in an earn
est and cealons effort to redeem the Gov
ernment from the hands of the spoilsmen
and place itiathe hands of those corapit
ent and willing to administer it with a
view to the preservation of the Constitu
tion and the Union, and the prosperity
and happiness of the people. And in
this hope and this ' belief, we look for
ward to the approaching Presidential
contest without fear of the result. Rich
mond Wk'y.
Th New State of KAK$Aa.--The
people of Kansas have recently ratified a
new rigidly anti-slavery Constitution ;
and in December next it will be present
ed to Congress, with a Republican mem
ber of the House, and two Republican
Senators, tdose behind it. , It is supposed,
in some quarters, that the Southern ultra
Democracy will endeavor to resist the
admission of the State, on various tech
nicalities, and especially on the ground
that the people of Kansas have sot re-
a-arded verv exactly the instructions of
the English Bill. We trust, however,
that the Northers and Southern Demo
crats of Congress, especially of the Sen
ate, where they have a decided majority,
will consent to make the most of sr bad
bargain, and be done with it, by admit
ting the new State into the Union. True,
the Democracy, north and South, have
been egregiously taken in with this beau
tiful "Popular Sovereignty" whistle of
Mr. Douglas; bat as they bought it, trna-
tinz to the seller's recommendations of
the article, they are bound to pay the
price. Let them do so at once, and grin
and bear the damages as patiently as possible-
. The longer the settlement ia de
layed, the heavier will be the bill of costs.
AVw York Eerald.
Cobtmo to thb Poiht. At an Anti
Sqnday meeting (German) recently, at
Volk'a Garden, N. Y.. tha following re
solution was adopted : '.:-"
uotvtd. That tha Sunday laws ia
other words, the fourth commandment
ought to be and re hereby repealed.
ECHO AT HARPER'S
FERRY.
DfBCOVEBED BSCBICTLT BY AAEON 1ANO.
, Echo Uat tb HtaMMaoaaawbat rMtry
Abaat tbi ttafrdjat Baroori FarYrl .
t.-4 .-. .1 fch-Tf.-
What bobbWafctaW Hi amiawit bWwt r
Bach ttorau ia paid I did ym rr kaowt
Echo "No."
Bach a batibab ttiroafh tb mil aatioa! '
Bach horrid doabu, aad fain, aad eoaaMraalfat!
Echo Tataadaa !
Tb Herald Ibiakt a plot I all tb (e,
Froa Maaaachaartts to tb Ohio!
. Echo "Ob! Oh!"
That thia attrapt to drtadfal iacipratalbl,
Wai to oooMMae tho "cot I id irrtprttriilt!9
Echo "Biaibra!"
A HowarJ achaM to aak tko aifforr. riaa, ;
It aayi thia ttapid aarnaii aaderlica!
Echo LiaaT
But why tn lira ao aatr of aotctieo!
To do aa ia a oowarifhBdlralkAloa.
Echo "Ekctioa!"
I '. k eateh roan it kp ap thia f fha,
Aad pau th uoabliaj Soatb ia aach a frifht.
Echo "Bight!"
The Kansas Question Revived.
The telegraphic reports of the election
recently held in Kausas on the adoption
of the constitution framed at Wyaudotte,
announce tha the tuastrument has been rat
ified by a majority of the inhabitants of
the iemtory. We msy therefore expect
that the admission of Kansas into the
Union under that constitution will be
asked at the bands of Congress on the
opening of that body at its approaching
session.
It will be remembered that by the
terms of the "English Conference bill,"
providing for the contingent admission
of Kansas iuto the Union under the con
stitution framed at Lecompton, it was or
dained that in case the people of that
Territory should refuse to accept the ar
rangement then conferred !y Congress,
they should not proceed to the formation
of a new constitution and State govern
ment preparatory to their admission into
the Union until after it should have been
ascertained by a census, taken under the
auspices of the Federal Government, that
the Territory contained a population
equal to or greater than the existing ra
tio of Federal representation ia the
lionse of Representatives.
The propriety of this rule is admitted
by all as a general proposition, but its
application to the case of Kansas alone,
when it was expressly repudiated in the
admission of Oregon at the last session,
does not admit of such easy explanation
or justification on the part of the De
mocracy. It remains to be seen whether they
will ignore the "compromises" of the
English bill, as framed by themselves
less than two years ago, or whether they
will insist npon a rigid adherence to the
terms of the arrangement they concerted
to serve as a graceful retreat from the Le
e impton controversy. The question un
doubtedly presents a dilemma which
leaves but little choice between its two
horns, and adds another illustration to
the accumulated teachings by which his
tory inculcates the advantages of never
departing from the straight line of polit
ical justice to follow the tortuous paths
of a shifting and temporary policy. Xa
tional lnielligtncer.
Two Expu)8ions Expected. Two
terrific explosions of a political character
are expected to take place in the coun
try, within the next twelve months.
They will be eruptions of the same one
whose crater was opened in Congress last
Winter the question of interference by
Congress to protect Slavery in the Ter
ritories. The subject will first be brought
op in Congress next Winter, on the pre
sentation of the new Wyandette Consti
tution of Kansas, which prohibits Slave
ry in the Territory. But the chief blow
np will be at Charleston, when the Dem
ocratic National Convention meets to
nominate a candidate for the Presidency.
Charleston is a warm place, and con
tains a combustible population. It is an
ill chosen place for the meeting of an as
semblage that threatens to be composed
of such discordant, conflicting and antsg
onisting elements aa the next Democratic
Convention. The gathering will no soon
er meet than the influences of the latitude
will be felt: for Senator Brown, of Mis
sissippi, backed by the extreme Southern
delegates, has determined to lorce me
plank of Congressional interference into
the party platform, "or "blow np the con
cern in a row." Of course, Mr. Doug
las, backed by the entire Northern Dem
ocracy, will resist, and then will come
the lone-delayed shock that will knock
the Democratic party into fragments, and
leave the way clear lor the election of a
Northern Republican President. Here
tofore, it has been claimed that the Dem
ocratic party was the only party that
could save the country. Will it, in the
crisis that is approacning, be able to save
itself 1St. Low Jewi.
A " Sick Mab." Mr. Buchanan is a
very aick man." He is sot only deser-
td by his party aad 9j Pennsylvania,
but by hie private secretary, wno nas just
been dismissed for being politically mm-
liable! Richmond Wkif. ' .
Forney's Press says that Mr. Buchan
an is evidently the butt of Fortune. If
wa consider Fortune a personification,
the remark is unquestionably true. Lou.
Journal.
A CURIOUS
, , Hon. Edward Rate. . .
- Althotgh Mr. Bates has been a citizen
of Missouri for mora than forty years,
still he is unknown to a large portion of
the people of the State.' This can be
readily accounted for. - The population
of this State hae rapidly increased with
in the .last twenty : year, and the oldest
citizens who were here during the time
when he was in public life, have mostly
Eassed from off the theatre of action. He
as remained for near thirty years in pri
vate life, if we except the short period
during which he acted as Judge of the
Land Court of St. Louis. So entirely
has he avoided everything calculated to
give him notoriety, and so modestly has
he pursued the even tenor of bis wsy,
that although justly acknowledged to be
not only the first man in the State, but
the most prominent in the whole West,
he lias not attracted as much notice as
many who have not been ten years in the
country, - and who after "strutting and
fretting their hour upon the stags" have
sunk into the insignificance which con
stitutes their true element. At this time.
when the name of Edward Bates begins
to be spoken of in connection with the
highest office in the nation, and the eyes
of the great Opposition party are turned
towards him, as the Cincinnatus, whose
lofty virtue and elevated patriotism, must
be called into requisition to save the conn
try, it might not be inappropriate, for
the information of his fellow-citizens, to
mention a few circumstances in regard to
htm, of which doubtless many are igno
rant. Only a few years since, the writer
of this article, heard it stated by a gen
tleman who ought to have been better in
formed, that- Edward Bates was a native
of one of tbo New England States, and
there are many possibly, who entertain
that opinion.
Edward Bates is the youngest and last
surviving son of Thomas F. Bates of
Belmont, in the county of Goochland,
and State of Virginia. He was born on
the banks of James river, about thirty
miles above the city of Richmond. Thom
as F. Bates died, leaving a small estate,
and a numerous family, the support and
education of which devolved npon his
widow. The subsequent history of the
family proves how faithfully she dischar
ged a mother s duties.
Frederick Bites, the oldest son, cams
at an early day to St. Louis, and the old
men of Missouri, venerate the memory of
Governor Bates, as the ablest and most
virtuous of all her statesmen.
Charles Bates, located in his native
county, where he attained a high profess
ional position and died while yet a young
man.
Tarlton, also died at an early age,
though, not nntil he bad given evidence
of uncommon talent, and Richard fell,
lamented and beloved by all who knew
him, a victim to a code of honor which has
so long disgraced and so often dyed with
her best blood the soil of Virginia. For
his untimely fate, there were broken
hearts, and bitter tears shed, and the old
people of that country speak of Richard
Bates, as one of the noblest young men
that Virginia ever produced.
Fleming Bates, settled in Northum
berland county, and died in 1829 while
a member of the convention of Virginia.
In a body composed of such men ss Madi
son, Monroe, Marshall, Leigh, Chapman,
Johnson, John Randolph, and a host of
others, the fact that be was not regarded
as the least among them is of itself th
evidence of bis greatness and he' was
even more esteemed for his private vir
tues.
Hon. James Bates was a member of
Congress from Arkansas, and a Judge
of the United States District Court.
Edward Bates of St. Louis, is the
youngest of seven sons, and the only lur-
vivor of the family, except his sister, Urs.
Margaret Wharton, of St. Charles coun
ty. He came to Missouri when she was
a territory, and during the time that his
brother' was Governor, nis mother
came ont and settled in St. Louis coanty
about the year 1820, where she died in
1844-45, over 90 years of age, having
ontlived all her sons except the youngest.
The ancestors of Mr. Bates were attached
to the Society of Friends, and many of
bis relatives in Virginia still belong to
that Society. He is a blood relative of
President Jefferson, aad the late Uovern-
or I'leaeants, ol V irgiuia. jjtxtgio
Hon. Thos. Ewing, so distinguished
as one of the most prominent leaders of
the Whig hosts of Ohio, in other days,
voted the Republican ticket at the late
election. The reason he gave for so
doing ia significant of a profound sensa
tion which is even yet stirring men s
minds, from one ocean to the other.
Said he to an intimate friend, not less
distinguished than himself, and now an
earnest worker in the Republican cause:
"It was not your advice that finally de
termined me to vote your ticket, nor was
it vour eloquent appeals from the stump.
It was the murder oi croaencs i - air.
Ewing is not the only high-minded patriot
whom this last deed of a profligate and
desperate administration will indnce to
resort to the only practical means lor its
overthrow. XmimSt. '. . -t . :'
Mr. Douzlaa ia the father of the. Kan
sas bill, the father of Sqaatter Sovereign
ty, and the father or a fine little girl born
on Saturday week. LouuwUli Jturnal.
What enmity can Mr. Prentice have
against the innocent babe, that lie men
tions her, in such company ? Frankfort
ft ' ... ' " r
jmmmwfwui.
Mr. Claj'a ftnarrel with Gen. Taylor
. Hit Refusal to Pronounce an
Obituary.
The following scrap of history, in the
Eingbampton Democrat, of October 13,
from the locality and the personal famil
iarity with the relations of the great men
named, whicbtaihibiisJ 4--the com
ments, is ascribed by the Buffalo Com
mercial to the pen of Daniel S. Dickin
son :
"Among the causes of estrangement
between Mr. Clay and Gen. Taylor, and
probably the great and final one, was this
Mr. Clsy, it will be remembered, had
a son inhumanly butchered at Buena Vis
ta, in the Mexican war. That son left a
widow, and a promising, maniy boy, of
some sixteen or seventeen years, ibis
boy was anxious to be appointed a cadet
at West Point, and receive a military
education, and bis desire was warmly se
conded by bis mother and grandfather,
Henry Ulay. Henry Clay thereupon
wrote to Mr. Tolk, then President, and
his successful rival for the station, reques
ting the appointment of his grandson as
a cadet at large. Mr. Polk at once or
dered his name to be placed on the list
for appointment, and it Was done ; but
Uovernor Marcy, then Secretary or War,
npon the examination usual in such cases,
found that he was below the requisite age
to enter the academy, and the rules of the
ar Department were too imperative to
be changed, and bis name was not for
that reason sent to the Senate. Air.
Polk, however, placed on the files of the
War Department a letter under his own
band, detailing the circumstances, and
requesting his successor, whoever he
might b", to appoint young Clay, who,
in the first year of the then next Admin
istration, would be of sufficient age.
Gen. Taylor, a political friend of Kir,
Clay, proved to be his successor. ' The
list of cadets is usually prepared by the
hecretary of War, and corrected by the
President, and in making np the list un
der Gen. Taylor's Administration, Mr.
Crawford, his Secretary of War, placed
young Clay's name at the head of the
list. Gen. Taylor, when he came to re
view the list, struck out the name with
his own hand, and refused to appoint
him. ' This strange act was never forgot
ten nor forgiven by Henry Clay, and it
is believed both parties died without any
change in their relations.
" When Gen. Taylor's death was an
nonneed in the Senate, and Mr. Webster,
Gen. Cass and others pronounced eulo
gies npon his character, dir. Clay, on
being beckoned to rue, waved bis band
significantly, and remained silent.
Tom Marshall on the Missouri Compro
mise.
While at St. Paul, Minnesota, recently,
tlie Hon. Thomas F. Marshall, of Ken
tucky, was called to the stand by the De
mocracy for a speech. The Minnesotian
says :
Hut, instead of making such a speech
as the Democracy were anticipating, he
proceeded to speak of the Missouri Lam-
promise : of its authors and supporters.
the old big giants of the land ; and of
its destroyer, the "IMls giant" whose
machinations had broken down that time
honored compromise, had legislated civil
war into a Territory of the Union, and
had given occasion to the great split of
the Democratic party, ont of which had
arisen the Black Republican party of the
land. The big giants also, he said, were
all dead. Adams was gone, and Calhoun
and Clay and Webster all gone and
he wished the Almigh'y, when be took to
himself these great giants, had also seen
fit, for the good of this country, to have
removed from among ns certain "little
giants," who have afflicted ns. It was
wonderful what a large amount of mis
chief a small amonnt of brains might in
flict how much wise statesmanship a
demagogue might spoil and ' destroy.
n ancient Greece there once existed a
mighty temple the temple of "Diana of
the Epbesians." The piety and wealth
of Greece, had been for agea concentra
ted npon its adornment and extension,
until it had become a wonder of the world.
But there were little giants in those days
also. There was a small giant, who, ut
terly unable to build such a temple.
could think of no other way of making
himself famous or infamous for all time
to come, except by setting fire to the mag
nificent fane ; the miserable wretcn stole
into the house of his Gods, and, torch
in hand, gave it to the devouring flames.
The Missouri Compromise was the
American Temple of Diana. It was a
consecrated, a sacred thing, ia the hearts
of the American people. But the btate
oflllinoia contained a counterpart ef him
who burnt the temple at tp beans ; lit
tle riant with like motives, and an equal
ly notable ambition and lo 1 the Missoari
Compromise, the work oi tue giants oi
American history, nad laiien More nis
incendiary hand 1 !
Broderick had not a living relative.
He was a silent man, apt. occasionally,
to indulge in the gloomy anticipation
which hia peculiar isolation suggested to
him. , He had never been married, and
rarely took part in the gaities of Wash
ington. He was singularly near, in nis
attire.' He was a careful business man.
and. hot for the panic, would have been
rich. I do not know whether ne aiea
possessed of any fortune, but it is certain
that he owned considerable valuable
property in and about San Francisco. So
r 1 nr. a .- J . r
says toe wasmngion currw-puaucui vi
Forney's Press.
A NEW VERSION OF AN OLD BONO
- ruvtraanaa thb oaoarra or rrauc iuruiTr.
All "OtfJaAaBraara W Lift Waja-'
' ' Old Job Browa bad a liuW Bifr",
Old Joha Browa bad a link Biff,
Old Joha Brow bad a huh) at(rr,
- - CaamtAo BjiROT boy.
(CHOaot, it fxvzaiL roicaa.)
Dittriet Jttmmri Paid Oaa littl, two littl.
StertUrt F( thtoo Knl airr.
I'aiWv aaajFaor littlo. St Unit,
Mr. Bfaa- ia rittl aif gr,
gt'i'ai' ITir Saroa link, aight littl,
Bafa CVafila)tioa aiao littl aifgar.
Ana rr Uerili 7V liul aiffr bay.
Drmmcrmtic Prrst tkmgknt fa Cmuttrg. (la racita-
tir. Ta thQUttai littl Biff bora, aU ararao with
pitchforks icHta frt Ion;, aaJ ooraaiaadarl by twtutg
taat Abolilioaiat.
(Iawtral, ia which lb alocuoa I aappoiad to baa
pataaj.)
HrrtU mt CmtUmtin Taa Bttbt, aia littl,
ifht Hill aiffor-
JStktritul yirfimU Sa.a littl, an littl,
Sr littl ai(jr.
Aalbaritvaat WitliAfUm Pf littlo, thro littl.
Iwo littl alf(r.
Prp& (At Cmatra, (ia aeraati of aarpria at tha up
hot of tho wbolo.) Oa littU uitsr tat.'.'.'
Popular Sovereignty to be Hluitrated
by Wood-Cuta.
The New Orleans Delta thinks that
Douglas and the Harpers committed a
great oversight in their copy-righted po
litical essay :
At a moment when pictorialisra is all
the " rage" in popular literature. Doug
las' momentous contribution to Harper's
Magazine appeared without a solitary
wood-cut to illustrate his romantic histo
ry of the Territorial question. There's
not so much as a mark to denote the di
viding line between Federal and local
authority. Such an illustration, we take
it, would have been very simple. It
would not bsve been necessary to sketch
a snake of changeable hues, which,
"VTIadiaf ia aad wiadinf aor.
IA th obaarrar of ill la doabt,
U'brtbcr th aaak Ural raad tb track.
Was goinf North or eoniof back."
It would have only needed to draw an
ugly reptile unraistabably black, or rath
er, to nse the more appropriate political
adjective. Black Republican from head
to tail, encircling the Territories and en
deavoring to swallow the States.
There might have been, too, some very
happy illustrations of Douglas' classifi
cations of opinion on the Slavery ques
tion in the Territories. For instance, the
opinion that the Constitution establishes
Slavery in the Territories, could have
been represented by a huge, but dingy
and dilapidated roll of parchment, sup
porting in an upright position a dead
nigger on the borders of Kansas, while a
gang of Abolition sharp-shooters, headed
by Jim Lane, are making a target of the
carcass. As tor Douglas' own doctrine,
that a Territory, from the beginning, has
all the powers of toe btates, and much
more besides, without owing any obliga
tions either to the States or to the Fede
ral Government, that might have been
presented in the picture of a retired sea
pirate, squatting upon a beautiful island,
nominally the property of the United
States, and lustily singing from morning
till night what time he was not engag
ed in rightfully robbing unfortunate voy
agers, or helping emigrants the sublime
song of Robinson Crusoe :
"I ara awaarch of all I ramj,
Mj right thr is aoao lo aitpato;
From tbo cv.tr all roaad to tbo taa,
I a, lord of tbo fowl aad tb bnt.
What honest support Douglas has at
the South, could have been easily enough
and eloquently pictured. An immense
donkey, ridden by a gigantic fox, would
have done the business beautifully.
in view of all this, we may be paruon-
ed for hoping that Douglas and Harper
will yet decide on issuing a pictorial edi
tion of the famous Essay on Squatter
Sovereignty in question.
J. B. The President of the Uaited
States, Jas. Bachanan, went home to
Washington yesterdsy, after a sojourn
of a week at Wheatland and its vicinity.
We sre told that when be showed him
self in the streets of Lancaster, there was
none of the cordial greeting that might
be expected for a President or a great pa
triot, on returning to visit old acquaint
ances. The people of Lancaster were very
shy of him. When he went to the Coun
ty agricultural fair, he was actually avoi
ded by his fellow citizens. - Nobody
ventured to offer a hearty welcome to him.
either as an eld resident of Lancaster or
as President of the United States. There
were prize horses and other cattle at the
fair that were much more interesting.
The Lancaster farmers evidently thought
thst thongh they could raise prize cattle,
tbey had not raised a prize i resident.
Well, J. B. went home yesterdsy, from
Lancaster to Washington. He stayed
in Pennsylvania just long enough to see
and hear how the people had voted. He
heard before he left that Lancaster, which
Mr. Van Bnren used to call "the only
Democratic city," bad given over three
hundred majority for the People's ticket.
He carried with him the news of Penn
sylvania's fresh condemnation of him and
his policy. As he traveled along through
Lancaster and York counties, the tele
graphic wires were flashing along the
story of the Democratic defeat in Buchan
an's native State. He carried along with
bim also the fact that Pennsylvania had
repudiated his favorite Senator ' William
Bigler. who has so shamefully - misrepre
sented Pennsylvania daring the last few
years. Really Mr. Buchanan's reflect ions,
as he left Pennsylvania and proceed! to
the seat of Government, mnst have been
far from comfortable. rhUa. Press.
The Trua Doctrine. "
The editor of the Indianapolis Atlas,
having been atxiised of entertaining erro
neous opinions upon the subject of sla
very, defines his position in a most satis
factory manner. His position is the only
one that the Republican 'party can take
with a reasonable hope of gaining a tri
umph in the ensuing contest. We quote
as follows :
"We have never doubted the Consti.
tntional power of Congress to prohibit
sis very in the Territories during their
territorial existence. Its exercise is a
matter of expediency, like the exercise
of any other power. Congress has the
power to charter a United States Bank
bnt it is inexpedient to do so. It hae
the power to abolish all the impost du
ties, and to defray the expenses of the
general Government by direct taxation
but it is not expedient to do so. They
sre not expedient, because no good can
be accomplished by its exercise. Just
so in regard to the exercise of this pow
er so far aa the present organized Terri
tories are concerned. Does any man in
his right mind, contend that its exercise
became neceessary in order to prevent
slavery in Washington, Utah, or New
Mexico ?
If the Republican members of the last
Congress were not well satisfied that
there existed no necessity for this restric
tion, why did they make an effort to ap
ply it to those Territories ? Will any
member of the next Congress make any
such attempt ? Should any one be found
to do it, we venture he would not be
backed by a corporal's guard ! It is un
necessary, because all know that when
those Territories aro prepared to apply
for admission into the Union they will
come with Constitutions made in accor
dance with the wishes of the people there
of prohibiting the existent of slavery
therein. That is all that an opponent
of the extension of slavery desires.
Now as to the admission of new States.
We repeat, that, whenever a Constitution
has been submitted to and ratified by a
fair vote of the people of the Territory,
the question of slavery should not con
trol its rejection or admission. A new
State, under such circumstances, should
no more be rejected because of the exis
tence of slavery therein than that the
States where it now exists should be ex
pelled from the Union.
This was the asserted doctrine of our
last Republican State Convention. The
following resolution was adopted by that
Convention :
"Resolved. That the people of a Terri
tory, when they come to form a Consti
tution preparatory to their admission Into
the Union as a State, have the right ta
adopt such Constitution, being Republi
can in form, as may be acceptable to
themselves."
This doctrine does not conflict with
the Platform of the Philadelphia Conven
tion, which was silent as to the admission
of new States.
We are referred to the views of onr
old Whig friends, Corwin, Schenck,
Lane and Lincoln. Not one of these
gentlemen, were he a member of Congress,
would vote against the admission of a
slave State, under the above circumstan
ces. The whole Republican party in the
late congress voted to marrtain the doc
trine when they voted for the Crittenden
amendment. It is the only position
which can be maintained injustice to ev
ery section of the Union. If any party
desires self-destruction, let it determine
thst under no circumstances whatever
shall any more slave States be admitted
into the Union, and it will accomplish
its purpose.
The position which Governor Corwin
so unmercifully ridiculed, and which ia
denounced by the other gentlemen named,
is that the Kansas bill secured "popular
sovereignty" to the people of that Terri
tory, when, at the same time, it author
ized the Preideat to appoint a Governor,
armed with a veto power, and other offi
cers to rule over them. They never inten
ded that States should be rejected becaas
of the recognition of alavery by their
Constitutions.
The difference between Jodge Donglae
and the Republican party ia just this : .
He contends that the people of a Territo
ry, while it is a .territory, can control
slavery, (he never said theyconld pro
hibit it.) and the liepublicaas say, uat
it ia only when the people of a Territory
come to form a State Constitution, that
they can either establish or prohibit it,. .
the doctrine contended for by Jodge Dong -
las is called "bqn alter Sovereignty, that
contended for by the Republicans, ia
true and rightful "Popular Sovereignty,,"
the right of the people of a State to gov-,
ern themselves, just aa we of Indiana and
all sovereign States of the Union now
exercise.
Blob ddt Aoara OtrrnoHB. One "Pro
fessor" MeDoraell Price walked acroea -
street in Bloomsbnrg. Pa., oa m Una, on' .
end of which was fastened to the cupola
oi the lourt House and the other to the
Exchange a distance of about ona hun
dred and sixty feet at an alavatka of
sixty feet above tha ground. Ha stop
ped en ronte to stew a Utah of oysters 1 .
The question is, did he stew the oys
ters? Death or Joint Aboeuv Jabes. The ''
Rev. John Angell James, author of aev- I
era! practical religious treatises, which .-.
have had a very wide circulation, died ,
on the 1st inst, at Birmingham, England
where he had, for more than half a centu
ry, been pastor of a dissenting church.
He was not far from 75 years of age..
.
I.
i
I;
I.

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