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White Cloud Kansas chief. [volume] (White Cloud, Kan.) 1857-1872, March 29, 1860, Image 1

Image and text provided by Kansas State Historical Society; Topeka, KS

Persistent link: https://chroniclingamerica.loc.gov/lccn/sn82015486/1860-03-29/ed-1/seq-1/

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w, taw mind kx (b th Uri"l blitk n,
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H km kt lickly fWa;
Ai fty tkmfk tW tTMt,
Aii Ika ftttliar ksil ld lia
CM, iwnpiif rmrt, U Ik Mfty ktart,
A iott to". i oriy bor,
Dtml niM p in bd
F all r'u i'T ' M '""'' winm
OrlM la Ik n 7
I Min for the Eprin, wbra tb kirtl dull linf,
iti ck wn hall awake aww lm;
We kafe IiiteaeJ loaf fat tee aread-brkli waif.
tti tke laraia at Ika craaiaf ham.
Til a keaataeaa tiaaa wHea taa bada Stat bairat,
Ati chtlaVlifc tba oaa( kaf ataauls
Aaa eatefcee the drape of ta feaikt aboerer
e iu mbiII aad nhretj kaadt!
Wkea tke teaeVr pu fceb tba aoalk ria4 pua
la in eaariot aaaen.
Aai U Mather Faith, at the ysaaf P prior, H kink,
Amri ket ia tohee f ina - m
l"hia the eeboeaJ envaat, ox if ia 4raaaa,
Xaraian ea u ita aakaewa borne,
hti telh the tall rrerfs, at it aaward tpaada.
That the fait Lady Ppriaf birth
Ok. I jrira for the F prior lor tba balmy Fpriaf
tVke loau like a fairy qeeen,
M taacbeth the laaJ with a aiaclc mad.
Till all keaateoM thiare am ear.
I bar t he eat at tba eeHy 4awa,
Wkea the aaetera lifbt ia aew,
'Meor the adon bora froat tba aceatad tbara,
Aad the ebern of lilrer dew.
Ok, I eaaaot tell boar my eaal doth ewell
With aa inward haaploaee;
Fer eiaiely te W ! a btia to aae.
Fat the which mj God I kkni!
Frea aa aakaowa eoarco comer a aamekst force,
Which perradee my beinr throvk
A joy aad a Iota, aad a rtrrartb (ram above,
Aad I eeeia to be toad aaew
Oi, coeir. thra, Ppriar let the wood-lark tint
Let the iewerrt oio iu eye;
Like the lark I'd ooer to the hearraa' bra floor
Like the flower, raze ap to the eky!
Presidential ftaestion Oar Presiden
..." tial Candidates.
It is bont time for the reserre in
which our Republican press has been
held, to begin to break away. There are
many things saiii which need to be ex
plained, or onr baric' will drift into some
irresponMble current or baffling eddy be
yond escape. A Presidential election is
close upon at, and the preparation needs
all the wisdom that oan be elicited by
free consultation and in frank disclosure
of opiaion and wishes. There is noth
ing ia oar oljeeU which requires conceal -tnt
or nnderhand movements of any
wrt. The most open policy is clearly the
widest, and, if we leave things in the
hands of concealed intrigner. we shall
certainly be defeated, or, what is worse,
End ooraelves betrayed by oar chosen lead
en. The object of the Republican party is
well known and easily defined. It is to
'top the encroachments and redress the
corruption, and curtail the political pow
rof davery. For this we have come to
gether out of different political parties,
nd holding different creeds on all the old
isne of the past generation. It is thir
' years since General Jackson met bis
C ongress, and the qnestions of that day
r either settled or forgotten, or thrnst
wt of sight by the great present ques
tion of the extension or repression of
Wavery. We may differ ever so widely
a those old matters, and be just aa good
nd trne men in the Republican ranks.
If we merely put down the present pro
wvery Administration by pntting in one
another name, just as much controlled
y the slave interest, we shall gain noth
ing. We have no idea of leaving things
we found them in regard to this mat
ter, ir we do not ask "indemnity for
the past," we mean at least to get "se
curity for the future." We want to
change the tone of the Federal Govern
ment in all its branches permanently. It
w. therefore, of the utmost importance
hat we should come into power when
onr time arrives, in snch a wav as shall
-rompiisn onr object, and make the
lnS9.of dynasty enduring.
The inangnration of a Rennbliean ear-
wnraent will, 0f course, be followed by
uesperate strueele of the derated
w reaction. We have aeon nolitieal
tion, under somewhat similar circura
. three times snccessfol in 1828.
nd 1852. If we wonld not win
barren victory, we most be wise to
we logons of those days, t .' . :
Ao things in particnlar ought to be
rrimveiw. The first ia this, that there
wice u much gain in drawing off a
o"i number of votes from the Demo'
c party, as in gaining a like number
'"Xa anr nthar tv.. "v.. :. . t,.
i m. ue muvi ae .um
pwmanency of the reform depends
?Po the extent to which we a- break
10 "Pon the rant. f Ant nntartAnifir m
'kenand disorganite effectually
old Democratic party, j We . might
ii"' h7 aeenring the aid of all the in
vJr8flU the malignanta, the discontents:
woat wjll it nmonnt to if we have the
wemocratio oreaaiaatian , in iu fall
and exasperated. by a defeat
i OS UDOn ita marife'iioii arnramns .
inedindmeiit of tba rvaonla t
Dirtl TpoViic5nr'ly,Iak of the
Tn T . were constant qnalitves.
m ' wdom ia, treat them u merely
casual or merely temporary agglomera
tions, to be used while thev are cood.
be respected while they are faithful to
tueir protessea principles, and to be bro
ken tip with a will as sooa as tbey degen
erate into a mere scramble for rower.
It is fcisy to prove that the Democratic
party , as now organized, has abandon
ed nearly every one of. the old Democrat
ic principles, and is devoted ' to cen
tralization and arbitrary administration.
But the Democratic principles, as held
by Jefferson and Jackson, are those of the
body of the people of the United States,
who will never, nnder any consideration,
permanently nphold an administration
that persistently tramples upon those
principles. And it will be fatal to the
Republican party if at any time they pur
sue a course, either 'in the selection of
candidates, or in proposed legislation, or
in administration, which shall authorize
Democrats to believe that we are a resur
rection of Whiggery instead and in the
name of a repression of slavery. A sus
picion of snch secret intention will defeat
ns in the election. The first development
of snch a determination will dissolve the
party in the very height of triumph. Ev
ery step we take in a Whig policy will be
a step towards the Whig destiny.
It is evident, then, that the Republican
party onght to select its Presidential can
didates from among its own men, and
not go outside of its own ranks nnder
any consideration whatever. If those op
ponents of the Administration who have
no stable organization of their own are in
earnest in what they profess they will
have no difficulty in voting for snch men
as we can present But if they insist up
on our taking their men as the sole condi-
. e . -II 1 . i i i
lion oi ineir votes, it win mow mai mej
are not sincere in their co-operation, but
in fact had rather see the Democratic par
ty succeed than allow a truly Republican
Administration. To select onr candidates
from among those who labored so earnest
ly to defeat ns in 1856, would be degra
ding as well as snicidal. If wo are wil
ling to have a man who stands upon the
same ground with Fillmore, how can we
jnstify onrselves for not hawing voted for
Fillmore the last time 7 lint, inileed, if
we are willing to take snch a man now,
we had best by all means take f illmore
himself, with his prestige of experience
and statesmanlike knowledge and hab
its. But no real Republican ia willing to
take the back track now when the tide of
public feeling against the slave power is
ranch higher than it ever was before. If
the outsiders will vote with ns for our
men. give them all due credit, and let
them have their reward in the blessings of
a renovated government and a eountry res
cued from dishonor. If they will not do
this, they might better defeat ns in the
election than destroy ns after it, which
they will be snre to do if we give the
power into the hands of their men.
With such men as bewarti, inase,
Banks and Lincoln, and others in plenty,
let na have two Republicans, representa-
tative men, to vote for. .Let ns have can
didates, fii-Kt of all who will nnite and
consolidate onr own ranks, and prepare
ns for further service. Better come out
of the campaign as we did last time,
united and consolidated, and fall of con
fidence and resolution, though defeated,
than to win a nominal victory, which
shall leave the power in the hands of
those who have no sympathy with ns, and
ourselves disheartened and demoralized.
Xew Tvrk Evening rtt.
Howls of thk Discossolate. The
Donelas orean at Washington howls
most dismally over the great Republican
triumph in organizing the House. It
says :
"The day, we fear, is lar distant wnen
the voice of the South will be again
heard in the organisation of the Hoase.
We see enough to satisfy us that, as con
trasted with the North, her strength in
that body has departed forever. The
submissionists within her own embraces
have hastened this lamentable state of af
faire. Thev rnev be properly denomina
ted the Union-at-any-price politicians.
They invite aggressive spirits to the per
petration or acta oi aggreasieo, mu iuu
prepare the way lor tueir own vassaiagn.
It most he camfessed that the condition of
the South is anything but assuring to her
citizens at the present period, tv e can
perceive nothing encouraging tor ner po-
titicai security ieoming up euuer m
: . . . ; -. i l
near or distant future."
FoLmce. A correspondent of the N. T.
Herald, writing from London, says :
"The British government have determ
ined to devote two hundred thousand
ponndi sterling I something less than a
million dollars) during the approaching
Presidential canvasa in fomenting bad
blood in the North and West against the
South, in the hope thereby of producing
a dissolution of the Union. I know this
to be a fact : for I have it from' a person
of nndonbted credibility, and I am only
prevented from giving bis name from the
certainty that it would involve him in the
most serious difficulties, if not prove" his
rum. ( . -
- The three American papers of' Balti
more each run up the name of a different
Presidential favorite. The .Patriot is tor
Hon. Edward Bates, and desires to aee
him the regularlr nominated candidate
of a united Opposition. North and South.
The Clipper advocates the nomination of
Hon. John iL Botts. The American is
for Hon. John Bell, and gives aa extra
dad review of his past political career.
. ' .
- Baa anybody aewaoa far ywa, .'.'' '
Maiy the Cleat n - .... ,
Ia there a heart tkaft broke far jwa,".,., ... .
Marr of the Gloat .
I ha laada aad I bar loaaoa, " . ' .
I hare fold aad cattle, too;
' i hare ah with feast iaaaoe ?.
CoarrfTet 'x ' ' "
Kobodr, air, baa tpoke for ate, t
Then ie a heart lhart broke far are,
Mare at tb Cleat
Bat there ia Mac-ored Willi,
- Who bbon with the aim,
Who briar! the eweot poad-lil
To Mary of the Oca!
Do kaa aeitbor laada aor leaaaa, .
Bat hi eheek it cherry red.
Aad finer tbaa yoar flceea.
Are tli carle apoa his brad;
Aad thoarh h"a aoror rack for bo,
1 kaow be loros ara trao,
e Aad hit heart waald be broke far at.
If I ahoald marry too.
Removal of Gen. Jackson's Remains
letter from A. Jackson, Jr.
Gov. Harris, on Monday, sent a spe
cial message to the Tennessee House of
Representative!), inclosing the following
letter from ilaj. Andrew Jackson, rem on
strating against removing the remains of
Gen. Jackson from the Hermitage. The
Senate had already passed a bill for that
purpose :
Sea-So'no, Bat or St. Louis.)
Shiklmborocoh, Feb. 22, 1860.
Bit Excellency, Gov. Ilarri :
Mr Dear bra : I was called from my
old home the Hermitage, a few weeks
since, to the South, my present residence,
n some business, and expected to return
before the adjournment of the present Leg
islature, which, perhaps, I cannot do. 1
now write yon, Sir, for the purpose of
expressing the dying sentiments of my
venerated father to me, and Mrs. Jack-
ton, just before his decease, as I perceive
a movement has been made in the Ixgia
latnre to have bis snd Mrs. Jackson's re
mains removed to the- State Capitol
grounds at Nashville. He called me and
my wife np to his bed-side and said :
"My son and danghter, it may become
necessary for you to sell or dispose of the
Hermitage grounds hereafter ; bnt I beg
of you to let my remains and those of
my dear wife remain together at the Her
mitagea sacred spot to me there to rest
in peace and quiet until the final day of
judgment, when onr Lord and Master will
call for us, etc., dec
I have written you rather hastily. Gov
ernor, upon the subject, and will you do
me the favor to present the expression I
have here used of the dying request of my
father, to the members of the Legislature
generally. Perhaps they may, under the
circumstances, reconsider the matter. 1
trnst so. I nor any member of my fami
ly have been consulted in the matter.
Therefore we all earnestly and respectful
ly protest against it. Oh, let his bones
and fishes repose at his own chosen and
loved Hermitage. Do plead with the
members about it ; and oblige your dis
tressed friend and Obedient servant,
The following resolution was offered
in the Senate of the United States on the
7th innt., by Mr. Wilson, but was laid on
the table:
Retained, That a Committee of-
be appointed to inquire into the extent of
the patronage of the President of the
United States resulting from the power of
removal and appointment to office, and
to that end to inqnire and report the num
ber of offices or places of trust and prom
under the control of the President, exclu
sive of those of the army and navy, and
including such aa are under the control of
Heads of departments, subordinate or in
ferior officers, with the amonnt paid to
those who are appointed to such offices
bv the President or otherwise : and fur
ther to inquire whether, if in any, and in
what cases, such power and patronage
have been exerted or attempted to be ex
erted or exercised to influence the legis
lation of Congress or to direct, control, or
influence the votes or conduct of othce
holders or others in the elections of States
or Territories. ;
The Rabbi Raphael, who opened the
session with prayer on the day of Pen
nington s election, is a good iiepnblican,
an accomplished scholar, and an eminent
divine in the Hebrew persuasion. His
was the first prayer ever offered in Con
gress by I Hebrew Rabbi. The clergy
of all other denominations have repeated
ly officiated. The credit of having the
Hebrew religion placed on an equal foot
ing in the chaplaincy is doe to the Hon.
Schuyler Colfax, of Indiana, who inter
posed with the Clerk,' and insisted that
the invitation extended to the clergy
should include the Hebrew denomina
tion. ; ,:t --. ' -..-'
Mr. Wilson's resolution, introduced in
the United States Senate yesterday, is the
first step towards potting President Buch
anan directly on trial before the people,
according to the programme heretofore
v. - 3
announces., xt propoweu w umu p
this business in the House; between three
or four official committees, ' Develop
ments of a character ruinous td the Dem
ocratic party may be anticipated," posai
blv resnltinff ia the President'! impeach
ment. . !- ; j
Helper's copy right of the "Impending
Crisis,", realises for him about $500 a
week, and one week's rtciepta amounted
to $525.
: Correcpondence of ttN-' YTrikane.J :;
Mr. Bates Vindicated as Republican.
Washihotoh, Saturday, March 2.' 1860.
Every candid man in inq, uatry must
admit that the Tribune, has treated the
names of gentlemen proposed as .Repub
lican candidates for the Presidency , with
singular fairness and , jasttte. IC any
thing can secure unanimity -and, a happy
result of the deliberations of the Nation
al Republican Convention at Chicago,
the course it is pursuing will certainly
Bat as a friend of Edward Bates, I
bae somewhat against the Tribune. I
will easily convince yon that yoff have
not done Mr. Bates justice in admitting
that any man in the nation is more thor
oughly than he a representative .of the
principlet of the Republican party. Yonr
language on this subject has been about
this : "If the Republicans deem them
selves snfficientlv stronar to carry their
candidate by the mere force of their prin
ciples and their sole party organization,
then Mr. Seward or Mr. Chase should be
the nominee at Chicago. But if there is
doubt of success in presenting purely Re
publican candidates, then it wonld be the
part of wisdom to nominate Mr. isatee,
who hat not been identified vith the Re
publican party, bnt who will be cordial
ly supported by the Oppositionof Mis
souri, and by thousands of others whose
votes on onr aide could not otherwise be
obtained." It is upon this that the editors
of the New York Courier and Enqnirer
and of the Abendaeitung have charged
you with a willingness to sacrifice the
principles of the Republican party merely
for the gross and nn worthy end of obtain
ing possession of the offices of the Gov
ernment. Let me ask you in what particular Mr.
Bates ia not as trnly and purely a repre
sentative of the principles of the Repub
lican party as Mr. Chase, or Mr. . Seward
himself? I understand that the cardinal
principle of the Republican party is op
position to the extension of slavery over
the Territories. Mr. Bates has stood np
on that principle always, and as unswer
vingly as any man in the nation. He
has opposed, and does oppose, the slavery
propagandixm of the Democratic pirty as
sternly aa Mr. Chase, Mr. Seward, or
any Repubhcnn living, iiut if itepnon-
canism means more than mere opposition
to the extension of slavery which is a
sort of negative position if it means an
enlightened and Christian protest against
the institution itseir, as a "relic ot bar
barism," let me ask you who more nobly
represents that Republican idea than Ed
ward Dates ot Missouri, who. born to tue
heritage of slavery, and swathed from his
cradle in the prejudices in favor of the
slave system, yet had the moral ken to
see through its pernicious nature, and the
moral courage, amid a slavehoMing peo
ple, to uncoil the folds of the hydra frem
around his household, and stand forth an
emancipationist in practice years before
the great lighta of the "Republican par
ty," such as Mr. Seward and Mr. Chase,
had elevated the grounds of emancipation
into illustrious political principles!
Why, twenty years ago, twenty years be- j
fore the present Republican party was
formed or thought of, Edward Bates held
and was quietly working out in practice
the fundamental principles of Repnbli-
canism. Jlr. uates is imteeu one oi me
Fathers of the Faith, of which Mr. Sew
ard and Mr. Chase are certainly honored
and -able apostles.
Bnt let me ask further, in order to ar
rive at the true lustre of Mr. Bate's posi
tion Does Republicanism mean even
something more than the non-extension
of slavery, and something more than a
protest against the institution itself as a
"relic of barbarism ?" Does it mean, al
so, a positive vindication of free labor,
as the only honest agency by which a man
may elevate himself in society f Then
what is the record of Mr. Bates on this
point ? Not only did he emancipate all
the slaves that ever came into his posses
sion, but he did it wisely snd humanely,
aa a well-considered scheme or life. He
did not turn them adrift, ignorant, help
less, and unprovided for, to become pan -pen
and a pest to society, but he careful
ly instructed them, and prepared them for
freedom, and established them as well as
he could in life, so that they might be
self-supporting, and useful to society.
And one or them, at least an lnteuigeni
bov he educated thoroughly, and sent
to Liberia, to be what he reaHy is a
missionary of civilization and Christian
ity among the heathen tribes of his kin
dred race. While Jlr. .Bates was aoing
this work of humanity for a dependent
class by his unaided free labor, he was at
the same time rearing and educating oae
of the largest families of his own that God
ordinarily gives to men. i
Excuse me that I mention here the par
ticnlar fact that the wife of Mr. Bates, m
Sonth Carolina lady, has borne him in
their long married life seventeen children,
eight of whom survive.. Consider .these
two families. Sir, the . white and .Mark,
that Mr. Bates' has provided . for. as a
Christian . father aEd philanthropit, and
tell me what citizen' of this great Repub
lic has more gloriously illustrated the
dignity and power of fres) labor t Is it
any svonder thai Mr. Bates has always
been poor too poor , to be a politician
and an office aeeker-4oo poor to occupy
a seat in Congress and ia Cabinets, which
be bad the opportnnity!to"oconpy, hot
declined because bo bad "work: i. to do,"
and coo Id not afford to bold offics ? Let
any madid and trnhearti man- in the
world consider the relative efforts of Mr.
Bates, Mr. Chase, and Mr. Seward, to
ward effecting a wise and Christian solu
tion of the great problem of human slave
ry in our Government, and the compara
tive trying circumstances of their individ
ual relations to it, and my word for- it,
he wiD hail,Mr. Bates as a very Paul
among the apostles of Republicanism
the true ' Jeffersonian Republicanism,
which it is Vie desire and purpott of the
present Republican party to retort. And
Mr. Chase and Mr. Seward will hail this
award with manly pride and fraternal
Mr. Bates may not be the man to lead
the Republicans in the next canvass,
thonghyon and I might hold that for
many good reasons he should be, not the
least of which is the absolute certainty of
bis election, if he should be the nominee
at Chicago. But if he is not selected as
the standard bearer, let it not be said that
it is because he is not identified with the
Republican party, and is no fit represen
tative of its principles. By putting aside
Mr. Bates on such gronnas, the Iiepnbli
can party would be doing a grievous
wrong to itself, anl a flagrant injus
ties to one of the most illustrious ftdvo
cates of human freedom, and vindicator
of the power and duty of free labor, that
this age has produced. Mr. Bates is
gloriously identified with certain princi
ples' in regard to slavery and freedom. If
they are not the principles of Republi
canism, to much the wrtt for the Repub
lican party.
If we should find in some distant, iso
lated, and unbelieving community, where
there was no Church, no Priest, and no
Sacraments, a solitary man who was de
vout and God-fearing, and who manifes
ted in all his life a true piety, and the
graces of justice and charity toward his
fellow men, would we not call that man a
Christian ? And with what feelings would
we be moved, if we should see any more
fortunate Christian brothers, folded in the
bosom of their Chnreh and enjoying the
benefits of its organization, refuse the
right hand of fellowship to this lone dis
ciple on the ground that be was "not a
member of the Church," and could not
therefore claim to be identified with or to
be a representative of the principles of
the Christian religion 7 In this illustra
tion. yon miy easily perceive the relation
of Mr. Dates to the Republican party.
Cut it is nrged that Mr. Bates did not
support Fremont in 1856, and this is
considered an objection by a few. It
should be remembered, in explanation of
this fact, if it be considered of any im
portance as compared with the hazard of
losing the Presidential election this year,
that there was no organized Republican
party in Missouri in 185C,and consequent
ly no electoral ticket for Mr Fremont.
Rut if there had been snch a ticket, and
Mr. Bates had voted for it, it wonld have
been a mere formality, for it could have
had no effect whatever on the canvass in
that State in that year.
You have now the grounds on which I
protest against any secondary position be
ing assigned to Mr. Bates among the rep
resentatives of pure and exalted Repub
licanism. I advance him to the foremost
rank of the leaders of the great Opposi
tion army that will move this year against
the trained bands of a veteran and des
potic Democracy.
Now, a word or two to the editor of
the New York Courier and Enquirer,
who, in his unfair oppositien to Mr. Bates,
"bolting his nomination in advance"
may be considered a representative man.
The editor says, substantially, that he
"will never agree to sacrifice principle by
accepting as a candidate for the Presi
dency either Bates, Bell or Crittenden,
or any man who did not support Fre
mont in 1858. But that, if either'of the
gentlemen named shall be willing to ac
cept the Vice Presidency on the Repnbli
can ticket, the editor will cheerfnlly
grant it." Now, a principle is a principle
no more, no less and the grade of the
office in this case no more affects the vir
tue of the principle than the amount of
the taxation without representation in
our colonial state, affected the question of
its justice, and the propriety of resis
tance. Any departure from principle
kills it.
Snppoee that the editor of the Courier
and Enquirer should vindicate his "prin
ciples" by rejecting Mr. Bates as a can
didate for President at Chicago, and
should nominate Mr. Seward for Presi
dent, and Mr. Crittenden for Vice Presi
dent And suppose that, soon after their
presumed election, Mr. Seward should
unfortunately die, and Mr. Crittenden
succeeded to the Presidency. We would
have a wise and patriotic President, to
be snre j but how much Republicanism
wonld the editor of the Conner and En
quirer find in the incumbent of the White
House? Where would the vital and
indespensible "principles" exist, that
were so immaculate and inviolable that a
man like Mr. Bales, grown poor and
gray in" their ' aelf-aacrificing practice,
amid gainsaying world, had been im
molated at Chicago to appease their rig
orous demands ? I willingly leave the
public to it judgement, as between the
course of theTribnne and the Conner, ia
the matter of vindicating the principles
f Republicanism. J'
1 '
The Louisville. Journal calls upon the
Southern cities Charleston, and Rich
mond to hold meetings in reponse tdi the
i . -: t .1: J mrtinn' r 'PViiTeuT!.
bia and "Boston. Thev won't do it.
They don't want northern trade. V
.t Knowing ones in Washington, predict
another war with Mexico.
t TVere a Cmaa eapentitio. that wkea a redden
ileae take alar la a ooaapaay, aa aarel at that aieaatai
Btake a rtreait arooad them, aad tho tret aareoa who
breaks the aileacr, la aarioid to bar beoa toarhed by
th wiar of the ear ph. For tho aaraaaa of piilfy. I
have tboafbt I wo anoaa preferable to many, ia iUnittml'
inf tbie rery beaatifol eoperttitioa.)
nha b? the rrcntnjr'a ,ulet Ufht
Tbrr ait two eila! lon.
They aaj, whit ia aocb uaaqoil plight,
Aa anrvl maud them Lorert:
Aad faith Mill, old Ureada tell
Th Cnt who ttaaka th tilmt epn.
To aay a aoft aad pleating thief.
Rath fth th paasiar tn-rlt wiaf .
Thai a aioain aiiattrrl ttnyed
By the Saeaajr ocean,
Gaainf oa a kirely aaald.
With a bard'l derottoa
Tot bia km be acre epoko,
Till aow th aibat apetl ho btoavt
Th biddeo fla to flaaea did eaoiaf,
Fanaed by th puoiaf aafol't wiaf.
I bit bread iho well aad loaf.
With krro ot Hrarea'e wa Belief
Tbia i act a poet'i eoaf ,
Bat a tree heart epeohlaf.
1 will km the. Mill aalired!
Re felt h anoka aa aa laepirad;
Th word did float Tratb'e foaataia aarlaf,
L'awakraad by tho ear!"! wiaf!
Bike at th ataidaa fan,
Her koiy tor Her eaakiaf ;
Aad by her bleak, a keew fall well
TW dawa ef oa waa kraaklaf .
It eaaa like laaohiao a'et kia heart!
Re felt that they ahoald aeror part
Fh epok aad ah! the kmly thief
Had fall th paisief aajoCb wiaf!
Preiidential Candidates.
The number of candidates for the
Presidency, especially on the Republican
side, seems to be rapidly increasing. An
appeal has been issued by a committee
appointed for that purpose in New Jersey,
nominating Wm. L. Dayton, and setting
forth at length the manifold reasons which
commend him to the support of the Re
publican party. He waa their candidate
for Vice President iu 1856, it will be re
membered, but failed to carry his own
State. His indentification with the old
Whig party, and with the schema of pro
tective tariffs, is cited by these gentlemen
as reasons for bis nomination. The Peo
ple's party in Pennsylvania, meantime
which is invited by the Republicans' call
to send delegates to Chicago pronoun
ces in favor of Senator Cameron, and
will doubtless urge him upon the National
Convention. V e doubt however, wheth
er this movement aims at anything more
than to promote the chances of his nom
ination for the Vice Presidency, and it is
possibly intended mainly to prevent the
party in Pennsylvania from being com
mitted to any of the other candidates al
ready in the field. The Chicago Press
and Tribune nominates Abe Lincoln, who
was Jndge Donglaa cnsnccessfnl compe
titor for the Senate in the last canvass
snd the Missouri Democrat, the Republi
can organ of Misouri, presses the nomin
ation of Judge Bates.
Concerning the opinions of the latter on
the various political topics of the day, the
Democrat says :
"He is wedded to the cause of ree
Labor, both in opinion and practice. He
denies that the Constitution extendi sla
very over the Territories ; he declares
that slavery shall not be permitted to en
ter any Territory which was free soil
acqiired by the United States, or which
became free at any period subsequent to
its acquisition ', that no power but Con
gress can plant slavery on such soil ; snd
that the Dred Scott decision merely de
fines the constitutional ttatut of the ne
gro the discursive essays of the Justices
which accompanied the rendering, or the
decision being, in bis opinion, mere
leathor and prunella, possesing ne intrin
sic weight, and entitled to no extraordina
ry consideration, either legally or politi-
"JJnt Mr. Dates rejects the motto "io
more Slave States." He argues that neith
er public policy, precedent, nor the. Con
stitution, authorizes Congress or the Ex
ecutive to discriminate between Free and
Slave States, in their application for ad
mission into the L nion ; 'and in this we
fully concur with him. The policy which
received the sanction of the founders of
the Republic, and which waa carried out
by Jefferson himself, needs no defense and
.may dispenso with eulogy.
"Such are the opinions or Jlr. Lates,
on the relation of slavery to the Territo
ries from their organization to their ad
mission as States in the Lmon. for the
rest, his opinions are snch aa might be in
ferred from his former political associa
tions, tie is a protectionist, wuicn we
retrret: ia favor of the improvement of lake
and river navigation by the General Gov
ernment ; emphatically in favor of a rail
road to the Pacific, on any route which
Congress may choose; opposed to the
eonaoldatioa of the mongrel populations
of Spanibh America with the people of
the United States ; and in favor or gov
ern ins our international relations by the
principles of public Isw, not by the code
of pirates, lie bas all that horror oi sla
very agitation and all that devotion to
the Union which distinguished old Whigs
hi have not turned National JJetno
crats." " - ' ' . -
The Chicago Press insists that , the
newspapers shall cease to set forth Judge
R '. nniniAM nn Ina liatrialf ' and rails UD-
on him to define bis position for himself.
Tl is is not at mil nnreaeonble. and we
Drarume that Judge Bates will concede
as much, claiming only tho selection of
his own" time and manner for making
snob an exposition. Still, we Lave little
doubt that his sentiments are very accu
rately set forth by the Democrat, as they
were also some weeks since by the Newt,
in an article which at the time of its ap
pearance, excited general attention and
comment. Judge Dates is by no means a
taciturn gentleman, nor is he in the lab
it of making any mystery or throwing
any concealment over his opinions npon
any of the controverted questions of the
dsy. He discusses them all with perfect
freedom, with any one who dares to know"
them and the editors of the St." Lonvs
journals in question are not likely to im
pute opinions to him without good and
substantial ground for so doing.
The Courier and Enqnirer has already
threatened, on its own behalf and that of
those for whom it speak., to bolt" if
Judge Bates is nominated not on the
ground of any difference in principle, bnt
becane lie supported Mr. Fillmore in
1856. We see no reference to this charge
in any of the journals which advocate
his nomination. It is probably true, and
will have more or less influence, especial
ly with that very large class of politicians
who do not adopt the Courier's motto,
"Principles, not Men." Indeed, under
the modern interpretation of those words,
the motto in question is very generally
end justly distrusted as false in sentiment
and very mischievioua in ita effect
" Principle" has come to mean platform
and certainly good government depends
ranch more npon the character of the men
who wield its powers than npon the plat
forms on which tbey profess to stand.
We would much rather have a good man
for President without any platform or
"principles," than a reckless, unscrupu
lous, intriguing politican, on the best plat
form ever invented.
Bnt ir due time we shall probably re
ceive some definite and authoritative ex
position from Judge Bates himself, of his
political opinions and position. .Vnt
Fork Timet.
A Seutaern View of Stephen A. Dong
las. The friends of Mr. Douglas ara pub- .
lishing two different editions of a letter of
the late General Quitman, one intended
for the North and the other for the Soath;
both commending Douglas, and expres
sing a strong desire to see him President
or the Unite 1 States. The one published
at tho Sonth by the Natchea Free Tra
der, affirms that Donglas opposes the
abominable principle of squatter sover
eignty, and iuMsts that slavery shall be
protected in the territories. The other
edition of the letter, intended for the
North, and pnblished in the Cincinnati
Enqnirer, omits the entire passage con
taining this statement of Donglas' opin
ions, and adds some other parts of the
same letter eulogizing Douglas. The in
dustry of Mr. Buchanan's organ at
Washington has brought these two edi
tions tegether collated them, as scholars
call it and invited its readers to com
pare them. We copy the one intended
for Southern resders : Next Fork Pott.
Eat. aflethrrpablialm ia Xalchai Tn Tivdw.
Washihotox, March 24. 1850. ,
Mr Deab Sib: I U-
Iieve that at this day the Northern De
mocracy are sounder and more reliable
on the slavery cnettion than thev have
ever been. The Kansas bill bas driven
offal' tke compromisers, and left thosa
that remain no alternative bet a full vin
dication of our whole rights. I believe,
therefore, they will prefer a bold, ultra
Southerner to a renegade.
In a short conversation with Mr. Doug
las, yesterday, he laid to me that what he
most feared teat that timid Soullurn men
vould fall bad.
I shall be content with Buchanan, and
will sustain Pierce, if nominated. It ia
also my interest to be non-committal ;
but when I write to an old friend liko
yourself, I will be frank. My preference
is for Douglas. He is bold, fearless snd
self-reliant Were he selected, be would
be President He would not come into
office with a body .guard of old fogies snd
politicians, ready to seise upon all the
offices. He ia true to the South. II
demandt not only tie utt and enjoyment
of the common territory for their proper'
ty but insist t on iis protection there. To
him we are indebted for the Kansas bill,
which now presents the points of contact
He is the true representative of this prin
ciple, end oppose! the abominable prim'
tiple of squatter tovtrtignly. j ,
Your friend. J. A. QUITMAN.' '
The New Orleans Crescent thinks that
Secretary of State, Richard Realf, the
saint in the South and the sinner in the
North, waa born under the luckiest star
which ever presided in the natal moment
of a scamp. A little of . everything in
Logland, aa Abolitionist and insurrec
tionist in the North, a Catholic and
pro-slsverr proselyte in New Orleans, a
Jesuit student in Mobile, a student for the
Methodist ministry in Texas, aad a trai
tor everywhere to his previous professions,
a low swindler and a high art enthusiast.
be has esesped a thousand merited "dan
gers ; and now, protected by the .vary
law to which he bas forfeited liberty, if
not Iife.be luxuriates in a notoriety which
is very grateful to him, is an important
witness before the august tribunal of tho
Sonata of the United btatee, and . thnrea
on an income derived from the evil be
has done. '
-. i ,; .
The Richmond Enquirer gives it asTits, ,
deliberate conviction that nnleas" Gov.'
Wise be the Charleston
position will elect their President Wn
thick they'll do it any boyt.-td:imri.

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