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..-; ., : . ; '. ' " --5 rV-'-.. v. .. . ...( j,-f -T - -r-. , v : ; , .. .. - -.' . .' - ..:!. til . . 1 1 Sj '.!: . r ' -i t " , . jr - . . . " . . ' '" ...- . - .... . ... ; i , , , j t r . . ... . , -, i iniih - j '..-... . , ' . ... . - -. -- " es ..! -f 'II I ifiii,:' i f;;lfweii:ifMF- 0L. MILLER, EDITOR LD FUBLISBCR. ' ; ' i w THE CONST1TUTJON AND THE UNION- ' ' ... 1 - . - 4 ' i TERMS $2.00 PER IS ADTA5CS.' VOLUME III. NUMBER 52. j IKE CHICAGO C05YESTIOH. Tiny i, thy c , gH t twc Timm rilT, -rn mM, . T (kMM Hi m IW waiaf aw. ) 1 MtiM Wm k "llj , j. Ami kill Wr Mat I bn Whrt: tnm Hartk. Am Stfe. fnm Em thy gm T cfcja Ik ku W(oUn Wt. TW Eapin But, pteid, Wd tl rm, datn btr 0afd1i kuHi feftii Th chMWiaa fib rifhu W Tm Km fankM4 Hacta Waa baf kaa feafbl. ia Slararyi tower, Tat airaul atnbn at Ika fret Warn aarta aya fcmMi a koar. Ami ulb tka aaa&ct jrat U ka Tkiantiet wkjek aiaat arat tfa vrkart til aaa wioaj asaMa Cka rifkt Tat tMlKt wkiek a aawaiaf aja Piadtia 'tltmw'l wuiaf aifkt. Tkt ali Butt it arkaiaf Mill Witt ahaaiu ftaai kar fi-atkara taakt, Wkil Ufiataa aa Baakar Bill SWat fank Ika eaaa,aariaf aaata af Baakt. Haw aaafi rwara a'ar Minaari bcaatt, Wkrt diitpriai frttasai (lb Ika air; A ad tnm Ikt pmif aftka Wart, IVa kail Ika elariaa taica af Blair. Brifkl from aar Htrtkcra fnaiu kilb, Tha im af ftaadaai lifkt aaek dtla Tkaw witj aiaet aad wjamariaf rilb Bltad wilk Ika fraadai taafaa af Hala. TV Kertaa Btata raaad Caaitraa'i brow, Wreatki krr praad Uaiaa baaaar thera; flat taiaa, ika pladft af victory aa, Swelb lata aaa CriatapbaJ air. Fratj tka far Boatk break a tew to and: Kra tacky Wadi tba aa ward war. Aad fraai ker dark aad ktoady fiaand, 8kt akaau tba aaaae af Caul at Clay. Fraai all Ika Free Statu of oar land, Aload tka thoau of Unioa rite; Ttia lg kat wared tka dtrd bud Of traium, aeatk taar Soatbera akiat. Tkat freedoai wkiek aar ratkari waa, Tatir aaaa will aear data ataintaia; Oar Eaipira, aeatk the trttiaf raa, BkaD aat be caned witk Slaeery't ebaia. Tkar wa will riant aar Sarthrra piaa, Beaida tka BtaUura ettiM tree; Aad wara e'er Slarerj katefal abriaa, Tkebaaoerafaaatioa FBEE. Wbile Raiaiaa deipot dare proelain The f alliaf chains of terfdoai o'er, PheR wt be emly free ia aama. Aad aara tba aaly booilman'l akoraf Oar Stara aad Stripei tkall only wara FrMecliee to the (allant free; Aad iu atrong folda ao aeon tkall aara tea bald timet trmUr aftka aaa. Thea an war J re the tnldea Wert, Te tktxea faard of Freedoai'a aaa; WeTi blaca apaa awr kaaaee ml, t . A ntaarpk (or the oaoataf i Pt5ttltof0n5a iTTDOS BATES' LETTER US STJP POET OF LDJC0LH-. Tke Rcpklicaa Slanditrd Bearer Warm ly Ealofixed. St. Louii, Jane 11, 1860. 0. D. Browning Etq., Quincy, IlL: Dm Sir: When I received jroor letter of My 22 1. I kd no thought that the answer woaM be st long delayed ; tot, waiving all excaees, I proceed ta aa wer it tow. Coder tkecRTerasUvces of Ae case, it oght oot to hare been doabted that I oald give Mr. LincoU'a aonuatrom a ordid aai hearty rapport. Bat ia de nag my intentioa to do bo. it is dae "yelf to suu tome of the facts aad ", which have a controlling influ ence over my mind, and which I think, onght to be pereaasive arguments witk ome other man. whot political opinions nd antecedents are, in torn important Particulars, like my own. Jr, Jlf! 71, M 8(a tW1i f' TOPPW- SLLIWt VX or diesatisfac Jg. On party gnand-, I had no "But to exBeet fi V . . i . . - "v'-umauon. i naa ? t?VP8 P-bHcan. aa 1 par !Lri iw "tr been a member of 1.1 IV 1 whic1 now bro "4 materials, for the most ill JTlH inl oth organizations. hH', r 1 n left, nlone and powerless on perfectly free to follow the ' y own judgment aad to Uke P" current politics aa my own or duty and patriotism may require. y Republicans, and among them, I wink, some of the .most moderate and PWnotic of that party, honored roe with weir confidence, and desired to make me Candidate. For this favor I was in M4 to the Act thu temtxsa them and " re was a coincidence of opinion Poo certain important questions of iot They and I agreed in beTiev IB8 thu that o . v.. bivusH VIUTTJI UDJVUW OM wigB power over the Territories, and lutt it a..-! J i . . .... . . -- "u.u oo impolitic ana unwie to lt power for the propagation of ne FO slaverv bw nW; ; r . 'T- Borne of them believed also that my ottination. "hile it would tend to soften sa. v tbe BnMie w party, without aitr.- .1 UDr"" coaracier ana S". U tht bordw 6-ates. who -.e, had never bees members of their party, but concurred with them in opin ion, about the government of the Terri tories. These are the grounds, and I think .the only grounds, upon whiclr I was supported at all at Chicago. - As lo the platform put forth by tbe Chicago Convention, I have little to nay. becartee .whether good r bad, that will nut constitute the ground of my support of Mr. Lincoln., I have no' great respect for party platforms in general."' They are commonly made in times of high excite ment, under a pressure of circumstances, and with the view to conciliate present support, rather than to establish a per manent system of principles and line of policy for the futnre good government of the country. The conventions which form them aro transient in their nature ; their power and influence are consumed in tbe using, leaving no continuing obi gallon upon tbeir respective parties. And hence we need not wonder that plat forms so made, are hardly ever acted out in practice. I shall not discuss their rel ative merits, but content myself with saying that this Republican platform. though in several particulars it does not conform to my views, is still far better than any published creed, past or pres ent, of the Democrats. And as to the new party, it has not chosen to promul gate any platform at all, except two or three broad generalities which are com mon to the professions of faith of all par ties in the country. No party, indeed. dare ask the conbdence of tbe nation, while openly denying the obligation to support the Union and the Constitution, and to enforce the laws. That is a com moo duty, binding upon every citizen, and the failure to perform it is a crime. lo me it is plain that tbe approaching contest must be between the Democratic and Republican parties ; ' and, between thera, I prefer the latter. The Democratic party by the long pos sebioi and abuse of power, has grown v, anton and reckless ; has corrupted it self and perverted the principles of the Government ; has set itself openly against the great home interests of the people, by neglecting to protect their industry, and by refusing to improve and keep in order the highways and depots of com merce : and even now is urging a mess nre in Congress to abdicate the constitp tionsl power and duty to regulate com merce among the States, and to grant to the States the discretionary power to levj tonnage duties upon all oar commerce, under the pretence of improving harbors, rivers, and lakes ; has changed the status of tbe negro slave by making him no lon ger mere property, but a politician, an antagonist power in the Mate, a power to which all other powers are required to yield, under a penalty of a dissolution of the Uuioa : has directed its energies to the gratification of its Inst of foreign do main, as manifested i its persistent ef forts to seise upon tropical regions, not because those countries and their incoa grnous people are necessary, or evea de sirable, to be incorporated into our na tion, but for the mere purpose of making Slave States, in order to advance the po litical power of the party in the Senate and in the choice of the President, so as effectually to transfer the chief powers of the Government from the many to the few ; has in various instances endanger ed the eqnalhy of the co ordinate branch es of the Government, by nrgeut efforts to enlarge the powers of the Executive at the expense of the Legislative department; has attempted to discredit and degrade the Judiciary, by affecting to make it, at first, the arbiter of party quarrels, to be come soon and inevitably tbe passive registrar of psrty decrees. In most, if not all these particulars, I understand the Republican party (judg ing it by its acts avid by tbe known opin ions of many of its leading men) to be the exact opposite of the Democratic party : and that is the ground of my pref erence of tbe one party over tbe other. And that alone would be a sufficient rea son, if I liad not other good reasons, for supporting Mr. Lincoln against any man who may be put forwara oy we vetno cratic psrty, aa the exponent of its prin ciples and the agent to work out, in prac tice, its dangerous politics. The third pty, which, by ita very formation, has destroyed the organisa tions of the American and Whig parties, has nominated two most excellent men. I know them well, as sound statesmen and true patriots. More than thirty years ago I served with tbem both ia Con gress, and from that time to. this I have always held them in respect and honor. But what can the third party do towards the election of even each worthy men aa these against the two great parties which are now ia actual contest for the power to rule the nation t It is made up en tirely of portions of the disintegrated el ements of the late Whig and American parties good materials, . in the main. I admit, but quite too weak to elect any man or establish any principle. The most it can do ia, here and there in par ticular localities, to make a diversion- in favor of tbe Democrats. In '56, the Whig and American parties, (not forming a new party, but united as allies,) with en tire unanimity and some zeal, supported Mr. Fillmore for the Presidency, and with what results t We made a misera ble failure, carrying no State but gallant little Maryland. And surely, the united Whigs and Americana of that day had a far greater show of strength and far bet ter prospects of success than any which belong to the Constitutional Union party now. In fact, I see no possibility of suc cess for the thjrd party, except ia o WHITE CLOUD, KANSAS,1 THURSDAY, JULY 5, 1860. contingency tbe destruction of the Dem ocratic party. That is a contingency not likely to happen this year.' for badlv as I think of many of the acts and politics of -aas party, us cup is not yes rail ine day naa not yet come when it must .dis solve in its own corruptions. But the dsy is coming and is not far off. The party has made itself entirely sectional ; it has concentrated its very peing into one single idea ; negro slavery has con trol of all its faculties, and it can see and hear nothing else " one stern, tyrannic thought, that makes all other thoughts iU slaves !" But the Democratic psrty still lives, end while it lives, it and the Republican party are the only real antagonistic pow ers in the nation, and for the present, I must choose between tbem. I choose the latter, as wiser, purer, younger, and less corrupted by time and self-indulgence. The candidates nominated at Chicago are both men who, as individuals and politicians, rank with the foremost of the country. I have heard no objection to Mr. Hamlin personally, but only to his geogrsphical position, which is thought by some to be too far North and East to allow his personal good qualities to exer cise their proper influence over tbe nation at large. Bet the nomination for the Presidency is the great controlling act. Sir. Lincoln, bis cbsracter, talents, opin ions and history will be critjeised by thousands, while tbe candidate for tbe Vice Presidency will be passed over in comparative silence. Mr. Lincoln's nomination took the public by surprise, becsuse, until just be fore the event, it wss unexpected. Bat really it ought not to have excited any surprise, for such unforeseen nominations are common in our political history. I'olk and Pierce by the Democrats, and Ilarrison and Tsylor by the Whigs, were all nominated iu this extemporaneous manner all of them were elected. have known Mr. Lincoln for more than twenty years, and therefore have a right to speak of him with some confidence. As an individual he has earned a bigb reputation for truth, courage, candor, morals and amiability, so that, aa a man, he is most trustworthy. And in tun particular he is more entitled to our es teem than some other men, bis equals, who had far better opportunities and aids in early life. His talents, and the will to use tbara to the best advantage, are un questionable; and the proof is found in the fact that, in every position in life. from his bumble beginning to his present well earned elevation, he has more than fulfilled the be-t hopes of his friends. And now, in the full vigor of his man hood and in the honest pride of having made himself what he is, he is the peer of the first men of tbe nation, well able to sustain himself and advance his csnse, against any adversary, and in any Geld where mind and knowledge are the wea pons nsed. In politics he has but acted out the principles of his own moral and intellec tnal character. He has not concealed his thoughts nor hidden his light under a bushel. With the boldness of conscious rectitude and the frankness of downright honesty, be has not failed to avow his opinions of public affairs upon all fitting occasions. This I know msy subject him to the carping censure of that class of politi cians who mistake canning for wisdom and falsehood for ingenuity ; bat such men as Lincoln must act in keeping with their own characters, and hope for suc cess only by advancing tbe truth prudent ly and maintaining it bravely. All his old political antecedents are, in my judg ment, exactly right, being square up to the old Whig standard. And aa to his views about M the pestilent negro ques tion," I am not aware that he has gone one step beyond the doctrine publicly and habitually avowed by the great lights of the Whig party. Clay, Webster, and tbeir fellows, and indeed sustained and carried out by tbe Democrats themselves, in their wiser and better days. The following, I suppose, are ia brief his opinions upon that subject : I. Sla very is a domestic institution within tbe States which choose to have it, and it ex ists within those States beyond the con trol of. Congress. - 2- Congress hss su preme legislative power over all the Ter ritories, and msy, at its discretion, allow or forbid tbe existence of slavery within them. 3. Congress in wisdom and sonnd policy, ought not so to exercise its pow er, directly or indirectly, as to plant and establish slavery in any Territory there tofore free. " 4. And that it is unwise and impolitic in the Government of the Uni ted States to acquire tropical regions for the mere purpose of converting them into Slave States. . . These, I believe, are Mr. Lincoln's opinions upon the matter of slavery in the Territories, and I concur in them. The art ao new inventions, made to suit tbe exigencies oi -a uour, uu uo cum down to na, as the Declaration of Inde pendence and the .Constitution have. sanctioned by the venerable authority of tbe wise and good men who established our institutions. They are comformable to law, principle and wise policy, and their "utility is proven in practice by the aa yet unbroken current of our political history. They will prevail, not only be cause they are right in themselves, but also because a great and still growing majority of the people believe tbem to be ria-ht : and the sooner toey are allowed .. I v. v. to prevail la peace ana uraoDj, -uo nea ter for U concerned, as well those who are against, them as those who are for them. I am aware (hat small partissns, in tbeir little warfare sgkiast opposing lea ders, do sometimes; dssail' tbem by the trick of tearing. from (bar contexts some particular objectionable phrases, penned perhaps, in the harry of composition, or spoken in the' beat, of 'oral debate, and holding them up to lL public as the lead ing doctrines' of the person assailed, and drawing from tbem their own onchanta ble inferences. That line of attack be trays a little mind, conscious of its weak ness, for the falsity of its logic is not more apparent than tbe injustice of its design. No public man can stand that ordeal, and, however willing men may be to see it applied to their adversaries, al. flinch from the torture when applied to themselves. In fact, the man who never said a foolish thing, will hardly be able to prove that he ever said many wise ones. I consider Mr. Lincoln a sound, safe. national man. He could not be section al, if he tried. His birth, his education, the habits of his life, and his geogrsphi cal position, compel him to be national. All his feelings and interests are identified with the great valley of the Mississippi, near whose centre be has spent his whole life. Tbst valley is not a section, but, conspicuously, tbe body of the nation, and, large as it is, is not capable of be ing divided into sections, for the greet river csnnot be divided. It is one and indivisible, and the North and the South are alike necessary to its comfort and prosperity. Its people, too. in all their interests and affections, are as broad and general as the regions they inhabit. They are emigrants, a mixed multitude, coming from every State in the Union, and from most countries in Europe ; they are unwilling, therefore, to submit to any one petty local standard. They love the nation as a whole, and they love all its parts, for they are bound to tbem all, not only by a feeling of common interest and mutaal dependence, but also by tbe re' collections of childhood and youth, by blood and friendship, and by all tbose social and domestic charities which sweet en life, and make this world worth living in. The valley is beginning to feel its power, and will soon be strong enough to dictate the law of the land. Whenever that state of things shall come to, pass, it will be most fortunate for tbe nation to hnd the powers of Government lodged in the bsnds of men whose habits of thought. whose position and snrroundiug circum stances constrain thera to use those pow ers for general and not sectional ends. I give my opinion freely in favor of Mr. Lincoln, and I hope that, for the good of tbe whole country, be may be elected. Bat it is not my intention to take any active part in the canvass. For many years past I have had little to do with publio affairs, and have aspired to no political office ; and now, in view of the mad excitement which convulses the country, and the general disruption and disorder of partiea and elements which compass thsm, I am more than ever as sured that for me, personally, there is no political future, and I accept the condi tion with cheerful satisfaction. Still I cannot discharge myself from the lifelong duty to watch tbe conduct of men in pow er, and to resist, so far as a mere private roan may, the fearful progress of omcial corruption, which for several years past has sadly marred and denied the tair tab ric of our Government. If Mr. Lincoln should be elected, com- ..i i ae log in as a new msn at me neaa oi a young party never before in power, he may render a great service to bis country, hich no Democrat could render, lie can march straight forwsrd in the dis- chsrge of high duties, guided only by his own good judgment and honest purpo ses, without any necessity to temporize with established abuses, to wink at the delinquencies of old party friends, or to unlearn and discard tbe bad official habits that havegrown up under the mis government of his Democratic predeces sors. In short, he can be an honest and bold reformer' on easier and cheaper terms that any Democratic President can be, for, in proceeding in the good work of cleansing and purifying the adminis trative departments, be will nave no oc casion to expose the vices, assail tbe in terests, or thwart ambition of bis politi cal friends. ... Begging yonr pardon for the length of this letter, I remain, with, great respect. Yonr friend and obedient servant, Edwabd Bates. Block Chair. One of the curiosities in the Chicago Convention, waa a chair made by aa Indian in Michigan, some thirty years since. It ia a solid Mock of pine, some two and a half feet across, with rockers and a lew back. Tbe seat is hollowed out, and is quite comfortable. Ckcmbtrtburg Btpotitory. Brownlow aays that,' as much as he despises Northern negro stealers, he can see no moral difference between the crime and tbe money stealing of the Democrat ic party. To the latter, however, be awarda the preference on one point their stealing is not sectional, but is done wherever the publio money can be found. Paper is made in England out of spent hops, paper mills being now an econom ical addition to the extensive breweries of Barton on Trent. After drinking a glass of "Burton's Ale." we msy see the same article again in a sheet of paper 1 cays the New York Home Journal. HOSEST ABE OP TEE WEST, BT EDMC2ID C. BTEPMAIS. . All" Smr SrmlU Bwut.' . O, hart! tnm tka aiae created kilU afold Metae, . Where tba aplastic trtt Mb froaa tka wiaja of lie aaorairtf. And away la tba Watt, arer rleer aad ptaie, Siegs oat tka graad aatbewa af Liberty, waraiaf . From the creaa-rollia prairie il ewelb to tba aea, " For tbe people bare rlaea, Tictoriotr, aad free; Tbry bare eboaea tbeir leaden aad araratl aad brat Of them all, it Ol Aai, Honirr An or thi IVntl Tba tpiril that foafkt for the patrioti afold. ITae twepi throBf h the laad aad aroaaed at for arer; la tbe para air of kearea a atandar J aafold. Fit lo aaankal at aa to tba aaered eaaeieor! Proadly tba baa err of freenea wa bear; Noble the konee that encircle it there! Aad where battle It thickeit, we follow the erett Of gallant Ou Ait, Uoxtrr An or thi Win! There'a a rriarapk la ir-iaf; a (lorioat raaee, Thoofh the ho.li of tbe foe for a while aaaj be etrauer; raahiaf oa for jatt mlera and holier laws. Till their htttaaiaf calanat oppoao aa ao loafer. Be oara tba load pa to of aiea who bare paal Through the ruj'ei of jean, and are eictort at but Bo forward tba lax! lean to Hearea the real, Aad Iran ia Old Aaa, Hojout Aaa or Tea Wist! Lo! too tba bright arroll of the Fotcre anfcld! Broad faraaa aad fair eiliee eball erewa aar devoti Free Labor tora area tba aanda into goM, And tbe liaka of berrailwaye ehaia ocean lo ocean: Bargee ahall float a tba dark rirer warn, With a wealih aerer wrong front Iheeiaeweof alairet; And the Chief, ia whoae rale all the laad ahall be bleu, la oat aoble Ou Aaa, Hoacrr Aaa or thi Wot! Thea oa to tbe holy Republican at rife Aad again, for a Falart aa fair at the awning! For the take of that freedom mora precioat tbao life. Ring oat the grand antbem of Liberty", warning! Lift the bannered high, while from monatain to plain, The cheer, of the people are tonaded again! H nrrah for oar canae of all eaatee tba beat! rJarrab for Ol An, Hokut Aat or na H ut! Greeley's Letter to Seward Interest ing Political Revelations. New York, June 13. Tbe subjoined is Mr. Grccky's letter to Mr. Seward : New York, Saturday, Nov. 11, 1854. Gov. Seward Dear Sir : The elec tion is over, and its results sufficiently ascertained. It seems to me a fitting time to announce to you the dissolution of the political firm of Seward, Weed dc Gree ley, by tbe withdrawal of the Junior part ner, said withdrawal to take effect on the morning after the first Thursday in Feb ruary next ; and as it may seem a great presumption in me to assume that anv such firm exists, especially since the pub ic was advised, more than a year ago. by an editorial in tbe Evening Journal, formally reading me out of the Whig party, that I was no longer esteemed use ful or ornamental in the concern, you will, I am sure, indulge me in some re miniscences, which seem to befit the oc casion. I was a poor young printer and editor of a literary journal, a very active and bitter Whig in a small way, but not seek ing to be known out of my own ward committee, when after the great political revulsion of 1837. 1 was one day called to the City Hotel, where two strangers introduced themselves as Tliurlow Weed and Lewis Benedict, of Albsny. They old me tbst a sharp campaign paper of a peculiar stamp, at Albany, bad been re solved npon, and that 1 bad been selected to edit it. The announcement might well be deemed flattering by one who had never even sought the notice of the great, and was not known as a partizan writer, and I eagerly embraced their proposals. They asked me to fix my salary for a year. 1 namea Bl.UUU, which they agreed to, and 1 did tbe work required to the best of my ability. It was work that msde no figure, and created no sen sation, but I loved it, and did it well. When it was done, you were Governor, ispensing offices worth from 83.000 to 820,000 per year, to your friends and compatriots, and I returned to my garret and my crust, and my desperate battle with the pecuniary obligations heaped np on me by bad partners in business and the disastrous events of 1837. I believe that it did not then occur to me that some one of these abundant places might have been offered to me without injustice, I now think that it should have occurred to you. If it did occur to me, I was not the man to ask you for it. I think that should not have been necessary.' I only remember that no friend at all inquired as to my pe cuniary circumstances ; that your friend, but not mine, Robt. C. W etui ore, was one of the chief dispensers of your patronage here, and that sosh devoted compatriots as A. H. Wells and John Hooks were lift ed by yon out of pauperism into indepen dence, as 1 am glad 1 was not ; and yet an inquiry from you as to my needs and meana at that time would have been time- v. and held ever in grateful remem brance. Ia the Harrison campaign of 1840, 1 waa again designated to edit a campaign paper. I published it as well, and ought ts have made something by it in spite of its extremely low price.. My extreme pov erty waa the main reason why I did aot t compelled me to hire press work, null ing dec, done by the job, and high char ges for extra work nearly ate me np. At the close I was still without property, and in debt, but this paper had rather improv ed my position. Now came the great scrabble of tbe sw11 mob, of coons min strals and cider-socksrs at Washington, I not being counted in. Several regiments of them went on from this city, but not one of tbe whole crowd (though I ssy it) had done so much towards Gen. Harrison's nominatian and election as yours respect fully. I received nothing, expected noth ing, but yon. Gov. Seward, ought to have asked that I might be Postmaster of New i York. Your asking would have been in vain, but it would have been an act of grace neither wasted nor undeserved. I soon after started the Tribune, because I was nrged to do so by certain of your friends, and because such paper was need ed here. -1 wss promised certain pecu niary aid in so doing ; it might have been given me without cost or risk to any one. All I ever had wss a loan, by piece meal, of 81.000, from James Coggeshall God bless his honored memory. I did not ask for this, and think it is tbe one sole case in which I ever received a pecuniary favor from a political associate. I am very thankful that he did not die till he was fully repaid. And let me here honor one grateful re collection. When the Whig party, under your rule, Lad ofhees to give, my name was never thought of, but when in '42 and 43, we were hopelessly out of power, I was honored with the party nomination for State Printer. When we came again to have a State Printer to elect as well as nominate, my place went to Weed, as it onght, yet it was something to know that there was once "a time when it was not deemed too great a sacrifice to recognize me as a member of your household. If a new office had not since been cre ated on purpose to give its valuable pa tronage toH. J. Raymond, and enable St. John to show forth his Times as the organ of the Whig State administration, I should have been still more grateful. In 1843, yoar Btar again rose, and my warmest hopes were realized in your elec tion to the Senate. I was no longer needy, andhad no more claim than desire to be recognized by Gen. Taylor. 1 think 1 bad some claim to forbear ance from you, but what I received there upon was a most humiliating lecture in the shape of a decision in the libel case of Redfield and Pr ingle and an obligation to publish it in my own and other jour nals of your supposed firm. I thought, snd still think, this lecture needlessly cruel and mortifying. The plaintiffs, using my columns to the extent of their needs or desires, stopped writing and call ed on me for the name of their assailant. I proffered it to them a thoroughly respon sible name. 1 bey refused to accept it un less it should prove to be one of the four or five first men in Batavia, when they had known from the first who it was, and that it was neither of them. They would not accept that which they had at first demanded. They sued me instead for money, and money you wert at liberty to give thera at yonr heart s content. I do not think you were at liberty to humiliate me in the eyas of my own and yonr pub lie, as yon did. If I am not mistaken. this judgment is the only speech, letter or document addressed to the Government in which you ever recognized my exist ence. I hope I may not go down to pos terity as embalmed therein. I think yon exalted your own judicial sterness and fearlessness unduly at my expense. I think you had a better oscasion for dis play of these qualities when Webb threw himself untimely upon yon for a pardon which he had done all a man could do to demerit. (His paper is paying yon for it now.) I have publicly set forth my view of your and our duty witb respect to fusion, Nebraska, and party designations. I will not repeat any of that. I have referred also to Weed's reading me out of the Whig party, my crime being in this as in some other things, that of doing to-day what more politic persons will not be ready to do till to-morrow. Let me speak of the late canvass. I was once sent to Congress for ninety days, merely to enable Jim Brooks to secure a seat therein for four years. I think I never hinted to any human being that I would have liked to be put forward for any place. Bat Jas. W. White (yon hardly know how good and true a man he is. ) started my name for Congress, and Brooks packed delegation thought I could help him through, so I was put on behind him ; but this last Spring, after the Nebraska question hsd created a new state of things at tbe Worth, one or two personal friends, of no political consideration, suggested my name as a candidate for Governor, and I did not discourage tbem. Soon, the per sons who were afterwards mainly instru mental in nominating Clark, came about me and asked if I could secure the Know Nothing vote. I told them I neither could nor would touch it : on tbe contra ry, I loathed and repelled it, Thereupon they turned upon Clark. I said noth ing, did nothing. A hundred people asked me who should be run for Governor. I sometimes indi cated Patterson. I never hinted at my own name : but by and by Weed came down and called me to him, to tell me why be could not support me for Governor. I had never asked nor counted on bis sup port. I am sure Weed did not mean to humiliate me, but be did. Tbe upshot of his discourse very cautiously stated was this t If I were a candidate for Gover nor I should beat not myself only, but on. Perhaps that was true. But as 1 ad ia no manner solicited his or your support, I thoaght this might have been said to my friends rather than to me. 1 suspect it is true that I could not have been elected Governor as a Whig. But bad be and yon been favorable, there would have been a party in tbe State ere this which could and would have elected me to any post, without injuring itself or en dangering your re election. It was in vain that I nrged that I bad in no manner asked a nomination. At length I was nettled by bis language- ell intended, bat wry cutting, as ad WHOLE NUMBER, 156 dressed by him to me to say. ia sub stance, "Well, then, make Patterson' " Governor, and try my name for Liea " tenant. To lose this pi see ia a matter "of no importance; and we can see. " whether I am really so odious." I should have hated to serve as Lieut. Governor, but I should have gloried : in' running for the post. I want to have my enemies all npon nie at once; I am tired" of fighting them piece-meal. And, though ' I should hsve been beaten in the canvass. I know that my running would have helped the ticket, and helped my paper. It was thoaght best t let the matter take another course. No other name could have been put on the ticket so bit terly humbling to me as that which was selected. The nomination was given to" Raymond; the fight left to me. And, Gov. Seward, J Aar mad$ it, though' it be conceited in me to ssy so. What little fight there has been, I have stir-, red op. Even Weed has not been (I speak of his paper) hearty in this con test, while the journal of ths Whig Lieut, Governor has taken care of its own ", interests and 1st the canvass take care of itself, as it early declared it would do. That journal has (because of its milk-and-water course) some Twenty Thou-1 sand subscribers ia this city and its su- berbs, and of these Twenty Thousand I' venture to say more voted for Ullman and; Scroggs than for Clark and Raymond.' The Tribune (also because of its charac ter) bas but bight Ihoassnd subscribers within the same rsdius, and I venture to say that of ita habitual readers nine-tenth voted for Clark and IUymond very few for Ullman and Scroggs. I had to bear ' the brunt of the contest, and take a terri ble responsibility in order to prevent the ' Whigs uniting npon James W. Barker in order to defeat Fernando Wood. Had Barker been elected here, neither you nor I could walk these streets without being ' hooted, and Know-Nothingism ' would have swept like a prairie-fire. I stopped : Barker's election at the cost of incurrfrig" the deadliest enmity of the defeated gang;, and I have been rebuked for it by the Lieut. Governor's psper. At the critical ' moment, he came out against' John Mi heeler in favor of Charlea H. Marshall (who would have been your deadliest en emy in the House,) and even your Col. (ieneral s psper, which was even with me in insisting that Wheeler should' bo' returned, wheels. about at the last' mo ment and went in for Marshall The Tri bune alone clinging to Wheeler to the' last I rejoice that they who turned so suddenly were not able to turn all their readers. Gov. Seward, I know that some of your most cherished friends think me a great obstacle to vour advancement that John Schoolcraft, for one, insists that yon and Weed shall not be identified with me. I trust, after a time, you' will not be. I trust I shall never be found in opposition to yon ; I have no farther wish but to glide out of the newspaper world as quietly and as speedily as' pos sible, join my family in Europe, arid if possible stay there quite a time -long' enough to ceol my fevered brain and ren ovate my overtasked energies. All I axle-' is that we shall be counted even on the" morning ofter the first Tuesday in Febru ary, as aforesaid, and that I may thereaf--ter Uke such course as seems best with out reference to tbe past. You hsve done me acts of valued kind' ness in tbe line of your profession : let me close with the sssursncff thai these will ever be gratefully remembered by Yours, HORACE GREELEY Hon. Wk. H. Seward, Present. Sum Dismissed Let e Sril.-IC is well known that tba money obtained by the county for School Lands Was all taken by the Democratic Board who bald office two years sgo. There was emcrogb money psid in to leave them all a pleas snt little nest egg. Sometimes they were kind enough to give their notes for it bat of other money there is no security and no record whatever. These lands hsd to be bought of government afterwards, and now the people of this county hats got to psy the money back to the pre-em p tora. Bat where is it ? Ia the pockets ' - of Democrats, msn who don't hesitate to steal. Tbe last County Board, which , was Republican, instituted suits against the defaulters. But ths present incum bents think it wrong to sue a Democrat, even when he is known to be a thief, and so tbe suits have been withdrawn. . The people will . be taxed for this money. bus tbe officeholders will fto On stealing. Elwood Free Prets. - PouncAt Expect atiors cr Wajhiho- to5. " Q." telegraphs from Washing ton to the New York Times i . .. , No one here seems to anticipate harmo-' ny in the Democratic ranks,' and Lin coln's election is regarded as a forego conclusion. . . ' , , ? A private letter from tat South an nounces that lien. Houston will run as an independent candidate against the field. - ' ! Mr. Dosglaa friends ire confident of his nomination at Baltimore. L incoln green bas suddenly become the fashionable color in New York, sines the Chicago nominations: whereat the Ra- ' publicans are mightily tickled, savin that it is good for the core of tbe Demo cratic bluet. , : The Richmond Enquirer calls the Re publican nominee for tbe Vict Presiden cy, " this wretch, Hsmlin."