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'II I ifiii,:' i f;;lfweii:ifMF-
0L. MILLER, EDITOR LD FUBLISBCR. ' ; '
THE CONST1TUTJON AND THE UNION-
' ' ... 1 - . - 4 '
i TERMS $2.00 PER IS ADTA5CS.'
VOLUME III. NUMBER 52. j
IKE CHICAGO C05YESTIOH.
Tiny i, thy c , gH t twc
Timm rilT, -rn mM, .
T (kMM Hi m IW waiaf aw. )
1 MtiM Wm k "llj , j.
Ami kill Wr Mat I bn Whrt:
tnm Hartk. Am Stfe. fnm Em thy gm
T cfcja Ik ku W(oUn Wt.
TW Eapin But, pteid, Wd tl rm,
datn btr 0afd1i kuHi feftii
Th chMWiaa fib rifhu W
Tm Km fankM4 Hacta
Waa baf kaa feafbl. ia Slararyi tower,
Tat airaul atnbn at Ika fret
Warn aarta aya fcmMi a koar.
Ami ulb tka aaa&ct jrat U ka
Tkiantiet wkjek aiaat arat tfa
vrkart til aaa wioaj asaMa Cka rifkt
Tat tMlKt wkiek a aawaiaf aja
Piadtia 'tltmw'l wuiaf aifkt.
Tkt ali Butt it arkaiaf Mill
Witt ahaaiu ftaai kar fi-atkara taakt,
Wkil Ufiataa aa Baakar Bill
SWat fank Ika eaaa,aariaf aaata af Baakt.
Haw aaafi rwara a'ar Minaari bcaatt,
Wkrt diitpriai frttasai (lb Ika air;
A ad tnm Ikt pmif aftka Wart,
IVa kail Ika elariaa taica af Blair.
Brifkl from aar Htrtkcra fnaiu kilb,
Tha im af ftaadaai lifkt aaek dtla
Tkaw witj aiaet aad wjamariaf rilb
Bltad wilk Ika fraadai taafaa af Hala.
TV Kertaa Btata raaad Caaitraa'i brow,
Wreatki krr praad Uaiaa baaaar thera;
flat taiaa, ika pladft af victory aa,
Swelb lata aaa CriatapbaJ air.
Fratj tka far Boatk break a tew to and:
Kra tacky Wadi tba aa ward war.
Aad fraai ker dark aad ktoady fiaand,
8kt akaau tba aaaae af Caul at Clay.
Fraai all Ika Free Statu of oar land,
Aload tka thoau of Unioa rite;
Ttia lg kat wared tka dtrd bud
Of traium, aeatk taar Soatbera akiat.
Tkat freedoai wkiek aar ratkari waa,
Tatir aaaa will aear data ataintaia;
Oar Eaipira, aeatk the trttiaf raa,
BkaD aat be caned witk Slaeery't ebaia.
Tkar wa will riant aar Sarthrra piaa,
Beaida tka BtaUura ettiM tree;
Aad wara e'er Slarerj katefal abriaa,
Wbile Raiaiaa deipot dare proelain
The f alliaf chains of terfdoai o'er,
PheR wt be emly free ia aama.
Aad aara tba aaly booilman'l akoraf
Oar Stara aad Stripei tkall only wara
FrMecliee to the (allant free;
Aad iu atrong folda ao aeon tkall aara
tea bald timet trmUr aftka aaa.
Thea an war J re the tnldea Wert,
Te tktxea faard of Freedoai'a aaa;
WeTi blaca apaa awr kaaaee ml,
A ntaarpk (or the oaoataf i
iTTDOS BATES' LETTER US STJP
POET OF LDJC0LH-.
Tke Rcpklicaa Slanditrd Bearer Warm
St. Louii, Jane 11, 1860.
0. D. Browning Etq., Quincy, IlL:
Dm Sir: When I received jroor
letter of My 22 1. I kd no thought that
the answer woaM be st long delayed ;
tot, waiving all excaees, I proceed ta aa
wer it tow.
Coder tkecRTerasUvces of Ae case, it
oght oot to hare been doabted that I
oald give Mr. LincoU'a aonuatrom a
ordid aai hearty rapport. Bat ia de
nag my intentioa to do bo. it is dae
"yelf to suu tome of the facts aad
", which have a controlling influ
ence over my mind, and which I think,
onght to be pereaasive arguments witk
ome other man. whot political opinions
nd antecedents are, in torn important
Particulars, like my own.
Jr, Jlf! 71, M 8(a tW1i f' TOPPW-
SLLIWt VX or diesatisfac
Jg. On party gnand-, I had no
"But to exBeet fi V . .
i . . - "v'-umauon. i naa
? t?VP8 P-bHcan. aa 1 par
!Lri iw "tr been a member of
1.1 IV 1 whic1 now bro
"4 materials, for the most
ill JTlH inl oth organizations.
hH', r 1 n left, nlone and powerless
on perfectly free to follow the
' y own judgment aad to Uke
P" current politics aa my own
or duty and patriotism may require.
y Republicans, and among them, I
wink, some of the .most moderate and
PWnotic of that party, honored roe with
weir confidence, and desired to make me
Candidate. For this favor I was in
M4 to the Act thu temtxsa them and
" re was a coincidence of opinion
Poo certain important questions of iot
They and I agreed in beTiev
IB8 thu that o . v..
bivusH VIUTTJI UDJVUW OM
wigB power over the Territories, and
lutt it a..-! J i . . .... . .
-- "u.u oo impolitic ana unwie to
lt power for the propagation of ne
FO slaverv bw nW; ; r .
'T- Borne of them believed also that my
ottination. "hile it would tend to soften
sa. v tbe BnMie w party, without
aitr.- .1 UDr"" coaracier ana
S". U tht bordw 6-ates. who
-.e, had never bees members of their
party, but concurred with them in opin
ion, about the government of the Terri
tories. These are the grounds, and I
think .the only grounds, upon whiclr I
was supported at all at Chicago.
- As lo the platform put forth by tbe
Chicago Convention, I have little to nay.
becartee .whether good r bad, that will
nut constitute the ground of my support
of Mr. Lincoln., I have no' great respect
for party platforms in general."' They are
commonly made in times of high excite
ment, under a pressure of circumstances,
and with the view to conciliate present
support, rather than to establish a per
manent system of principles and line of
policy for the futnre good government of
the country. The conventions which
form them aro transient in their nature ;
their power and influence are consumed
in tbe using, leaving no continuing obi
gallon upon tbeir respective parties.
And hence we need not wonder that plat
forms so made, are hardly ever acted out
in practice. I shall not discuss their rel
ative merits, but content myself with
saying that this Republican platform.
though in several particulars it does not
conform to my views, is still far better
than any published creed, past or pres
ent, of the Democrats. And as to the
new party, it has not chosen to promul
gate any platform at all, except two or
three broad generalities which are com
mon to the professions of faith of all par
ties in the country. No party, indeed.
dare ask the conbdence of tbe nation,
while openly denying the obligation to
support the Union and the Constitution,
and to enforce the laws. That is a com
moo duty, binding upon every citizen,
and the failure to perform it is a crime.
lo me it is plain that tbe approaching
contest must be between the Democratic
and Republican parties ; ' and, between
thera, I prefer the latter.
The Democratic party by the long pos
sebioi and abuse of power, has grown
v, anton and reckless ; has corrupted it
self and perverted the principles of the
Government ; has set itself openly against
the great home interests of the people, by
neglecting to protect their industry, and
by refusing to improve and keep in
order the highways and depots of com
merce : and even now is urging a mess
nre in Congress to abdicate the constitp
tionsl power and duty to regulate com
merce among the States, and to grant to
the States the discretionary power to levj
tonnage duties upon all oar commerce,
under the pretence of improving harbors,
rivers, and lakes ; has changed the status
of tbe negro slave by making him no lon
ger mere property, but a politician, an
antagonist power in the Mate, a power
to which all other powers are required to
yield, under a penalty of a dissolution of
the Uuioa : has directed its energies to
the gratification of its Inst of foreign do
main, as manifested i its persistent ef
forts to seise upon tropical regions, not
because those countries and their incoa
grnous people are necessary, or evea de
sirable, to be incorporated into our na
tion, but for the mere purpose of making
Slave States, in order to advance the po
litical power of the party in the Senate
and in the choice of the President, so as
effectually to transfer the chief powers of
the Government from the many to the
few ; has in various instances endanger
ed the eqnalhy of the co ordinate branch
es of the Government, by nrgeut efforts
to enlarge the powers of the Executive at
the expense of the Legislative department;
has attempted to discredit and degrade
the Judiciary, by affecting to make it, at
first, the arbiter of party quarrels, to be
come soon and inevitably tbe passive
registrar of psrty decrees.
In most, if not all these particulars, I
understand the Republican party (judg
ing it by its acts avid by tbe known opin
ions of many of its leading men) to be
the exact opposite of the Democratic
party : and that is the ground of my pref
erence of tbe one party over tbe other.
And that alone would be a sufficient rea
son, if I liad not other good reasons, for
supporting Mr. Lincoln against any man
who may be put forwara oy we vetno
cratic psrty, aa the exponent of its prin
ciples and the agent to work out, in prac
tice, its dangerous politics.
The third pty, which, by ita very
formation, has destroyed the organisa
tions of the American and Whig parties,
has nominated two most excellent men.
I know them well, as sound statesmen
and true patriots. More than thirty years
ago I served with tbem both ia Con
gress, and from that time to. this I have
always held them in respect and honor.
But what can the third party do towards
the election of even each worthy men aa
these against the two great parties which
are now ia actual contest for the power
to rule the nation t It is made up en
tirely of portions of the disintegrated el
ements of the late Whig and American
parties good materials, . in the main. I
admit, but quite too weak to elect any
man or establish any principle. The
most it can do ia, here and there in par
ticular localities, to make a diversion- in
favor of tbe Democrats. In '56, the Whig
and American parties, (not forming a
new party, but united as allies,) with en
tire unanimity and some zeal, supported
Mr. Fillmore for the Presidency, and
with what results t We made a misera
ble failure, carrying no State but gallant
little Maryland. And surely, the united
Whigs and Americana of that day had a
far greater show of strength and far bet
ter prospects of success than any which
belong to the Constitutional Union party
now. In fact, I see no possibility of suc
cess for the thjrd party, except ia o
WHITE CLOUD, KANSAS,1 THURSDAY, JULY 5, 1860.
contingency tbe destruction of the Dem
ocratic party. That is a contingency not
likely to happen this year.' for badlv as I
think of many of the acts and politics of
-aas party, us cup is not yes rail ine
day naa not yet come when it must .dis
solve in its own corruptions. But the
dsy is coming and is not far off. The
party has made itself entirely sectional ;
it has concentrated its very peing into
one single idea ; negro slavery has con
trol of all its faculties, and it can see and
hear nothing else " one stern, tyrannic
thought, that makes all other thoughts
iU slaves !"
But the Democratic psrty still lives,
end while it lives, it and the Republican
party are the only real antagonistic pow
ers in the nation, and for the present, I
must choose between tbem. I choose the
latter, as wiser, purer, younger, and less
corrupted by time and self-indulgence.
The candidates nominated at Chicago
are both men who, as individuals and
politicians, rank with the foremost of the
country. I have heard no objection to
Mr. Hamlin personally, but only to his
geogrsphical position, which is thought
by some to be too far North and East to
allow his personal good qualities to exer
cise their proper influence over tbe nation
at large. Bet the nomination for the
Presidency is the great controlling act.
Sir. Lincoln, bis cbsracter, talents, opin
ions and history will be critjeised by
thousands, while tbe candidate for tbe
Vice Presidency will be passed over in
Mr. Lincoln's nomination took the
public by surprise, becsuse, until just be
fore the event, it wss unexpected. Bat
really it ought not to have excited any
surprise, for such unforeseen nominations
are common in our political history.
I'olk and Pierce by the Democrats, and
Ilarrison and Tsylor by the Whigs, were
all nominated iu this extemporaneous
manner all of them were elected.
have known Mr. Lincoln for more than
twenty years, and therefore have a right
to speak of him with some confidence.
As an individual he has earned a bigb
reputation for truth, courage, candor,
morals and amiability, so that, aa a man,
he is most trustworthy. And in tun
particular he is more entitled to our es
teem than some other men, bis equals,
who had far better opportunities and aids
in early life. His talents, and the will
to use tbara to the best advantage, are un
questionable; and the proof is found in
the fact that, in every position in life.
from his bumble beginning to his present
well earned elevation, he has more than
fulfilled the be-t hopes of his friends.
And now, in the full vigor of his man
hood and in the honest pride of having
made himself what he is, he is the peer
of the first men of tbe nation, well able to
sustain himself and advance his csnse,
against any adversary, and in any Geld
where mind and knowledge are the wea
In politics he has but acted out the
principles of his own moral and intellec
tnal character. He has not concealed his
thoughts nor hidden his light under a
bushel. With the boldness of conscious
rectitude and the frankness of downright
honesty, be has not failed to avow his
opinions of public affairs upon all fitting
This I know msy subject him to the
carping censure of that class of politi
cians who mistake canning for wisdom
and falsehood for ingenuity ; bat such
men as Lincoln must act in keeping with
their own characters, and hope for suc
cess only by advancing tbe truth prudent
ly and maintaining it bravely. All his
old political antecedents are, in my judg
ment, exactly right, being square up to
the old Whig standard. And aa to his
views about M the pestilent negro ques
tion," I am not aware that he has gone
one step beyond the doctrine publicly
and habitually avowed by the great lights
of the Whig party. Clay, Webster, and
tbeir fellows, and indeed sustained and
carried out by tbe Democrats themselves,
in their wiser and better days.
The following, I suppose, are ia brief
his opinions upon that subject : I. Sla
very is a domestic institution within tbe
States which choose to have it, and it ex
ists within those States beyond the con
trol of. Congress. - 2- Congress hss su
preme legislative power over all the Ter
ritories, and msy, at its discretion, allow
or forbid tbe existence of slavery within
them. 3. Congress in wisdom and sonnd
policy, ought not so to exercise its pow
er, directly or indirectly, as to plant and
establish slavery in any Territory there
tofore free. " 4. And that it is unwise and
impolitic in the Government of the Uni
ted States to acquire tropical regions for
the mere purpose of converting them into
Slave States. . .
These, I believe, are Mr. Lincoln's
opinions upon the matter of slavery in
the Territories, and I concur in them.
The art ao new inventions, made to suit
tbe exigencies oi -a uour, uu uo cum
down to na, as the Declaration of Inde
pendence and the .Constitution have.
sanctioned by the venerable authority of
tbe wise and good men who established
our institutions. They are comformable
to law, principle and wise policy, and
their "utility is proven in practice by the
aa yet unbroken current of our political
history. They will prevail, not only be
cause they are right in themselves, but
also because a great and still growing
majority of the people believe tbem to be
ria-ht : and the sooner toey are allowed
.. I v. v.
to prevail la peace ana uraoDj, -uo nea
ter for U concerned, as well those who
are against, them as those who are for
I am aware (hat small partissns, in
tbeir little warfare sgkiast opposing lea
ders, do sometimes; dssail' tbem by the
trick of tearing. from (bar contexts some
particular objectionable phrases, penned
perhaps, in the harry of composition, or
spoken in the' beat, of 'oral debate, and
holding them up to lL public as the lead
ing doctrines' of the person assailed, and
drawing from tbem their own onchanta
ble inferences. That line of attack be
trays a little mind, conscious of its weak
ness, for the falsity of its logic is not
more apparent than tbe injustice of its
design. No public man can stand that
ordeal, and, however willing men may be
to see it applied to their adversaries, al.
flinch from the torture when applied to
themselves. In fact, the man who never
said a foolish thing, will hardly be able
to prove that he ever said many wise
I consider Mr. Lincoln a sound, safe.
national man. He could not be section
al, if he tried. His birth, his education,
the habits of his life, and his geogrsphi
cal position, compel him to be national.
All his feelings and interests are identified
with the great valley of the Mississippi,
near whose centre be has spent his whole
life. Tbst valley is not a section, but,
conspicuously, tbe body of the nation,
and, large as it is, is not capable of be
ing divided into sections, for the greet
river csnnot be divided. It is one and
indivisible, and the North and the South
are alike necessary to its comfort and
prosperity. Its people, too. in all their
interests and affections, are as broad and
general as the regions they inhabit.
They are emigrants, a mixed multitude,
coming from every State in the Union,
and from most countries in Europe ; they
are unwilling, therefore, to submit to any
one petty local standard. They love the
nation as a whole, and they love all its
parts, for they are bound to tbem all, not
only by a feeling of common interest and
mutaal dependence, but also by tbe re'
collections of childhood and youth, by
blood and friendship, and by all tbose
social and domestic charities which sweet
en life, and make this world worth living
in. The valley is beginning to feel its
power, and will soon be strong enough to
dictate the law of the land. Whenever that
state of things shall come to, pass, it will
be most fortunate for tbe nation to hnd
the powers of Government lodged in the
bsnds of men whose habits of thought.
whose position and snrroundiug circum
stances constrain thera to use those pow
ers for general and not sectional ends.
I give my opinion freely in favor of
Mr. Lincoln, and I hope that, for the
good of tbe whole country, be may be
elected. Bat it is not my intention to
take any active part in the canvass. For
many years past I have had little to do
with publio affairs, and have aspired to
no political office ; and now, in view of
the mad excitement which convulses the
country, and the general disruption and
disorder of partiea and elements which
compass thsm, I am more than ever as
sured that for me, personally, there is no
political future, and I accept the condi
tion with cheerful satisfaction. Still I
cannot discharge myself from the lifelong
duty to watch tbe conduct of men in pow
er, and to resist, so far as a mere private
roan may, the fearful progress of omcial
corruption, which for several years past
has sadly marred and denied the tair tab
ric of our Government.
If Mr. Lincoln should be elected, com-
..i i ae
log in as a new msn at me neaa oi a
young party never before in power, he
may render a great service to bis country,
hich no Democrat could render, lie
can march straight forwsrd in the dis-
chsrge of high duties, guided only by his
own good judgment and honest purpo
ses, without any necessity to temporize
with established abuses, to wink at the
delinquencies of old party friends, or
to unlearn and discard tbe bad official
habits that havegrown up under the mis
government of his Democratic predeces
sors. In short, he can be an honest and
bold reformer' on easier and cheaper
terms that any Democratic President can
be, for, in proceeding in the good work
of cleansing and purifying the adminis
trative departments, be will nave no oc
casion to expose the vices, assail tbe in
terests, or thwart ambition of bis politi
cal friends. ...
Begging yonr pardon for the length of
this letter, I remain, with, great respect.
Yonr friend and obedient servant,
Block Chair. One of the curiosities
in the Chicago Convention, waa a chair
made by aa Indian in Michigan, some
thirty years since. It ia a solid Mock of
pine, some two and a half feet across,
with rockers and a lew back. Tbe seat
is hollowed out, and is quite comfortable.
Brownlow aays that,' as much as he
despises Northern negro stealers, he can
see no moral difference between the crime
and tbe money stealing of the Democrat
ic party. To the latter, however, be
awarda the preference on one point their
stealing is not sectional, but is done
wherever the publio money can be found.
Paper is made in England out of spent
hops, paper mills being now an econom
ical addition to the extensive breweries of
Barton on Trent. After drinking a glass
of "Burton's Ale." we msy see the same
article again in a sheet of paper 1 cays
the New York Home Journal.
HOSEST ABE OP TEE WEST,
BT EDMC2ID C. BTEPMAIS.
. All" Smr SrmlU Bwut.' .
O, hart! tnm tka aiae created kilU afold Metae, .
Where tba aplastic trtt Mb froaa tka wiaja of lie
And away la tba Watt, arer rleer aad ptaie,
Siegs oat tka graad aatbewa af Liberty, waraiaf
. From the creaa-rollia prairie il ewelb to tba aea, "
For tbe people bare rlaea, Tictoriotr, aad free;
Tbry bare eboaea tbeir leaden aad araratl aad brat
Of them all, it Ol Aai, Honirr An or thi IVntl
Tba tpiril that foafkt for the patrioti afold.
ITae twepi throBf h the laad aad aroaaed at for arer;
la tbe para air of kearea a atandar J aafold.
Fit lo aaankal at aa to tba aaered eaaeieor!
Proadly tba baa err of freenea wa bear;
Noble the konee that encircle it there!
Aad where battle It thickeit, we follow the erett
Of gallant Ou Ait, Uoxtrr An or thi Win!
There'a a rriarapk la ir-iaf; a (lorioat raaee,
Thoofh the ho.li of tbe foe for a while aaaj be etrauer;
raahiaf oa for jatt mlera and holier laws.
Till their htttaaiaf calanat oppoao aa ao loafer.
Be oara tba load pa to of aiea who bare paal
Through the ruj'ei of jean, and are eictort at but
Bo forward tba lax! lean to Hearea the real,
Aad Iran ia Old Aaa, Hojout Aaa or Tea Wist!
Lo! too tba bright arroll of the Fotcre anfcld!
Broad faraaa aad fair eiliee eball erewa aar devoti
Free Labor tora area tba aanda into goM,
And tbe liaka of berrailwaye ehaia ocean lo ocean:
Bargee ahall float a tba dark rirer warn,
With a wealih aerer wrong front Iheeiaeweof alairet;
And the Chief, ia whoae rale all the laad ahall be bleu,
la oat aoble Ou Aaa, Hoacrr Aaa or thi Wot!
Thea oa to tbe holy Republican at rife
Aad again, for a Falart aa fair at the awning!
For the take of that freedom mora precioat tbao life.
Ring oat the grand antbem of Liberty", warning!
Lift the bannered high, while from monatain to plain,
The cheer, of the people are tonaded again!
H nrrah for oar canae of all eaatee tba beat!
rJarrab for Ol An, Hokut Aat or na H ut!
Greeley's Letter to Seward Interest
ing Political Revelations.
New York, June 13.
Tbe subjoined is Mr. Grccky's letter to
Mr. Seward :
New York, Saturday, Nov. 11, 1854.
Gov. Seward Dear Sir : The elec
tion is over, and its results sufficiently
ascertained. It seems to me a fitting time
to announce to you the dissolution of the
political firm of Seward, Weed dc Gree
ley, by tbe withdrawal of the Junior part
ner, said withdrawal to take effect on the
morning after the first Thursday in Feb
ruary next ; and as it may seem a great
presumption in me to assume that anv
such firm exists, especially since the pub
ic was advised, more than a year ago.
by an editorial in tbe Evening Journal,
formally reading me out of the Whig
party, that I was no longer esteemed use
ful or ornamental in the concern, you
will, I am sure, indulge me in some re
miniscences, which seem to befit the oc
casion. I was a poor young printer and editor
of a literary journal, a very active and
bitter Whig in a small way, but not seek
ing to be known out of my own ward
committee, when after the great political
revulsion of 1837. 1 was one day called
to the City Hotel, where two strangers
introduced themselves as Tliurlow Weed
and Lewis Benedict, of Albsny. They
old me tbst a sharp campaign paper of
a peculiar stamp, at Albany, bad been re
solved npon, and that 1 bad been selected
to edit it. The announcement might well
be deemed flattering by one who had
never even sought the notice of the great,
and was not known as a partizan writer,
and I eagerly embraced their proposals.
They asked me to fix my salary for a
year. 1 namea Bl.UUU, which they
agreed to, and 1 did tbe work required
to the best of my ability. It was work
that msde no figure, and created no sen
sation, but I loved it, and did it well.
When it was done, you were Governor,
ispensing offices worth from 83.000 to
820,000 per year, to your friends and
compatriots, and I returned to my garret
and my crust, and my desperate battle
with the pecuniary obligations heaped np
on me by bad partners in business and the
disastrous events of 1837. I believe that
it did not then occur to me that some one
of these abundant places might have been
offered to me without injustice, I now
think that it should have occurred to you.
If it did occur to me, I was not the man
to ask you for it. I think that should not
have been necessary.' I only remember
that no friend at all inquired as to my pe
cuniary circumstances ; that your friend,
but not mine, Robt. C. W etui ore, was one
of the chief dispensers of your patronage
here, and that sosh devoted compatriots
as A. H. Wells and John Hooks were lift
ed by yon out of pauperism into indepen
dence, as 1 am glad 1 was not ; and yet
an inquiry from you as to my needs and
meana at that time would have been time-
v. and held ever in grateful remem
Ia the Harrison campaign of 1840, 1
waa again designated to edit a campaign
paper. I published it as well, and ought ts
have made something by it in spite of its
extremely low price.. My extreme pov
erty waa the main reason why I did aot
t compelled me to hire press work, null
ing dec, done by the job, and high char
ges for extra work nearly ate me np. At
the close I was still without property, and
in debt, but this paper had rather improv
ed my position. Now came the great
scrabble of tbe sw11 mob, of coons min
strals and cider-socksrs at Washington, I
not being counted in. Several regiments
of them went on from this city, but not
one of tbe whole crowd (though I ssy it)
had done so much towards Gen. Harrison's
nominatian and election as yours respect
fully. I received nothing, expected noth
ing, but yon. Gov. Seward, ought to have
asked that I might be Postmaster of New
York. Your asking would have been in
vain, but it would have been an act of
grace neither wasted nor undeserved.
I soon after started the Tribune, because
I was nrged to do so by certain of your
friends, and because such paper was need
ed here. -1 wss promised certain pecu
niary aid in so doing ; it might have been
given me without cost or risk to any one.
All I ever had wss a loan, by piece meal,
of 81.000, from James Coggeshall God
bless his honored memory. I did not ask
for this, and think it is tbe one sole case
in which I ever received a pecuniary favor
from a political associate. I am very
thankful that he did not die till he was
And let me here honor one grateful re
collection. When the Whig party, under
your rule, Lad ofhees to give, my name
was never thought of, but when in '42
and 43, we were hopelessly out of power,
I was honored with the party nomination
for State Printer. When we came again
to have a State Printer to elect as well as
nominate, my place went to Weed, as it
onght, yet it was something to know that
there was once "a time when it was not
deemed too great a sacrifice to recognize
me as a member of your household.
If a new office had not since been cre
ated on purpose to give its valuable pa
tronage toH. J. Raymond, and enable St.
John to show forth his Times as the organ
of the Whig State administration, I
should have been still more grateful.
In 1843, yoar Btar again rose, and my
warmest hopes were realized in your elec
tion to the Senate. I was no longer needy,
andhad no more claim than desire to be
recognized by Gen. Taylor.
1 think 1 bad some claim to forbear
ance from you, but what I received there
upon was a most humiliating lecture in
the shape of a decision in the libel case
of Redfield and Pr ingle and an obligation
to publish it in my own and other jour
nals of your supposed firm. I thought,
snd still think, this lecture needlessly
cruel and mortifying. The plaintiffs,
using my columns to the extent of their
needs or desires, stopped writing and call
ed on me for the name of their assailant. I
proffered it to them a thoroughly respon
sible name. 1 bey refused to accept it un
less it should prove to be one of the four
or five first men in Batavia, when they
had known from the first who it was, and
that it was neither of them. They would
not accept that which they had at first
demanded. They sued me instead for
money, and money you wert at liberty to
give thera at yonr heart s content. I do
not think you were at liberty to humiliate
me in the eyas of my own and yonr pub
lie, as yon did. If I am not mistaken.
this judgment is the only speech, letter
or document addressed to the Government
in which you ever recognized my exist
ence. I hope I may not go down to pos
terity as embalmed therein. I think yon
exalted your own judicial sterness and
fearlessness unduly at my expense. I
think you had a better oscasion for dis
play of these qualities when Webb threw
himself untimely upon yon for a pardon
which he had done all a man could do to
demerit. (His paper is paying yon for
I have publicly set forth my view of
your and our duty witb respect to fusion,
Nebraska, and party designations. I will
not repeat any of that. I have referred
also to Weed's reading me out of the
Whig party, my crime being in this as
in some other things, that of doing to-day
what more politic persons will not be
ready to do till to-morrow. Let me
speak of the late canvass. I was once
sent to Congress for ninety days, merely
to enable Jim Brooks to secure a seat
therein for four years. I think I never
hinted to any human being that I would
have liked to be put forward for any
place. Bat Jas. W. White (yon hardly
know how good and true a man he is. )
started my name for Congress, and Brooks
packed delegation thought I could help
him through, so I was put on behind him ;
but this last Spring, after the Nebraska
question hsd created a new state of things
at tbe Worth, one or two personal friends,
of no political consideration, suggested my
name as a candidate for Governor, and I
did not discourage tbem. Soon, the per
sons who were afterwards mainly instru
mental in nominating Clark, came about
me and asked if I could secure the Know
Nothing vote. I told them I neither
could nor would touch it : on tbe contra
ry, I loathed and repelled it, Thereupon
they turned upon Clark. I said noth
ing, did nothing.
A hundred people asked me who should
be run for Governor. I sometimes indi
cated Patterson. I never hinted at my
own name : but by and by Weed came
down and called me to him, to tell me why
be could not support me for Governor.
I had never asked nor counted on bis sup
port. I am sure Weed did not mean to
humiliate me, but be did. Tbe upshot of
his discourse very cautiously stated was
this t If I were a candidate for Gover
nor I should beat not myself only, but
on. Perhaps that was true. But as 1
ad ia no manner solicited his or your
support, I thoaght this might have been
said to my friends rather than to me. 1
suspect it is true that I could not have been
elected Governor as a Whig. But bad
be and yon been favorable, there would
have been a party in tbe State ere this
which could and would have elected me
to any post, without injuring itself or en
dangering your re election.
It was in vain that I nrged that I bad
in no manner asked a nomination. At
length I was nettled by bis language-
ell intended, bat wry cutting, as ad
WHOLE NUMBER, 156
dressed by him to me to say. ia sub
stance, "Well, then, make Patterson'
" Governor, and try my name for Liea
" tenant. To lose this pi see ia a matter
"of no importance; and we can see.
" whether I am really so odious."
I should have hated to serve as Lieut.
Governor, but I should have gloried : in'
running for the post. I want to have my
enemies all npon nie at once; I am tired"
of fighting them piece-meal. And, though '
I should hsve been beaten in the canvass.
I know that my running would have
helped the ticket, and helped my paper.
It was thoaght best t let the matter
take another course. No other name
could have been put on the ticket so bit
terly humbling to me as that which was
selected. The nomination was given to"
Raymond; the fight left to me. And,
Gov. Seward, J Aar mad$ it, though'
it be conceited in me to ssy so. What
little fight there has been, I have stir-,
red op. Even Weed has not been (I
speak of his paper) hearty in this con
test, while the journal of ths Whig
Lieut, Governor has taken care of its own ",
interests and 1st the canvass take care of
itself, as it early declared it would do.
That journal has (because of its milk-and-water
course) some Twenty Thou-1
sand subscribers ia this city and its su-
berbs, and of these Twenty Thousand I'
venture to say more voted for Ullman and;
Scroggs than for Clark and Raymond.'
The Tribune (also because of its charac
ter) bas but bight Ihoassnd subscribers
within the same rsdius, and I venture to
say that of ita habitual readers nine-tenth
voted for Clark and IUymond very few
for Ullman and Scroggs. I had to bear '
the brunt of the contest, and take a terri
ble responsibility in order to prevent the '
Whigs uniting npon James W. Barker
in order to defeat Fernando Wood. Had
Barker been elected here, neither you nor
I could walk these streets without being '
hooted, and Know-Nothingism ' would
have swept like a prairie-fire. I stopped :
Barker's election at the cost of incurrfrig"
the deadliest enmity of the defeated gang;,
and I have been rebuked for it by the
Lieut. Governor's psper. At the critical '
moment, he came out against' John
Mi heeler in favor of Charlea H. Marshall
(who would have been your deadliest en
emy in the House,) and even your Col.
(ieneral s psper, which was even with
me in insisting that Wheeler should' bo'
returned, wheels. about at the last' mo
ment and went in for Marshall The Tri
bune alone clinging to Wheeler to the'
last I rejoice that they who turned so
suddenly were not able to turn all their
Gov. Seward, I know that some of
your most cherished friends think me a
great obstacle to vour advancement that
John Schoolcraft, for one, insists that
yon and Weed shall not be identified
with me. I trust, after a time, you' will
not be. I trust I shall never be found in
opposition to yon ; I have no farther
wish but to glide out of the newspaper
world as quietly and as speedily as' pos
sible, join my family in Europe, arid if
possible stay there quite a time -long'
enough to ceol my fevered brain and ren
ovate my overtasked energies. All I axle-'
is that we shall be counted even on the"
morning ofter the first Tuesday in Febru
ary, as aforesaid, and that I may thereaf--ter
Uke such course as seems best with
out reference to tbe past.
You hsve done me acts of valued kind'
ness in tbe line of your profession : let
me close with the sssursncff thai these
will ever be gratefully remembered by
Hon. Wk. H. Seward, Present.
Sum Dismissed Let e Sril.-IC
is well known that tba money obtained
by the county for School Lands Was all
taken by the Democratic Board who bald
office two years sgo. There was emcrogb
money psid in to leave them all a pleas
snt little nest egg. Sometimes they were
kind enough to give their notes for it bat
of other money there is no security and
no record whatever. These lands hsd to
be bought of government afterwards, and
now the people of this county hats got
to psy the money back to the pre-em p
tora. Bat where is it ? Ia the pockets ' -
of Democrats, msn who don't hesitate to
steal. Tbe last County Board, which ,
was Republican, instituted suits against
the defaulters. But ths present incum
bents think it wrong to sue a Democrat,
even when he is known to be a thief, and
so tbe suits have been withdrawn. . The
people will . be taxed for this money.
bus tbe officeholders will fto On stealing.
Elwood Free Prets. -
PouncAt Expect atiors cr Wajhiho-
to5. " Q." telegraphs from Washing
ton to the New York Times i . .. ,
No one here seems to anticipate harmo-'
ny in the Democratic ranks,' and Lin
coln's election is regarded as a forego
conclusion. . . ' , , ?
A private letter from tat South an
nounces that lien. Houston will run as
an independent candidate against the
field. - ' !
Mr. Dosglaa friends ire confident of
his nomination at Baltimore.
L incoln green bas suddenly become the
fashionable color in New York, sines the
Chicago nominations: whereat the Ra- '
publicans are mightily tickled, savin
that it is good for the core of tbe Demo
cratic bluet. , :
The Richmond Enquirer calls the Re
publican nominee for tbe Vict Presiden
cy, " this wretch, Hsmlin."
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