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Republican farmer. [volume] (Bridgeport, Conn.) 1810-1920, August 13, 1920, Image 2

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COX ATTACKS HARDING'S PLAN FOR PEACE WITH GERMANY
Nominee Declares
That That Would Be
Disheartening Event
(Continued from Page One.)
b eopclousness., ...Qf-j utitrammeled
opportunity to render a service in the
name of government that will hold
for It the confidence which It de-
We are In a time which calls for
straight thinking, straight talking and
straight acting. This is no time for
wobbling. Never in all our history
has more been done for government.
Never was criflce more sublime.
The most precious things of heart
and home were given up in a spirit
which guarantees, the perpetuity of
our institutions if the faith Is kept
with those who served and suffered.
The altar of our republic Is drenched
lift blood and tears, and he who turns
away from the tragedies and obliga
tions of the war, not consecrated to
of honor and of duty which
every . base suggestion of per
sonal or political expediency, is un
wcrthy of the esteem of his country
me.n. ,
Ttw men and women who by ex
pnxuiwd policy at the San Francisco
'convention charted our course In the
open seas of the future sensed the
spirit of the hour and phrased it with
clarity and courage. It is not neces
i i ji to read and reread the Demo
cratic platform to know its meaning,
jit Is a document clear in its analysis
of conditions and plain in the pledge
of service made to the public It
carries honesty of word and intent.
Prmrd of the leadership and achieve
ment of the party In war. Democracy
faoes unafraid the problems of peace.
Indeed, its pronouncement has but to
b read along with the platform
muneB by Republican leaders in or
der that both spirit and purpose as
they dominate the opposing organisa
tions may be contrasted. On the one
hand we see pride expressed in the
nation's glory and a promise of ser
vice easily .understood. . -On .the other
captious, unhappy spirit and the
treatment of subjects vital to the
present and the future, in terms that
have completely confused the public
.mind. It was clear that the senatorial
oligarchy had been given its own way
In the selection of the presidential
candidate, but it was surprising that
it was able to fasten into the pa rty
platform the creed of hate and bit
terness and the vacillating policy that
In the midst of war the present
uanatorial cabal, led by Senators
Lodge, Penrose and Smoot was form
ed. Superficial evidence of loyalty to
the president was deliberate in order
that the great rank and file of their
party, faithful and patriotic to the
very core, might not be offended. But
underneath this misleading exterior,
conspirators planned and plotted,
with bigoted zeal. With victory to
our arms they delayed and obstructed
the irprlts of . peace. If deemed use
ful to the work in- hahd no artifice
for interfering with our constitution
al peace-making authority was re
jected. Before tho country knew, yea,
before these men themselves knew
the details of the composite plan,
formed at tho peace table, they de
clared their opposition to. JJL, Before
the treaty 'was submitted to the Sen
ate in the manner the Constitution
provides, they violated every custom
and every consideration of decency
by presenting a copy of tho docu
ment, procured unblushingly from
enemy hands, aaid passed It into the
printed record of senatorial procecd
lnga From that hour dated the en
terprise of throwing the whole sub
ject Into a technical discussion, in or
der that the public might be con
fused. The plan has never changed
in its objective, but the method has.
At the outset there was the careful
Insistence that there was no desire to
Interfere with the principle evolved
and formalized at Versailles. Laiter,
It was the form and not the substance
that professedly inspired attack. But
pretense was futile when proposals
later came forth that clearly emascu
lated the basic principle of the whole
peace plan. It is not necessary to
recall the details of the controversy
In the Senate- Senator Lodge finally
crystallized his ideas into what were
known as the Lodge reservations, and
when Congress adjourned these re
servations held the support of the so
called regular Republican leaders.
' From that time the processes have
been interesting. Political expedi
ency in its truest sense dwarfed every
consideration either of the public in
terest or of the malntenace of the
honor of a great political party. The
exclusive Question was how to avoid
a rupture in the Republican organ
ization. The country received with
interest, to say the least, the an
nouncement from Chicago, where the
national convention was assembled,
that a platform plank, dealing with
the subject of world peace, had been
drawn, leaving out the Lodge reserva
tions, and yet remaining agreeable to
all interests, meaning thereby, the
Lodge reservationists, the mild reser
vationlsts and the group of Republi
can senators that openly opposed tho
League of Nations in any form.
As the platform made no definite
committal of policy and was, in fact,
so artfully phrased as to make almost
any deduction possible, it passed
through the convention with practi
cal unanimity. Senator Johnson how
ever, whose position has been con
sistent and ffh-ve opposition to the
league in any shape is well known,
withheld his support of the conven
tion's choice until the candidate had
stated the meaning of the platform,
and announced definitely the policy
that would be his, if elected.
The Republican candidate has
spoken and his utterance calls forth
the following approval from Senator
Johnson :
"Yesterday In his speech of accept
ance Senator Harding unequivocally
took his stand upon the paramount
issue In this campaign the League
of Nations. The Republican party
stands committed by its platform, its
standard-bearer has now accentuated
that platform. There can be no mis
understanding his words."
Senator Harding, as tho candidate
of tte-arr' -ad Senator Johnson
are as ons on this auction, and. ay,
the latter expresses It, the Republican
party is committed both by platform
In the abstract and by its candidate
in specification. The threatened re
volt among leaders of the party Is
averted, but the minority position as
expressed In th-3 Senate prevails as
that of the party. In short, prin
ciple, as avowed in support of the
Lodge reservation.-, or of the so-called
mild reservations, has been sur
rendered to expediency.
Senator Hard'ng makes this new
pledge of poliov in behalf of his
party:
"I promise you formal an J effective
peace so Quickly as a Republican con
gress can pass its declaration for
Republican executive to sign."
This means "out one thing a sepa
rate peace with Germany!
This would be the most disheart
ening event in civilization since the
Russians made their separate peace
with Germany, and infinitely more
unworthy on our part than it was on
that of the Russians. They were
threatened with starvation and revo
lutlon had swept their country- Our
soldiers fought side by side wUh the
Allies, So complete was the coali
tion of strength and purpose that
General Foch was given supreme
command, and every soldier in the
allied cause, no matter what flag he
followed, recognised him as his chief.
We fought the war together, and now
before the thing is through it is pro
posed to enter into a separate peace
with Germany! In good faith we
pledged our strength with our as
sociates for the enforcement of terms
upon offending powers, and now it is
suggested that this be withdrawn.
Suppose Germany, recognizing the
first break in the Allies, proposes
something we cannot accept. Does
Senator Harding intend to send an
army to Germany to press her to our
terms? Certainly the allied army
could not be expected to render aid.
If on the other hand, Germany should
accept the chance we offered of
breaking the bond it would be for the
express purpose of insuring a German-American
alliance, recognizing
that the" Allies In fact, no nation in
good standing would have anything
to do with either of us.
This plan would not only be a piece
of bungling diplomacy, but plain, un
adulterated dishonesty, as well.
No less an authority than Senator
Lodge said, before the heat of recent
controversy, that to make peace ex
cept in company with the Allies
would "brand us everlastingly with
dishonor and bring ruin to us."
And then after peace is made with
Germany, Senator Harding would, he
says, "hopefully approach the nations
of Europe and of the earth, propos
ing that understanding which makes
us a willing participant in tho con
secration of nations to a new relation
ship." In short, America, refusing to en
ter the League of Nations (now al
ready established by twenty-nine na
tions) and bearing and deserving the
contempt, of the world, would submit
an entirely new project. This act
would either be regarded as arrant
madness or attempted international
bossism.
The plain truth is, that the Repub
lican leaders, obsessed with a deter
mination to win the presidential elec
tion, have attempted to satisfy too
many divergent views. Inconsist
encies, inevitable under the circum
stances, rise to haunt them on every
hand, and they find themselves ar
rayed in public thought at least,
against a great principle. More than
thait, their conduct is opposed to the
idealism upon wheih their party pros
pered In other days.
Illustrating these observations by
concrete facts, let it be remembered
that those now inveighing against an
interest in affairs outside of America,
criticised President Wilson in un
measured terms for not resenting the
invasion of Belgium in 1914. They
term the League of Nations a mili
tary alliance, which, except for their
opposition, would envelop our coun
try, when, as a mater of truth, the
subject of a League of Nations has
claimed the best thought of America
for years, and the League to Enforce
Peace was presided over by so dis
tinguished a Republican as Ex-President
Taft, who, before audiences in
every section advocated the principle
and the plan of the present League.
They charge experimentation, when
we have as historical precedent the
Monroe Doctrine, which is the very
essence of Article X of the "Versailles
covenant. Skeptics viewed Monroe's
mandate with alarm, predicting re
current wars in defense of Central
South Americam states, whose guard
ians they alleged we need not be.
And yet not a shot has been fired in
almost one hundred years in pre
serving sovereign rights on this hem
isphere. They hypocritically claim
that the League of Nations will re
sult in our boys being drawn into
military service, but they fail to rea
lize that every high school youngster
in the land knows that no treaty can
override our Constitution, which re
serves to Congress, and to Congress
alone, the power to declare war.
They preach Americanism with a
meaning of their own invention, and
artfully appeal to a selfish and
world ws on fire before we knew it.
It sickens our senses to think of an
other. We saw one conflict into
which modern science brought new
forms of destruction in great guns.
submarines, airships, and poison
gases. It is no secret that our chem
ists had perfected, when the contest
came to a precipitate close, gases so
deadly that whole cities could be
wiped out, armies destroyed, and the
crews of battleships smothered. The
public prints are filled with the opin
ions of military men that in future
wars the method, more effective than
gases or bombs, will be the employ
ment of the germs of diseases, carry
ing pestilence and destruction. Any
nation prepared under these condi
tions, as Germany was equipped in
1914, could conquer the world in a
year.
It is planned now to make this im
possible. A definite plan has been
agreed upon. The League of Nations
is in operation. A very important
work, under its control, Just com
pleted, was participated in by the
Hon. Ellhu Root, Secretary of State
under the Roosevelt administration.
At a meeting of the Council of the
League of Nations, February 11, an
organizing committee of twelve of the
most eminent jurists in the world waa
selected. The duty of this group was
to devise a plan for the establishment
of a Permanent Court of Interna
tional Justice, as a branch of the
League. This assignment has been
concluded by unanimous action. This
augurs well for world progress. The
question is whether we shall or shall
not join in this practical ancL-humane
movement. President Wilson, as our
representative at the peace table, en
tered the League in our name. In so
far as the executive authority permit
ted. Senatod Harding, as the Re
publican candidate for the presidency,
proposes in plain words that we re
main out of it. As the Democratic
candidate, I favor going in. Let us
analyze Senator Harding's plan of
making a German-American peace,
and then calling for a "new relation
ship among nations," assuming for the
purpose of argument only that the
perfidious hand that dealt with Ger
many would possess the power or in
fluence to draw twenty-nine nations
away from a plan already at work,
and induce them to retrace every
step and make a new beginning. This
would entail our appointing another
commission to assemble with those
selected by the other powers. With
the Versailles instrument discarded,
the whole subject of partitions and
divisions of territory on new lines
would be reopened. The difficulties
in this regard, as any fair mind ap
preciates, would be greater than they
were at the peace session, and we
must not attempt to convince our
selves that they did not try the gen
ius, patience, and diplomacy of states
men at that time. History will say
that great as was the ArtTed triumph
in war, no less a victory was achieved
at the peace table.. The Republican
proposal means dishonor, world con
fusion and delay. It would keep us
in permanent , company with Ger
many, Russia, Turkey and Mexico. It
Would entail, in the ultimate, more
real injury than the war Itself. The
Democratic position on the question,
as expressed in the platform, is:
"We advocate immediate ratifica
tion of the Treaty without reserva
tions which would impair its essential
Integrity, but do not oppose the ac
ceptance of any reservation making
clearer or more specific the obliga
tions of the United States to the
League associates."
The first duty of the new admin-'
istration clearly will be the ratifica
tion of the Treaty. The matter should
be approached without thought of the
bitterness of tho past. The public
verdict will have been rendered, and
I am confident that the friends of
world peace as it will be promoted
by "the League, will have in numbers
the constitutional requisite to favor
able senatorial action. The captious
may say that our platform reference
to reservations is vague and indefinite
Its meaning, in brief, is that we shall
state our interpretation of the cov
enant as a matter of good faith to
our associates and as a precaution
against any misunderstanding in the
future. The point is. that after the
people shall have spoken, the League
will be in the hands of its friends in
the Senate, and a safe index as to
what they will do is supplied by what
reservations they have proposed in
the past. Some months ago, in a
contributed article to the New York
Times, I expressed my own opinion of
the situation as it then was. I repro
duce it here:
"There can be no doubt but that
some senators have been conscienti
ous in their desire to clarify the pro
visions of the Treaty. Two things
apparently have disturbed them:
First, they wanted to make sure that
the League was not to be an alliance
and that its basic purpose was peace
and not controversy. Second, they
wanted the other powers signing the
instrument to understand our consti
tutional limitations beyond which the
treaty-making power cannot go. Deal
ing with these two questions in order,
it has always seemed to me that the
interpretation of the function of the
League might have been stated in
these words:
'In giving its assent to this treaty,
the Senate has in mind the fact that
the League of Nations which it em
bodies was devised for the sole pur
pose of maintaining peace and comity
among the nations of the earth and
prevpnting the recurrence of such de
structive conflicts as that through
which the world has just passed. The
co-operation of the United States with
tne League and its continuance as a
member thereof, will naturally de
pend upon tho adherence of the
League to that fundamental purpose '
oucn a declaration would at least
have made other proposals. Our
platform clearly lays no bar against
any additions that will be helpful, but
it speaks in a firm resolution to stand
against anything that disturbs the vi
tal principle. We hear it said that
interpretations are unnecessary. That
may be true, but they will at least be
reassuring to many of our citizens, who
fee! that in signing the treaty, there
should be no mental reservations that
are not expressed in plain words, as a
matter of good faith to our associates.
Such interpretations possess the fur
ther virtue of supplying a base upon
which agreement can be reached, and
agreement, without injury , to the cov
enant, is now of pressing importance.
It was the desire to get things started,
that prompted some members of the
senate to vote for the Lodge reser
vations. Those who conscientiously
voted for them in the final roll calls
realized however that they acted un
der duress, in that a politically bigot
ed minority was exercising the arbi
trary power of its position to enforce
drastic conditions. Happily the voters
of the republic, under our system of
government, can remedy that situa
tion, and I have the faith that they
will, at the election this fall. Then
organised government win be enabled
to combine impulse and facility in the
1 making of better world conditions.
The agencies of exchange will auto
matically adjust themselves to the op
portunities of commercial freedom.
New life and renewed hope will take
hold of every nation. Mankind will
press a resolute shoulder to the task
of readjustment, and a new era will i
have dawned upon the earth.
We have domestic problems to be
settled. They are most pressing.
Many conditions growing out of the
war will not and should not continue.
The work of readjustment will call
for our best energy, ingenuity, unself
ishness and devotion to the idea that
it is the general welfare we must
promote. One of the first things to
be done is the repeal of war taxes.
The entry of America into the world
war projected our people into an un
paralleled financial emergency, which
was faced with a determination to
make every sacrifice necessary to
victory. Billions in liberty loans sub
scribed by patriots regardless of their
financial condition were instantly
placed at the disposal of the govern
ment, and other billions were gladly
paid into the treasury through many
forms of taxation. To have paid by
current taxes more than one-third of
the expense of the greatest war in
the history of mankind, is a reflection
on the high sense of national duty
with which we of America view the
obligations of this generation. Im
mediately following the armistice,
measures to modify onerous and an
noying taxation should have been
taken and the Republican congress in
which all tax laws must originate,
and which for almost two years has
exclusively held the power to amel
iorate this condition, has not made
a single effort or passed a single law
to lift from the American people a
load of war taxation that cannot be
tolerated in a tfme of peace. Federal
taxation must be heavily reduced,
and it will be done at once, if a Dem
ocratic administration is chosen In
November. Without hampering es
sential national administrative de
partments, by the elimination of all
others and strict economy everywhere,
national taxes can he. retxueed In ex-
remains that except for the exchange
of products between individuals,
commercial units and nations, our de
velopment would be slow. All of this
growth goes on under the protection
of and with the encouragement of
government. The least therefore, that
might be rendered unto government
for this continuous service is a policy
of fair-dealing. Too often the genius
of man prompts him to play for gov
ernmental advantage, and the suc
cess which has been achieved in this
particular, has led to the formation
of groups which seek this very ad
vantage. We are a busy people, pre
occupied in too large degree with
purely commercial considerations, and
we have not recognized as re should,
that the failure of government to
prevent inequalities lias made it pos
sible for mischievous spirits to de
velop prejudice against the institu
tions of government, rather than
against administrative policy. There
is a very important difference here.
This difference bears directly on
profiteering, which is today the most
sinister influence in American life. It
is not a new thing in America. The
tribe of profiteers has simply multi
plied under the favoring circum
stances of war. For years, large
contributions have been made to the
Republican campaign fund for no
purpose except to buy a government
underhold, and to make illegal profits
as the result of preference. Such
largesses are today a greater menace
to our contentment and our institu
tions than the countless temporary
profiteers who are making a mockery
or nonest business, but who can live
and fatten only in timer of disturbed
prices. If I am called to service as
president means will be found, if they
do not already exist, for compelling
these exceptions to the great mass
of square dealing American business
men, to use the same yardstick of
honesty that governs most of us in
our dealings with our fellowmen, or
in language that they may under
stan, to suffer the penalty of criminal
law. k
There is another reason for the
fabulous contributions to the present
KepuDiican campaign fund. Much
money, of course, has been sub
scribed in proper partisan zeal, but
the great bulk has been given with
the definite idea of gaining service in
return. Many captains of industry,
guided by a most dangerous indus
trial philosophy, believe that in con
troversy between employer and em
ploye their will should be enforced,
even at the point of the bayonet. I
speak knowingly. I have passed
through many serious industrial
troubles. I know something of their
psychology, the stages through which
they pass, and the dangerous at
tempts that are sometimes made to
end them. Disputes between labor
and capital are inevitable. The dis
position to gain the best bargain pos
sible characterizes the whole field of
exchange, whether it be product for
product, or labor for money. .If
strikes are prolonged public opinion
always settles them. Public opinion
should determine results in. America.
Public opinion isthe most interesting
characteristic of a democracy, and
it is the real safety valve to the in
stitutions of a free government. It
may, at times, be necessary for gov
ernment to inquire into the facts of a
tie-up, but facts and not conclu
sions should be -submitted. The de
termining form of unprejudiced
to action because the legislative au- ' affairs of government. Many of the
thnil o-l't Will H r til, rftCt TlnirK, , 1 -
cess of two billion dollars vearlv An-I , '
give a vigilant eye to the protection
provincial spirit, forgetting that Lin
com lougnt a war over uie pure.y express the view of the United Stire,
xtlr.r. alnironr nnrf that ... ... - c Slates
McKinley broke the fetters of our tjon
and justify the course which ou
r na-
honnferv lines, sooke the freedom of IL" "'"4"e3Li0na.oiy lollow if
rCil v e a v, o v naslc Purpose of th
le League
were
lean idealism to the benighted Philip-I su, ' ' , rrea- 11 would
pines They lose memory of Garfield's : f ' f e sinPler matter
prophecy that America, under the j rv"e gainst any misunderstand
blessings of God-given opportunity, " tne future and at the same
would by her moral leadership and ! meet the objections or those
co-operation become a Messiah , Ce,leve that we might be invit-
iimone the nations of the earth. I " . concroversy over our constitu-
These are fateful times. Organiz
ed government has a definite duty all
over the world. The houM or civiliza
tion is to be put in order. The su
preme issue of the century is before
us and the nation that halts and de
lays is playing with fire. The finest
impulses of humanity, rising above
national lines, merely seek to make
another horrible war impossible. Un
der the old order of international an
archy war came overnight, and the
ing a controversy
' "bub, d- making a senatorial
addition in words something like
these:
'It will of course be understood
that in carrying out the purpose of
the League, the government of the
United States must at all times act in
strict harmony with "the terms and in
tent of the United States Constitution
which cannot in any way be altered
by the treaty-making power'."
f Unquestioned friends of the league
noying consumption taxes, once will
ingly borne, now unjustified, should
be repealed. The incomes irom war
made fortunes, those of non-producers
and those derived from industries
that exist by unfair privilege may be
able to carry their present load, but
taxes on the earnings of the wage
earner, of the salaried and profes
sional man. of the agricultural produc
er and of the small tradesman should
be sharply modified. I believe that
a better form of taxation than the so
called excess profits tax may be found
and I suggest a small tax, probably
one to one and one-half per cent on
the total business of every going con
cern. It is to be understood that the
term "business" as used does not in
clude income received by wage-earners,
salaried men, agriculturists and
the small business man who should be
exempt from this tax. The profiteer
and some of the highly capitalized
units have used the excess profits tax
as a. favorite excuse for loading on
the consumer by means of highly in
flated selling prices many times the
amount actually paid the government.
A necessary condition to the national
contentment and sound business is a
just proportion between fair profits
to business and fair prices to the con
sumer. It is unquestioned that the
enormous expansion of public and
private credit made necessarv as a
part of war financing, the diversion
of the products of many Industries
from their usual channels, as well as
the disturbance to general business
caused by the withdrawal of millions
of men from producing fields, all con
tributed to the rise in prices. Rever
sion of these various agencies to a
more stable condition will tend to
ward a recession in the enormously
Inflated present prices of many com
modities and property values and
there are now evidences that a sane
adjustment is not far distant. Deep
patriotic sentiment enthralled our
people during the war and slight at
tention was given to tne enormous
economic changes that were then in
progress and when observed these
changes were generally accepted as
one of the trials necessary to be en
dured and they were submerged in
the thought and purpose for victory
while millions of free men, regardless
of wealth or condition, were giving
of their blood and substance, manv
corporations and men seized the very
hour thit civilization lay prostrate to
secure for themselves fortunes wrung
from the public and from the govern
ment, by the levying of prices that
in many cases were a crime. Under
present taxation laws much capital Is
drawing out of industry and finding
investment in non-taxable securities.
This will cease if the changes suggest
ed afe made.
In the analysis of government, as
the events of today enable us to pene
trate the subject, we se the differ
ence between the old and the progres
sive kindB of thinking. The belief of
the reactionaries is that government
should not function more widely than
it did in the past, but they seem to
forget that the fundamental of our
plan Is equal rights for all and spe
cial privileges for none. Modern life
has developed new problems. Civiliza
tion continues to build along the
same basic lines and altruistic as we
may all be disposed to te, the fact
of life and ' property, and maintain
firmness but absolute impartiality.
This is always the real test, but if of
ficial conduct combines courage and
fairness, our governmental institu
tions come, out of these affairs un
tarnished by distrust'. This is not an
academic observation. It is the mere
recital of experience. Unrest has
been reinforced in no email degree by
the great mass of unassimilated
aliens. Attracted by an unprecedent
ed demand for labor, they have come
to our shores by the thousands. As
they have become acquainted with
the customs and opportunities of
American life, thousands of them
have become citizens and are owners
of their own homes. However, the
work of assimilation too long was
merely automatic. One million six
hundred thousand foreign born in
this country cannot read or write our
language. Our interest in them in
the main has been simply as laborers.
assembled in the great trade centers.
to meet the demand of the hour.
Without home or community ties.
many have been more or less no
madic, creating the problem of ex
cessive turnover, which has per
plexed manufacturing plants. But
this has not been the worst phase of
the situation. Unfamiliar with law.
having no understanding of the prin
ciples of our government, they have
fallen an easy prey to unpatriotic
and designing persons. Public opinion
has had no influence upon them,
because they have been isolated from
the currents of opinion, all due to
their not being able to read or write
our language. It is the duty of the
federal government to stimulate the
work of Americanization on the part
of church, school, community agen
cies, state governments and industry
itself. In the past, many industries
that have suffered from chronic rest
lessness have been the chief con
tributors to their own troubles. The
foreigner with European standards
of lwing was welcomed, but too often
no attempt was made to educate
him to domestic ideals, for the simple
reason that it adversely affected the
ledger. It has been my observation
that the man who learns our lan
guage, yields to a controlling public
opinion and respects our laws; 1 e
side, in proportion as his devotion
to American life develops, his inter
est in the impulsive processes of
revolution diminishes. We must be
patient in the work of assimilation
and studiously avoid oppressive
measures in the face of mere evi
dence of misunderstanding. We have
a composite nation. The Almighty
doubtless intended it to be such. We
will not, however, develop patriotism
unless we- demonstrate the difference
between despotism and democracy.
The necessity for the drastic laws of
war days is not present now, and we
should return at the earliest oppor
tunity, to the statutory provisions
passed in time of peace for the gen
eral welfare. There is no condition
now that warrants any infringement
on the right of free speech and as
sembly nor on the liberty of the
press. The greatest measure of indi
vidual freedom consistent with the
safety of our institutions should be
given. Excessive regulation " causes
manifestations that compel restraint.
The ttolice power, therefore, is called
thority acted unwisely.
A forebearing policy is not the
proper one for the deliberate enemy
of our institutions. He is of the kind
that knows conditions abroad and
here. The difference between autoc
racy is well marked In his mind. He
is oposed to government, in any form,
and he hates ours because it appeals
to those whom he would convert to
his creed. Any policy of terrorism is
fuel to his flame of anarchy. Those
whom he seeks to arouss, in time,
realize the difference between his and
their mental attitude, so that when
the law lays hand upon his wilful j
menace to government, the purposs
of it becomes plain to them. Official
contempt for the law is a harmful
exhibition to our 'people. It is diffi
cult to follow the reasoning of any
one who would seek to make an is
sue of the question of law-enforcement.
The executive obligation, both
national and state, on assuming the
oath of office is to "preserve, protect
and defend the constitution of the
United States. The constitution, on
its essence, is the license and limi
tation given to and placed upon the
law-making body. The legislative
branch of government is subjected to
the rule of the majoiity. The public
official who fails to enforce the law.
is an enemy both to the constitution
and to the American principle cf ma
jority rule. It would ssem quite
unnecessary for any candidate for tho
presidency to say that he does not
intend to violate his oath of office.
Anyone who is false to that oath i?
more unworthy than the law violator
himself.
Morals cannot easily be produced i
by statute. The writ of injunction
should not be abused. Intended as a
safeguard to person and property, it I
could easily by abuse cease to be the
protective device it was intended to
be.
Capital develops into large units '
without violence to public sentiment
or injury to public interest the same I
principle should not be denied to
labor. Collective bargaining through
the. means of representatives selected
by the employer and employe respec
tively, will be helpful, rather than
harmful to the general interest. Be
sides, there is no ethical objection
that can be raised to it. We should
not, by law, abridge a man's right
either to labor or to quit his employ
ment. However, neither labor nor
capital should at any time or in any
circumstances ,take action that would
put in jeopardy the public1 welfare.
We need a definite and precise
statement of policy as to what busi
ness man and workingmen may do
and may not do by way of combina
tion and collective action. The law
is now so nebulous that it almost
turns upon the economic predelictions
of the judge or jury. This does not
make for confidence in the courts nor
respect for the laws, nor for a
healthy activity in production and
distribution. There surely will be
found ways by which co-operation
may be encouraged without the de
struction of enterprise. The rules of
business should be made more cer
tain so that on a stable basis, men
may move with confidence.
Government, however should pro
vide the means in the treatment of
its employes, to keep in touch with
conditions and to rectify wrong. It
is needless to say that in order to be
consistent, facts should at all times
justify the pre-supposition that the
government employes are properly
compensated.
The child life of the nations should
be conserved; if labor in immature
years is permitted by one generation,
it is practicing unfairness to the
next.
Agriculture is but another form of
industry. In fact, it is the basis of
industry because upon it depends the
food supply. The drift from country
side into the city, carries disquieting
portents. If our growth in manufac
turing in the next few years holds its
present momentum, it will be neces
sary for America to import food
stuffs. It therefore devolves upon
government, through intensive scien
tific co-operation to help in main
taining as nearly as possible the ex
isting balance between food produc
tion and consumption. Farming will
not inspire individual effort unless
profits, all things considered, are
equal to those in other activities. An
additional check to depleted ranks in
the field would be the establishment
of modern state rural school codes.
The federal government should main
tain active sponsorship of this. Rural
parents would be lacking in the ele
ment which makes civilization endur
ing if they did not desire for their
children educational opportunities
comparable to those in the cities. The
price the consumer pays for food
stuffs is no indication of what the
producer receives. There are too
many turn -overs between the two.
Society and government, particularly
local and state, have been remiss in
not modernizing local marketing
facilities. Municipalities must in
large measure interest themselves m,
if not directly control community
markets. This is a matter of such
importance that the federal govern
ment can profitably expend money
and effort in helping to evolve meth
ods and to show, their virtues. The
farmer raises his crop and the price
which he receives is determined by
supply and demand. His products in
beef and pork and produce, pass into
cold storage and ordinarily when
they reach the consumer the law of
supply and demand does not obtain.
The preservation of foodstuffs by cold
storage is a boon to humanity, and
it should be encouraged. However,
the time has come for its vigilant
regulation and inasmuch as it be
comes a part of interstate commerce,
the responsibility is with the federal
government. Supplies are gathered
in from the farm in times of plenty.
They can easily be fed out to the
consumer in such manner as to keep
the demand in excess of that part of
the supply which is released from
storage . This is an unfair practice
and should be stopped. Besides,
there should be a time limit beyond
which perishable foodstuffs should
not be stored. Every successful mod
ern business enterprise has its pur
chasing, producing and selling de
partments. The farmer has main
tained only one, the producing de
partment. It is not only fair that he
be enabled both to purchase and to
sell advantageously, but it is abso
lutely necessary because he has be
come a competitor with the manufac
turer for labor. He has been unable
to compete- in the past and his help
in consequence has been insufficient.
Therefore the right of co-operative
purchasing and selling in the mod
ern view, should be removed from all
question. Agricultural thought has
not been sufficiently represented in
branches of the government which
deal remotely or directly with the
soil and its problems and its possi
bilities would be more valuable to
the general welfare if the practical
experience of the farmer were an
element in their administration. To
be specific, the Interstate Commerce
Commission, the Federal Reserve
Board, the Federal Trade Commis
sion and the United States Tariff
Commission are administered by bus
iness men. Does anyone contribute
more to the making and success of
railroads than the farmer or to the
creation and prosperity of the banks,
or to the stability of manufacturing
and trade units, or to the agencies
interested in exporting?
Our objectives should be a de
creased tenantry. With the period
of occupancy uncertain, the renter
strips land of its fertile elements, and
each yeefr diminishes our national as
sets. Under the operation of the
Federal Reserve and the Farm Loan
acts, encouragement has come to
thousands who find that industry,
character and intelligence are a gold
en security to the people's banker,
the government of the United States.
Multiply our home owners, and you
will make the way of the seditious
agitator more difficult. Bring into
the picture of American life mere
families, happily a part of garden and
flowers all their own. and you will
find new streams running into the
national current of patriotism. Help
to equalise the burdens of taxation
by making the holders of hidden
wealth pay their share with thO.e
whose property is in sight. In short,
remove the penalty imposed upon
homebuilding thrift, and thousands
contented households under the shel
ter of their own roof, will look upon
government with affection, recognis
ing that in protecting it, they pro
tect themselves. There are mor-2
home owners in America than ever
before. The prosperity of the coun
try under Democratic rule has been
widely diffused. Never before ha-3
the great mass of the people share!
in the blessing of plenty. There is
much to be done, howevr, in multi
plying our home owners. Nothing
will bring more golden return to th3
welfare of th republic.
Common prudence would suggest
that we increase to our utmost, ur
area of tillable land. The race be
tween increased consumption and
added acreage has been an unequal
one. Modern methods of soil treat-
I ment have been helpful, but they
have their limitations. There are
still vast empires in extent, in our
country, performing no service to
humanity. They require only the ap
plied genius of men, to cover them
with the bloom and harvest of human
necessities. The government should
turn its best engineering talent to the
task of irrigation projects. Every
dollar spent will yield compensating
results.
Any discussion of the question of
food supply leads very quickly to tha
closely related matter of transporta
tion. There is no one thing which
brings us so intermittently to critical
conditions than the insufficiency of
our transportation facilities. Both
the railroads and the public are tn
blame. There has been no material
addition to the total mileage in the
last ten years, and the increase in
terminals has been, much less than
required. At the Deginning of the
war, the rolling stock was sadly re
duced and inadequate. The public
had not given in pay for service, suf
ficient revenues on which credit could
be allowed by the banks. Moral as
sistance was withheld because of
railroad policies that did not bring
approval. Many of these corporations
had made themselves a part of poli
tical activities, local, state and na
tional. Then there were more or
less sporadic instances of stock-watering
operations, and the exploitation
of utility properties for personal gain.
Abuses were not general, but they
were sufficient to bring the entire
railroad systems of the country in
disrepute. The good suffered with
the evil. When the transportation
lines were taken over by the govern
ment, they were barely able to limp
through the task of the day. Unity
in operation, the elimination of the
long haul, and the merging of every
mile of track and terminal and every
car , and engine into a co-ordinated
plan of operation, enabled the gov
ernment to transport troops and sup
plies at the same time affording, -n-der
great stress, a satisfactory outlet
for our industries. It should be re
membered in this connection that
except for the motor truck which sup
plemented transportation by rail,
and except for the great pipe lines
which conveyed oil for commercial
purposes, we should not, in all prob
ability have been able to .throw our
deciding strength into the balance an.l
win the war. Any attempt to dis
credit thi; federal operation of rail
roads during the years of grave emer
gency is unfair. In the case of those
who know the facts it is insincere. Too
much cannot be said in praise of t'aose
who directed this work, nor of the
men who physically operated the lines
under the discouraging conditions of
poor equipment. But all of this is
water over the wheel. The problem
of the railroads is still with us. The
government and the public should
render every co-operation in the ut
most good faith, to give thorough test
to private ownership. The railroads
have- had their lesson. Government
regulation is accepted now as not not
only a safeguard to the public, but
as a conserving process to the utility
Financial credit is necessary to phy
sical rehabilitation and At should be
sufficient for the periods of maxi
mum demand We should not lose
sight, however, of the vast possibilities
of supplementary service by water.
The Great Lakes and St. Lawrence
navigation project, particularly,
should claim the interest of the gov
ernment About one-third of oiu
states would be supplied with, an out
let for every ton of their exports
The opportunity to make of the lako
harbors great ocean ports of entry
is inspiring to contemplate. In the
crop-moving period, the call on the
railroads is staggering. Grain piles
up in the elevators. With stagnation
more or less general, the farmer soils
his product under the most unfavor
able conditions. The trackage and
the tein.nals in middle states parti
cularly, are clogged with this traffic
and interference with local movements
of freight is inevitable. The solution
would be simplified by utilizing the
waterways. Aside from this, the ac
cruing gain from every crop would be
a consideration for the reason that
the price of grain in this- eountry la
(Continued on Page Seven.)

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