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fpccch of 31 lien to tr In tie U. S. Senate, lb. 24, on the Annexation of Texas and the causes cf F i Mexican War. Mr. BENTON said : Mr. President: The senator from South Carolina Mr. Calhoun has boldly tnade tJie ieue as tu the authorship of this war, and aa boldly thrown the blame of it upon the present administration. On the contrary, I believe himself to be the author of it, and will gire a part of my reasons for believing eo. In saying this, 1 du not consider the march tu the Rio Grande tu hare been the cause of the war, any more than I consider the British march upon Concord and Lexington to have been the cause of the Ameri can revolution, or the crossing of the Rubicon by Cawar to Lave been the cause of the civil war in Rome. ' In all these cases, I consider the cauaea of war as preexisting, and the marches as only the ef fect of these caue. I consider the march upon the Rio Grande as being unfortunate, and certainly should have advUed against it if I had been consulted, and that without the least fear of diminishing my influ ence in the settlement of the Oregon question. My opiuion of Mr. Tola and experience in that very Oregon case has confirmed it did not authorize me to conjecture that any one would lose influence with him by giving him honest opinions; so I would hare advised against the march to the Rio Grande if I had been consulted. Nor da I see how any opinion ad verse to the President's was to have the effect of les sening his influence in the settlement of the Oregon question. That question was settled by us, not by the President. Half the Democratic senators went contrary to the President's opinion, and none of them lost influence with him on that account; and so I can see no possible connexion between the facts of the case and the senator's reason for' not interfering to save Lis country from the war which," he Bays, he saw. His reason is to me unintelligible, incomprehensible, unconnectable with the facts of the case. But the march on the Rio Grunde was not the cause of the war; but the cause of this event, like the causes of our own revolutionary war, were in progress lungbe ore hostilities broke out. The causes of this Mexi can irtr were long anterior to tins march ; and, in fact, every circumstance of war then existed, except the actual collision of arms. Diplomatic intercourse had ceased : commerce was destroyed : fleets aiid ar mies confronted each other: treaties were declared to be broken: the contingency had occurred in which Mexico had denounced the existence of war : the in corporation of Texas, with a Mexican war on her hands, had produced, in legal contemplation,' the sta tus belli between the two countries: and all this had occurred before the march upon the Rio Grande, and before the commencement of this administration, and had produced a state of things which it was impossi ble to continue, and which could only receive their solution from arms or negotiation. The march to the Rio Grande brought on the collision of arms ; but, so far from being the cause of the war, it was itself the effect of these causes. The senator from South Car olina is the author of those causes, and therefore the author of the war; and this I propose to show, at present, by evidence drawn from himself from Iiis public official acts leaving all the evidence derived from other sources, from private and unofficial acts, lor future production, if deemed necessary. The senator from South Carolina, in his effort to throw the blame of the war upon the President, goes no further back in his search for causes than to this march upon the Rio Grande : upon the same principle, if he wrote a history of the American revolution, he would begin at the inarch upon Lexington and Con cord, leaving out of view the ten years work of Lord North's administration. No, the march upon the Rio Grande was not the cause of the war: had it not been for pre-existing causes, the arrival of the Ameri can army on the Mexican frontier would have been nluled with military courtesy, according to the usage of all civilized nations, and with none so much as with the Spaniard. Complimentary visits, dinners, and fandangoes, balls not cannon halls would have lp- th-ft K tut f irtn ThA -m. f flu- iitq r mrA lrn rr anterior; and I begin with the beginning, and show the senator from South Carolina an actor Irom the first. In doing this, I am acting in defence of the country, for the President represents the country. The senator from South Carolina charges the war upon the President: the whole opposition follow him: tne bill under discussion is forgotten: crimination of the President is now the object ; and, in that crimi nation, the country is injured by being made to appear the aggressor in the war. This is my justification lor defending the President, and showing the truth that the Senator, in his manner of acquiring Texas, is the true cause ot the war. The cession of Texas k Spain in 1319 is the begin ning point in the chain of causes which have led to this war; for unless the country had been ceded away there could have been no quarrel with any power in getting it back. For a long time the negotiator- of that treaty ot cession (Mr. J. Q. Adams) bore all the blame of the loss of Texas; and his motives lor civ ing it away were set down to hostility to the south and west, and a desire to clip the wings of the slave- holding Mates. At last the truth of history has vm dicated itself, and has shown who was the true author of that mischief to ihe south and west. Mr. Adams has made a public declaration, which no one contro verts, that that cession was made in conformity to the decision of Mr. Monroe's cabinet, a majority of wincii was siavenoiuing, and among them the present senator Irom South Carolina, and now the only eurvi vor of that majority- lie dots not contradict the statement of Mr. Adams: he, therefore, stands ad mitted the co-author of that mischief to the south and west which the cession of Texas involved, and to es cape from which it became necessary, in the opinion or the Senator from Sooth Carolina, tn trpt hark lex as at the expense of war with Mexico. This conduct ci me senator mvintr awav lexas when we nad her, and then making war to get her back, is an enigma wh.oh he has never yet condescended to ex plain, and which, until explained, leaves Lira in a stale of self-contradiction, which, whether it impairs Jus owb confidence in himself or not, must have the . eiTect of destroying the confidence of others in him, and wholly disqualifies him for the office of champion of the slavcholding States. It was the heaviest blow they had ever received, and put an end, in conjunction with the Missouri compromise, and the permanent lo cation of the Indians west of the Mississippi, to their future growth or extension as slave States. The compromise, which was then in full progress, and es tablished at the next session of Congress, cut off the slave States from all territory north and we6t of Mis souri, and south of 'Mi degrees of north latitude: the treaty of 1919 ceded nearly all south of that degree, comprehending not only all Texas, but a large part of the valley of the Mississippi on the Red river and the Arkansas, to a foreign power, and brought a nou-tlavcho-ding empire to the confines of Louisiana and Arkansas: the permanent appropriation of the rest of the territory for the abode of civilized Indians swept the little slavcholding territory west of Arkan sas, and lying between the compromise line and the cession line; and left the slave States without one inch of ground for their future growth. Nothing was left. Even the then territory of Arkansas was en croached upon. A breadth of forty miles wide, and three hundred long, was cut off from her, and given to the Cherokees ; and there was not as much slave ter ritory left west of the Mississippi as a dove could have rested the sole of her foot upon. It was not merely a curtailment, but a total extinction of slavcholding territory ; and done at a time when the Missouri con troversy was raging, and every effort made by northern abolitionists to stop the growth of slave States. The senator from South Carolina, in his support of the cession of Texas, and ceding a part of the valley of the Mississippi, was then the most efficient ally of the restrictioiiists at that time, and deprives him of the right of setting up as the champion of the slave States cow. I denounced the sacrifice or lexas then, he . Leving Mr. Adams to have been the author of it: I denounce it now, knowing the senator from South Carolina to be its author : and for this his flue rant recreancy to the slave interest in their hour of utmost - peril I hold him disqualified for the office of cham pion of the fourteen slave States, and shall certainly require Hm ta keep out of Missouri, and to confine bimseu to bis own, bailiwick .i , . I com now lo me a.rect proois or me senator s a&thor?bip of the war; and begin with the year 193G, and with the month of May of that year, and with the 27th day of that month, and with the first rumors f the victory of San Jacinto. The Congress of the Uoited States was then in session : the senator from ... Smooth uroJina. was men a member or this body; and, without even waiting fir the official confirmation of that great event, he proposed at once the immediate Mr. Calhorn, in a lata 6 bat, gaT thcas consideration . as an apology for bis ecvrie, or inactivity, la reUriot.ti.Trx u tTh, caring the hit tessioa ef Conjrt . Xrfi. SentmeL recognition of the independence of Texas, and her J immediate admission into this Union. He put the . two propositions together recognition and admission: ! and allowed us no further time for the double vote ; than the few days which were to intervene before the! official intelligence of the victory should arrive. Here are some extracts from his speech on that occasion, and which verify what I say, and show that he was then ready to plunge the country into the Texan war with Mexico, without the slightest regard to its treaties, its commerce, its duties, or its character : M Mr. Calhoun was of opinion that it would add more strength to the csu.e of Tun to wiit a Tew days until they ireeivrd official cunfittnatioo of I ha victory and ciptuie of Smli Ados, io order to obtain a mors unanimous vote in fa vor of the recognition of TYxas He bad made up bis miud nut only to recognize the indepr ndeDce of Tex as, cut for her admtsion into Ilm Uoion j and if the Texaos managed their flaut prud ally, ihty would soon be called opon to decide that question. Theie weie psweiful leasous why Texas should be a pait of this Union. The southern Slates, owning a slave population, were deeply intciested id preventing that couutiy liom having the power to annoy them; and the navigation and manufactuiing interetts of the north and east weie equally inteteeted in making it a paitof this Union. Ha thought ihey would soon be tailed n to de cide these question j ai d when they did act on it, be was for acting tn both togethei for recognizing (be independt nre of Texa, and for admitting her into the Union. If events should go on as they bad done, be eonld not bat hope that before the close of the present session of Congress the would not only acknow hdge the independence of Texas, but admit bei into the Uuiun. He hoped theie would be no unnecessary delay for io such cases delays weie dai.geious but that they would set with unanimity and act promptly." Here, then, is the proof of the fact that, ten years ago, and without a word of explanation w ilh Mexico, or any request from Texas without the least notice to the American people, or time for deliberation among ourselves, or any regard to existing commerce he was for plunging us into instant war with Mexico. I jay, instant war; for Mexico and Texas were then in open war;-and to incorporate Texas, was to incorpo tste the war at the same time. All this the senator was then for, immediately after his own gratuitous cession of Texas, and long before the invention of the London abolition plot came so opportunely to his aid. Promptness and unanimity were then his watchwords. Immediate action action before Congress adjourned was his demand. No delay. Delays were danger ous. " We :' must vote," and vote unanimously and promptly. I well remember the senator's look and attitude on that occasion the'fixeilncss of his look, and the magisteriality of Iiis attitude. It was such as he often favors us with, especially when he is iu a crisis, and brings forward something w hich ought to be instantly and unanimously rejected as when he brought in his string of abstractions on Thursday last. So it was in 1300 prompt aud unanimous action, and a look to put down opposition. Uut the Senate were not looked down in 13"6. They promptly and unanimously refused the senator's motion! and the crisis and the danger goon natured souU! immedi ately postponed themselves uutil wanted. for another occasion. The peace of the country was theft- saved; lut it was a respite only, and Ike speech of the.senator from South Carolina, brief as it was, becomes mo mentous as forehadowing everything that has subse quently taken place in relation to the admission of Texas. In this brief speech we have the shadows of oil future movements, coming in procession, in ad vance of the events. In the significant intimation, qualified with the if ttthe Ttxans prudently managed thtir cjjairs, thty Ihe Senate) might soon be calitd vpon tu Jtcide the qurstim of admissitn :n in that pregnant and qualified intimation, there was a visible doubt that the T exar.s might vol te prudent enough to manage their own affairs, and might require help; and also a visible feeling of that paternal guar dianship which afterwards assumed the management of their affairs for them. In the admonitions to una nimity, there was that denunciation of any difference of opinion which afterwards displayed itself in the ferocious hunting down of all who opposed the Texas treaty. In the reference to southern slavery, and an noyance to ßlave property from Texas, we have the germ of the se!f-dfece" letter, and the first glimpse of the abolition plot of John Andrews, Ashbcl Smith, Lord Aberdeen I beg-pardon nf Lord Aberdeen for naming him in such a Connexion and the World's Convention, with which Mexico, Texas, and the Uni ted States were mystified and bamboozled in April, 1341. And, in the interests of the manufacturing and navigating States of the north and east, as con nected with Texas admission, we have the text of all the communications lo the agent. Murphy, and of all the letters and speeches to which the Txns question, seven years afterward., gave rise. We have all these subsequent events here shadowed forth. And now, the wonder is, why all these things were not foreseen a little while before, when Texas was being ceded to a non-slavcholdirg empire! and why, after being so imminent and deadly in May, 1836, all thee dangers suddenly went to sleep, and never wakrd up again until IS 14 1 These are wonders: but let us not an ticipate questions, and let us proceed with the narra tive. The Congress of 13GG would not admit Texas. The senator from South Carolina became patient : the Texas question went to elcp; and for seven good years it made no disturbance. It then woke up, and with a suddenness and violence proportioned to its long repose. Mr. Tyler was then "President: the sen ator from South Carolina was potent under his admin istration, and soon became his Secretary of Slate. All the springs of intrigue and diplomacy were imme diately set in motion to resuscitate the Texas question, and to re-invest it with all the dangers and alarms which it had worn in 1830. rassing over all the dangers of annoyance from Texas as possibly non slaveholding, foresetn by the senator in 1836, and not foreseen by him in 1819, with all the need for guar dianship then foreshadowed, and all the arguments then suggested : all these ' immediately developed themselves, and intriguing agents traversed earth and sea, from Washington to Texas, and from London to Mexico: passing over all this, as belongins to a class of evidence not now to be us-d, I come at once to the letter of the 17th of January, from the Texan minister to Mr. Upshur, the American Secretary of Mate ; and the answer to that letter by JUr. Calhoun, of April 11th of the same year. They are both vital in tins case; aiid the first is in these words: "Mr. Van Zandl to Mr. Upshur. "Legation or Texas, "Washington, January 17, 1844 "Sin: It is known to jou that an armistice haa been prnt l.iimd between Mexico and Texan; that that armis tice bus been obtained through the intervention of several great power, mutually lrn iuij; and that negotiations are now pending, hnvinv lor their object a settlement of in atim-uiiic neretoiore existing between tlie two coun tries. A proposition, likewise, having been submitted by the President of the fJni.ed States, through vou. for the annexation of Texas to this country , therefore (without indicating tlu nature of the reply which the President of j: ... i.. j -.it ... v . . in iimj uiret.i iu ua maus io litis proposition I Deg leave to suggest that it may be apprehended, ahould a treaty of annexation be concluded, Mexico may think proper to at once terminate the armistice, break off all negotiations nr peace, and again threaten or commence hostilities against Texas ; and that somo oi the other gov ernment who have been instrumental in obtaining their cession, U they do not throw their influence into the Mexican scale, may altogether v ithdraw their good offi ces or mediation, thus losing to Texas their friendship, and exposing her te the Unrestrained n.enacea of Mexico. In view, then, of these things, I desire to submit, through you, to hia excellency the President of the United Stales, this inquiry : should the President of Texas accede to the proposition of annexation, would the President of the United Stales, after the signing of the treaty, and before it shall be ratified and receite the final action of the other branches of both governments, in cae Texas should desire it, or with her consent, order such number of the military and naval forces or the United States to such necessary points or places upon the territory, or borders of Texas, or the Gulf of Mexico, as shall be sufficient to protect her against foreign aggression? " This communication, as well as the reply which vou may make, will be considered by me as entirely eonfufen tial, not to be embraced in ruy regular official correspon dence to my government, but enclosed direct lo the Presi dent ef Texas for his information. " With assurances of my great regard, I have the honor to be, very respectfully, your obedient servant, "ISAAC VAN ZANDT " Hon. A. P. Unnca, fke." This letter reveals the true state of the Texas ques tion in January, 1514, and the conduct of all parties in relation to it. Texas and Mexico, weary of the war. reposing under an armistice, and treating for peace. Great Britain and France acting the noblfc part of mediators, and endeavoring to make peace. uur own government secretly intriguing lor annexa tion, acting the wicked part of mischief-makers, and trying to renew the war: and the issue of its machi nations to be unsuccessful unless the United States should be involved in the renewed hostilities. That wai the qaet?tion; and the letter openly puts it to the American Secretary of State. The answer to that question, in my opinion, should have been, that the President of the United State did not know of the armistice and the peace negotiations at the time that he proposed to Texas to do tn act which would boa perfidious violation of those sacred engagements, and bring upon herself the scourge of renewed invasion and the stigma of perfidy that he would not have made such a proposal for the whole round world, if he bad known ot the armistice and the peace negotia tions that he wished success to the peace-makers, both for the sake of Mexico and Texas, and because Texas could then come into the Union without the least interruption to our friendly, commerc social relations with Our sister republic and that, as to secretly lending the army a the United States to Texas to fiht Mexico while we i were at peace with her, it would be a crime against God, and man, and our own constitution, for which heads might be brought to the block, if presidents i .1 . . i t... l l. :.. 7 , , ... I,- , auu iiic-tr 5.1ICIOMC3, im. cou siiuiiu.lv-. iiia mm miuisiers, si.ouiu oe neiu capuaity responsioie 'or capital crimes. This, in my opinion, should have been the answer. But the first part of it that of the scienter upon the point of the armistice and the peace negotiations could not be given in point of fact; for! the Department of State was full of communications giving that information one of them from the agent, (Murphy,) in these words: i "The powers to be given to General Henderson are to be of the fullest and most complete character, so that no impediment shall be found requiring further or other powers, or further or other inatructions. But, inasmuch as the commissioners or Texas now in Mexico, in treaty or negotiation touching an armistice, are supposed not to have concluded their labors, and it is clear to the Presi dent of Texas that so soon as this negotiation in relation to annexation is known to the government of Mexico, all negotiation on that and all other questions between Texaa and Mexico will cease, and that the President of Mexico will instantly commence active hostilities against Texas, which Texas is wholly unprepared, by sea or land, to re sist, it is understood that the government of the United States, having invited Texas to this negotiation, will at once, and before any negotiation is set on foot, place a sufficient naval force in the Gulf to protect the coast cf Texas, and hold a sufficient force of cavalry, or other description of mounted troops, on the southwestern bor der of the United Slates, in readiness to protect or aid iu the protection of Texas pending the proposed nrgotiation for annexation. 1 trust my government will at once see the propriety of this course of policy ; for 1 found it im possible to induce this government to enter heartily into the measure or annexation without an assurance that my government would not fail to guard Texas against all the evils which were likely to assail her in consequence of her meeting and complying with the wishes of the United States." Denial of the knowledge of the existence of the armistice, and cf the opening of the negotiations, was, therefore, impossible. Mr. Upsher, to whom the letter of the 17th of January was addressed, gave it no answer at all. During the forty diys that his life was spared, he answered not ; and I mention this particularly in justice to the memory of a gentleman who is no more. Mr. Nelson, the attorney general, his temporary successor in the Department of State, d.d not answer it to the Texan minister in Washing ton, but he did to Mr. Murphy in Texas, in reply to his communication to the same effect with ihe letter. Mr. Nelson's letter is dated the 11th of March, and is in these words : "Of the anxiety of the President to provide for the annexation of the territory of Texas to that of the United Slates you have been heretofore apprized; and of his recdiness, by negotiation promptly to effectuate this de sire, vou are well aware. He regards the measure as one of vital importance to both parties, and as recommended by the highest considerations or a sound public policy. " Entertaining these views, the President is gratified to perceive, in the course you have pursued in your inter course with the authorities of Texas, the evidences of a cordial co-operation in this cherished object of his policy ; but instructs me tn aay, that whilst approving the genei.il tone and tenor of that intercourse, lis regrets to perceive, in the pledges given by you in your communication to the lion. Anson Jones ot tlie 14th r ebruary , lliat you have sutlered your zeal lo carry you beyond the line of your instructions, and to commit the President to measures for which he has no constitutional autlioiity to stipulate. " Ihe employment of the army or navy against a for eign power, with which the United Mates are at peace, is not within the competency or the 1 resident; and whilst he is not indisposed, aa a measure or prudent pre caution, and as preliminary to the proposed negotiation, to concentrate in theUull or iIexico,and on the southern borders of the United Slates, a naval and military force to be directed to the defence of tho inhabitants and tern tory of Texaa at a proper time, he cannot permit the au thorities of that government or yourself to labor under the misapprehension that he has power to employ them at the period indicated by your stipulations. Uf these impressions, 31 r. Van andt, the chare de ftftVaires of the Texan government, has been, and General Henderson, who is daily expected here, will be fully advertised. In the mean time, the President desires that yon will at once countermand your instructions to Lieu tenant Davis, as tar as they are in conuicl wiib these tews "In any emergency that may occur, care will be taken that the commanders of the naval and military forces of the United Mates shall be properly instructed. lour re quest that they may be placed under your control cannot be gratified. This is very constitutional and proper language; and if it had not been reversed, there would have been no war with Mexico. Dut it was reversed. Soon after it was written, the present senator from South Carolina took the chair of the Department of State. Mr. Tinckney Henderson, whom Mr. Murphy men tions as coming on with full powers, on the faith of the pledge that he bad given, arrived also; and found that pledge entirely cancelled by Mr. Tyler's answer through Mr. JNelson ; and he utterly retused to treat. The new becretarv was in a strait; lor time was short, and Texas must be had ; and Messrs. Hendcr son and Van Zandt would not even bezin to treat without a renewal of the pledge given by Mr. Mur phy. That had been cancelled in writing, and the cancellation had gone to Texas,' and had been made on high constitutional ground. The new secretary was profuse of verbal assurances, and even permitted the ministers to take down his words in writing, and read them over to him, as was shown by the Senator from Tcxa, General Jlouston.j when he ppohe on this subject on Thursday last. JJut verbal assurances, or memoranda of conversation?, would not do. The instructions under which tho ministers acted, required the pledjje to be in writing, and properly signed. The, then President, present senator from Texas, who had been & lawyer in Tennessee before he went to Texas, seemed to look upon it as a case under the statute of frauds and perjuries a sixth case added to the five enumerated in that statute in which the promise is not valid, unless reduced to writing, and signed by the person to be charged therewith, or by some other person duly authorized by him to sign for him. Ihe lirmness of the lexan ministers, under the instructions of President Houston, prevailed ; and at last, and after long delav, the secretary wrote, and signed the pledge which Murphy had given, and in all the amplitude of his original promise, lhat lei ter was dated on the 11th day of April, 18 11, and was in these words: "Mr. Calhoun to Messrs. Van Zandt and Henderson. "Washisctos, April 11, 1844. GtRTtfJiiw; The letter addressed by Mr. Van Zandt to the late Secretary of State, Mr. UpMiur, to which you have called my attention, dated Washington, 1711 Junu ary, 1844, has been laid before the 1'resideut of tbe Uni ted Mates "In reply to it, I am directed by this' President to say lhat the Secretary of the Navy has been instructed to order a strong naval force to concentrate in the Gulf of Mexico, to meet any emergency ; and that similar orders have been issued by the Secretary of War, to move the disposable military forces on our southwestern frontier for the same purpose. Should the exigency arise to which you refer in your note to Mr. Upshur, 1 am further d reeled by the l'resideot to say, that, during the pendency of the treaty of annexation, he would deem it his duty t !- to use all the means placed in nis power oy wie consu tution to protect Texas lxotn all foreign invasion. I have the honor to be, &c., J. C. CALHOUN. " Messrs. I. V ah Zakdt and 4. P. IIksdersos, " Ministers from the republic of Texas." This is the answer civen by Mr. Secretary Cal houn to the demand; and, although a little dclphic ia the snecincation of the emergencies and the exigencies in which our forces were to fight the Mexicans, yet taken in connexion with the terms of the letter to Whl ich it was an answer, and to which it refers, it is sufficiently explicit to show that it is a clear and ab solute promise to do the thing which Murphy had promised, and which President Tyler, through the Attorney General, Mr. Nelson, had refused to do because it involved a violation of the constitution of the United States. The promise was clear and ex plicit to lend the army and navy to the President o Texas, to fight the Mexicans while they were at peace with us. lhat was the point at pease with us. air. Calhoun's assumpsit was clear and explicit to that point; and, that no circumstance of contradiction or folly should be wanting to crown this plot of crime and imbecility, it so happened that on the same day that our new secretary here was giving his written assumpsit to lend the army and navy to fight Mexico while wo were w peace with her, tho agcat .Murphy cxan government, in ' .through Mr. Nelson, 1. ,T - Texas, the refusal of 31 r. Tyler to do so, because of its'unconstitutional.ty. Here is the letter ef Mr. Murphy : " Mr. Murphy to Mr. Jones. " Ligation or the Umni StATis, " Galveston, (Texas,) April 12, 1341. ' "Sir: The undersigned, charge d'affaires or the Uni ted States near the government of the republic of Texas, has the honor of informing Mr. Jones, that whilst his to both countries had led him beyond the strict line of : his instructions; that the President of the United States ",n.'i,er, himself restrained by the constitution of the iLn,. rr?m employment of the army and navy agninsi a loreisn power wuii wnom ine uinieu ciaiea are i.j peace; and that whilst the President of the Uni ,ej ylate, j, not indisposed, as a measure of pru dent precaution, to concentrate in the Gulf of Mexiro and on the southern borders of the United States a sufti rient naval and military force, to be directed to the de fence of. the inhabitants and territory of lexas at a roper time, he is unwilling that the authorities of Texas hould apprehend that he has power to employ this force at the period indicated in my note to vou on the 14lh of IT. I t euruarj laai. In conformity with the secretary's letter of April 1th, detachments of the army and navy were imme- iately sent to the frontiers of Texas, and to the coast f luexico. The senator from South Carolina, in his colloquy with the senator from Texas Gen. Houston on Thursday last, seemed anxious to have it under stood that these land and naval forces were not to repel invasions, but only to report them to our govern ment, for its report to Congress. The paper read by the senator from Texas, consisting of our secretary's words, taken down in his presence, and read over to im for his correction by the Texan ministers, estab- ishes the contrary ; and iows that the repulse of the nftsion was in the mean time to be made. And, in fact, any other courc would have been a fraud upon the promise. For, if the invasion had to be made known at Washington, and the sense of Congress taken on the question of repelling it, certainly, in the mean time, the nnsthief would have been done the nvasion would have been made; and, therefore, to be consistent with himself, the President in the mean time was bound to repel the invasion, without waiting to hear what Congress would say about it. And this is what he himself tells us in his two mcs8ges to the Senate, of the 15:h and 31st of May, doubtless writ ten by his Secretary of State, and both avowing and ustilyinir lus intention to hirht Mexico, in case of invasion, while the treaty ot annexation was depend- ng, without awaiting the action of Congress. Here are extracts from these messages: Message, loth of May. Extract. "At the same lime, it is due to myself lhat I should declare it as my opinion, that the United States having, by the treaty ol annexation, acquired a title to Texas, winch requires only the action of the benate to perfect it, no other power could be permuted to invade, and, by force of arm... to possess itself of any portion of the ter ritory of Texas, pending your deliberations upon the r.'Hty, without placing itself in a hostile attitude to the United States, and justifying the employment of any military means at our disposal to drive bark the invrsion. Message, 31 st of May. Extract. " In my message to tho Senate of the 15th of this month, 1 adveited to the duty which, iu my judgment, the signature of the treaty for the annexation of Texas had imposed up n ine, to r-pel any invasion of that coun try by a foreign power, while the treaty was under con sideration in the Senate; audi transmitted reports from the Secretaries of War and of the Navy, with a copy of he orders which had been issued Irom those departments for the purpose of enabling me to execute that duty. In those orders, General Taylor was directed to communi cate directly with the President of Texas upon the subject, and taptaiu Conner was instructed lo communicate with the charge d'affaires of the United Mates accredited to that government. Io copy of any communication which either of those officers may have mado pursuant to those orders has been received at thu departments from which they emanated. Here is the avowal of the fact, and the reasons for it that honor required us to fight for Texas, if we intrigued her into a war. I admit that would be a good reason between individual!, nnd in a case where big bully should involve a little fellow in the fiht again after he had got himself parted; but not so be tween nations, and under our constitution. The en gagement to fight Mexico for Texas, while we were at peace with Mexico, was to make war with Mexico ! a piece of business which belonged to the Congress, nd should have been referred to them! and which, on the contrary, was concealed from them, though in session, and present! and the fact only found out after the troops had marched, and then by dint of calls from the Senate. The proof i3 complete that the loin of the land and naval turcC3 was to fi''ht Mexico while we were at peace with her! and this becomes a great turning point in the history of this war. Without this pledge given by our Secretary of Stale without his reversal of Mr. Tyler's first decision there could have been no war ! lex a" and Mexico would have made peace. and then annexation would have fcllewed of itself. Tho victor of San Jacinto, who had gone forth and recovered by the sword, and erected into a new repub lic the beautiful domain given away by our Secretary in 1S19, was at the head of tlie Texan government. and was conducting his country to peace and acknowl edged independence. If let alone, he would have ac complished his object ; for he had already surmounted the great difficulty of the first step the armistice and the commencement of peace negotiations; and under the powerful mediation of Great JJntain and Jr ranee, the establishment of peace was certain. A heavenly benediction rests upon the labors ot the peace maker; and what is blessed ot uoa must succeed, iit an events, it does not lie in the mouth of any man and least of all, in the mouth of the mischief-maker to say that the peaceful mediation would not hare suc ceeded. It was the part of all men to have aided. and wished, and hoped for success; and had it not been for our Secretary's letter of April 13th, authentic facts warrint the assertion that Texas and Mexico would have made peace in the spring of 1844. Then Texas would have come into this Union as naturally, and as easily, and with as little offence to anybody, as Eve went into Adam's bosom in the rarden of Eden. There would have been no more need for in- tr-guing politicians to get her in, by plots and tricks, than there was for some old hag of a match-making bel-dam, with her arts and allurements, her philters and her potions, to get Eve into Adam's bosom. And thus, the breaking up of the peace negotiations be comes the great turning, point in tho problem of the Mexican war. The tre.ty of annexation waj signed, and in sign ing it the Secretary knew that he had made, war with Mexico. No less than three formal notices were on file in the Department of State, in which the Mexican government solemnly declared that it would consider annexation as equivalent to a declaration of war; and it was in allusion to these notices that the Secre tary of State, in his notification to Mexico of the siguature of the treaty, said it had been signed in FULL VIEW OF ALL POSSIBLE CONSEQUENCES ! mean ing war as the consequence ! At the same time lie suited the action to the word ; he sent off detachments of the army, and placed thetu under the command of was communicating to the Tex I . -! I. a .1 lai. and IT- . - . . - , ... - wa.3 UUI mall KJt um i uivjvi ill an .u.ai. buu it-. J . ... . u his intercourse with the government of the republic of. , rr. . t u .i. not oroDose the Union t "it is the bosmexs -l'...'. w. . u vu.im IW'IB 1. 1 v - I . . A I . I. L. I , . t i 1 n1 I.O -1 M II II 1 ir I uw u. ICIUCII. IJ ' I fcv Of Mexico;; Texas, a regret is rlt in nce.lvin that hiatal Tor the no "gSer lnan oen. 10m. i.iuma, ..c wuuiu nSuv. , . - to our peifect ss nd naVV fcf ! ari.mntiliiiiont til nt.iprl. allLd hon.fl-i! mnA inlf-rPKtim- Senators Will recollect lt. I UT. IVIaXGUM nOÜeQ a- . j Uadiiiir fliend at the 800th. President Houston, and made him the judge of the emergencies and exigencies in which they were to tight. This authority to the President of Texas was continued in full force until after the rejection of the treaty, and then only modified by placing the Ameri can diplomatic agent in Texas between President Houston and the naval and military commanders, and making him the medium of communication between a foreign President and our forces ; but the forces them selves were not withdrawn. They remained on the Texan and Mexican frontier, waiting for the exigen cies and emergencies in which they were to fight. During all that time a foreign President was comman-der-in-chief of a large detachment of the army and navy of the United States. Ho was President Gene ral of our land and sea forces, made 60 by the senator from South Carolina, with authority to fight them against Mexico with whom we were at peace an office and authority rather above that of a lieutenant general ! and we are indebted to the forbearance and prudence of President Houston for not incurring the war in 1811, which fell upon us in 1810. The treaty was rejected by the Senate ; but so ap prehensive was the senator of immediate war, that, besides keeping the detachments of the army and navy at their posts, a messenger was despatched with a deprecatory letter to Mexico, and, as report said. Use offer of a large sum of money to purchase peace from her, by inducing her to treat for a boundary which would leave Texas within our limits. This was re port ; and I would not mention it, if the senator was not present to contradict it if not correct. Report at the time said from five to ten millions of dollars: from one of Mr. Shannon's letters, we may set it down at ten millions. Bo it either sum, it will show that tb senator was then secretly willing to pay an immense sum to pacify Mexico, although he now declares that. l. J. . rt I. I.n... 1, A ,-11 vnta in -. I t inn (a Ino he docs not know how he will vote in relation IO me three millions responsibly asked by Mr. Polk. j The secretary knew that he had made war with Mexico that xu accepting the gage three times laid 1 , , : , . . , r ., - , r down, he had Joined an issue with that compound of Celtic blood, called Spanish, would redeem. I knew it, and said it On this floor, in secret session fori did not then choose to eay it in public that if there l mnnt 1 I O.III I J . . .. .. . r ' 1 now come to the last act in this irareav oi erroia the alternative resolutions adopted by Congress in ti e last days of the session of 1814- 4o, and in tlie last moments of Mr. Tyler's administration. A re solve, single and absolute, had been made by the House of Representatives ; it came to this body ; and an alternative resolution was added, subject to the choice of the President, authorizing negotiations for the admission, and appropriating 1U0,IX.0 to de fray the expenses of these negotiations. A senator from North Carolina, not now a member of this body, but who I have the pleasure to see sitting near me, Mr. II at wood, knows all about that alternative reso lution, and his country owes him good thanks for his labors about it. It was considered by everybody, that the choice between these resolutions belonged to the new President, who had been elected with a special view to the admission of Texas, and who was already in the city, awaiting the morning of the 4th of March to cuter upon the execution of his duties, and upon whose administration ail the evils of a mistake in the choice of these resolutions were to full. We all ex pected the question to be left open to the new Presi dent: and so strong was that expectation, and so strong the feeling against the decency or propriety ot interference on the part of the expiring administra tion, to snatch this choice out of the hands of Mr. Polk, that, on a mere suggestion of the possibility of such a proceeding, in a debate on this floor, a senator standing in the relation personally, and politically, and locally, to feel for the honor of the then Secretary of State, declared Ihey would not have the audacity to do it. Audacity was the word: and that was the declaration of a gentleman of honor and patriotism, no longer a member of. this body, but who has the re spect and best wishes of all who ever knew him. I speak of Mr. McDuffie, and quote his words as heard at the time and as ince printed and oublUhcd by others. Mr. McDuffie was mistaken ! They did have the au dacity ! They did do it ! or rather, HE did it, (look ing at Mr. Calhoun;) for it is incontestable that Mr. Tyler was nothing, in anything that related to the Texas question, from the time of the arrival of his Secretary of State. His last act, in relation to Texas, was the answer which Mr. Nelson gave for him through the agent, Murphy, denying his right to lend our forces to the President of Texas to fight the Mexi fir j cans while we were at peace with them : the reversal ot that answer by li:s new secretary was the extinc tion of hi? power over the Texas question. He, the then Secretary of State, the present senator from South Carolina, to whom I address myself, did it. On Sunday, tlie second day of March,. tlt day which preceded the last day of his authority and on tint day, sacred to peace the council sat, that acted on the resolutions ; and in the darkness ot a night howling with the storm, and battling with the ele ments, as if Heaven warred upon the audacious act, (for well do I remember it,) the fatal messenger was sent off, which carried the selected resolution to Tex as. Tlie act was then done: Texas was admitted: all the c mseqtiences of admission were incurred and especially that consequence which Mr. de Docanegra had denounced, and which our Secretary had accepted WAR. The state of war was established the status belli was created and that by tlie operation of our own constitution, as well as by the filed declara tion of Mexico: for Texas then being admitted into the Union, the war with her extended to the whole Union ; and the duty of protecting her devolved upon the President of the United States. The selection of the absolute resolution exhausted our action: the al ternative resolution for negotiatiation was defunct: the only mode of admission was the absolute one, and it made war. The war was made to Mr. Polk's hand : his administration came into existence with war upou its hands, and under the constitutional duty to protect Texas at the expense of a war with Mexico : and to that point, all events rapidly tended. The Mexican minister, General Almonte, who had returned to Washington city after the rejection of the treaty of annexation, demanded his passports, and left the Uni ted States. The land forces which had been advanced to the Sabine, were advanced to Corpus Christi : the Mexican troops moved towards the Tiio Grande : the fleet which remained at Vera Cruz, continued there: commerce died out : the citizens of each country left the other, as far as they could : angry denuncia tions filled the press of each country : and when a minister was sent from the United States, his recep tion was refused. The state of war existed legally : all the circumstances of war, except the single cir cumstance of bloodshed, existed at the accession of Mr. Polk ; and the two countries, Mexico and the United States, stood in a relation to each other im possible to be continued. The march upon the Rio Grande brought on the conflict made the collision of arms but not the war. The war was prepared, or ganized, established by the Secretary of Slate, before ho left the department. It was his legacy to the de mocracy, and to the Polk administration his last gift to them, in tlie moment cf taking a long farewell. And now he sets up for a man of peace, and throws all the blame of the war upon Mr. Tolk, to whom he bequeathed it. Cicero says that Antony, flying from Rome to the camp of Csesar in Cisalpine Gaul, was the cause of the civil war which followed as much so as Helen was of the Trojan war. Ut Helena Tmjanis, sic iste huicreipublicce causa ItVi causa vestis atque exitii fuit. He says that that flight put an end to all chance of accommodation ; closed the door to all conciliation ; broke up the plans of all peaceable men ; and by in ducing Cesar to break up his camp in Gaul, and march across the Rubicon, lit up the flames of civil war in Italy. In like manner, I say that the flight of the winged messenger from this capital on the Sunday night before the 3d of March, despatched by the then Secretary of State, in the expiring moment of his power, and bearing the fatal choice to the capital of Texas, was tlie direct cause of the war with Mexico in which we arc now engaged. Like the flight of Antony, it broke up the plans of all peaceable men, slammed the door upon negotiation, put an end to all chance for accommodation, broke up tlie camp on the Sabine, sent the troops towards Mexico, and lit up the war. Like Antony, and tho others, he made the war: unlike Antony, he docs not stand up to it ; but, copy ing rather the conduct of the paramour of Helen, he flies from the combat he has provoked ! and, worse than Paris, he endeavors to draw along with him, in his own unhappy flight, the whole American host. Paris fled alone at the sight of Mcnelaus : the senator from South Carolina urges us all to fly at the sight of Santa Anna. And, it may be, that worse than Paris, again, he may refuse to return to the field. Paris went back under the keen reproach of Hector, and tried to fight. -For thee the soldier bleeds the matron mourns, And wasteful war in alt Utfury burnt." Stung with this just and keen rebuke this vivid picture of the ruin he had made Paris returned to the field, and tried to fight : and, now, it remains to be seen whether the senator from South Carolina can do the same : and, if not, whether he cannot, at least cease to obstruct the arms of others cease to labor to involve the whole army in his own unmanly retreat. Upon the evidence now given, drawn from his pub lic otiieial act alone, he stands the undisputed author and architect of that calamity. History will so write him down. Inexorable History, with her pen of iron and tablets of brass, will so write him down : and two thousand years hence, and three thousand years hence, the boy at his lesson shall learn it in the book, that as Helen was the cause of the Trojan, and An tony the cause of the Roman civil war, and Lord North made the war of the revolution, just so certainly is John C. Calhoun the author of the preseut war between the United States and Mexico. He now sets up for the character of pacifiator with what justice, let the further fact proclaim which t now expose. Three hundred newspapers, in the summer of 1314, in the pay of the Department of State, spoke the sentiments of tho Department of ötate and pursued as traitors to tbe United States all who were for the peaceable annexation of Texas by set tling the boundary line of Texas with Mexico simul taneously with the annexation. Here is the instruc tion under which the three hundred acted: MAs the conductor of tha official journal here, he hit re quested me to answer it (your letter, which request I com ply with readily. J&Ztjl WJ .' "J" lbJ 1 tbatyoa woulJcon- 1 ... . . n . i . fi ronrself to attacks upon Bentco. howins that be bas i,ed himself with the whis on the Texas question. Quote Jackson's letter on Texas, whete he denounces all those as uaitors to the the country who oppose the treaty. Apply it to Benton. Pioclsim thst Beotun, by attacking Mr. Tyler frienos. and driving them from the rrty. i. aiding the ,1., 0f Mr. Clay sod chaise him with doio this to defest Mr. Polk, and insuie bimse t the succession in 1843 and claim that full justice be dune to tbe acts ana motives ot of the democrats tlsfction. I quots Such is tbe course ..:.. f l .1 r V j-Vi iaii n rnrn nr rinf WUKU 1 mUIUIIKIIU IIIU . I iw.. - , - . . .. . . . . :: coicuoz to your real aiiacnmem io me lamiBiHuiwu "Lock out for my leader cf to-morrow as an indication, and icnid this letter ss of the most stiict and inviolate con hdence vt character. I make no comment on this letter, nor read the other parts of it : a time will come for that. It is an original, and will keep, and will prove itself. I merely read a paragraph now to show with what justice the person who was in the Department of S.ate when these 3( 0 newspapers in its pay were thus attacking the men of peace, now sets up for tlie character of pacificator. Mr. Calhoun. Does he intend to say that I ever wrote such a letter ! Mr. Benton. I read it. I say nothing. Mr. Calhoun.' I never wrote such a letter as that! Mr. Benton. I have not said eo. Mr. Calhoun. I take this occasion to say that I necr exercised the slightebt influence over that pr- per. I never had the slightest connexion with it. I never was a subscriber to it, and 1 very rarely read it. Mr. Eenton. It was the work of one of the organs of the administration, not John Jones; and the in struction wa3 followed by three hundred newspapers in the pay of the Department of State. . I have now finisheJ what I projn.se to say, at this time, in relation to the authorship oi this war. l confine myself to the oflicial words and acts of the senator, aud rely upon them to show that lh and not Mr. rolk, is the author of this calamity. JJut, while thus presenting him as the anther of the war, I do not believe that war was Ins ohject, out only an inci dent to his object; and lhat all his conduct in rel ation to the admission of lexas refers itseit to the periods of our presidential elections, and to boikc connexion with those elections, and explains ins .... mi activity and luactivity on those occasions, ihus, in May, 1SG, when he was in such hot and violent haste for immediate admission, the election of that year was impending, and Mr. Van Euren the demo cratic cand.date; and if the Texas question could then have been brought up, he might have been shoved aside just as easily as he was afterwards in 1341. This explains his activity in 1SJG. In 1340, the Senator from South Carolina was a sort of a supporter of Mr, Van Euren, and might have thought that one good turn deserves cnuther; and so nothing w as said about Teas at lhat election dangerous as was the least delay four years before: and this may explain the Inactivity of 1340. The election of 1944 was coming on, and the senator from South Carolina was on the turf himself ; nnd then the Texas question, with all its dangers and alarm?, which had so accom modatingly postponed themselves for seven good year", suddenly woke up; and with an activity and vigor proportioned to its long repose. Instant admission, at all hazards, and at the expense of renew ing hrti'ities between Mexico and Texas, and involving the United States in them, became indirc-nt-ablc necessary to our own salvation a clear case of self-defence : and then commenced all those machinations which ended in the overthrow of Mr. Van Euren and Mr. Clay for the presidency, and in producing tlie present war with Mexico; but without making the senator Presi dent. And this miy explain his activity in 1S44. Now, another presidential election is approaching; and, if there is any truth in the rule which inter prets certain gentlemen's declarations by their con traries, he will be a candidate again ; and this may explain the reason of the production ofthat string of resolutions which tbe senator laid upon the table Jast week ; and upon which he has required us to vote instantly, as he did in the sudden Texas movement of 1S3G, and with the same magisterial look and atti tude. The Texas slave question has gone by the Florida slave question has gone by there is no chance for it now in any of its old haunts: hence the necessity for a new theatre of agitation, even if we have to go as far as California for it, and before we have got California. And thus, all the senator's con duct in relation to Texas, though involving his coun try in a war, may have had no other object than to govern a presidential election. Our northern friends have exceeded my hopes and expectations in getting themselves and the Union safe" through tlie Texas and slave questions, and are enti tled to a little repose. So far from that, they are now to be plunged into a California 6lave question, lung before it could arise of itself, if ever. The string of resolutions laid on the table by tlie senator from South Carolina is to raise a new 6lave question on the bor ders of the Pacific, which, upon his own principles, cannot soon occur, if ever. He will not take the country by conquest only by treaty and that treaty to be got by sitting out the Mexicans on a line of oc cupation. At the same time he shows that he knows that Spanish blood is good at that game, and shows that they sat it out, and fought it out, for SCO years, against the Moors occupy ing half their country. By-the-by, it was onlyTl'O; but that is enough ; 100 years is no object in such a matter. The Spaniards held out 700 years against the Moors, holding half their country, and 300 against half of the other half; and, what is more material, whipped thcraboth out at the end of the time. This is a poor chance for Cali fornia on the senator's principles. His five regiments would be whipped out in a fraction of the time ; but no matter; men contend more violently for nothing than for something ; and if he can get up the Califor nia slave question now, it w ill answer all the purpo ses of a reality, even if the question should never arise in point of fact. Tlie senator from South Carolina has been wrong in all this business, from beginning to ending wrong in 1319, in giving away Texas wrong in 1836, in his sudden and hot haste to get her back wrong in all his machinations for bringing on the Texts ques tion of 1814 wrong iu breaking up the armetice and peace negotiations between Mexico and Texas wrcng in secretly sending the army and navy to fight Mexi co while we were at peace w ith her wrong in se cretly appointing tlie President of Texas president general of the army and navy of the United States, with leave to fight them against a power with whom we were at peace wrong in writing to Mexico that he took Texas in view of all possible consequences, meaning war wrong in secretly offering Mexico at the same time, ten millions of dollars to hush up the war which he had created wrong now in refusing Mr. Tolk three millions to aid in getting out of the war which he made wrong in throwing the blame of thi-s w ar of his own making upon the shoulders of Mr. Tolk wrong in his retreat and occupation line of policy wrong in expelling old Father Ritchie from the Senate, who worked so hard for him during the Texas annexation; and more wrong now than ever, in that string of resolutions which he has laid upon the table, and in which, as Sylla saw in the young Cesar many Maurise?, so do I see in them many nullifications. Ina picture of so many, and such dreadful errors, it is hard to specify the wont,- or to dwell upon any one to the exclusion of the rest; but there is one fea ture in this picture of enormities which seems to de mand that distinction : I allude to the pledge upon which the armstice and tho peace negotiations be tween Mexico and Texas was broken up in 1814, and those two countries put back into a state of war, and ourselves involved in the contest. The story is briefly told, and admits of no dispute. The letter of the lTtli of January is the accusing record, from which there is no escape. Its awful words cannot be read rjw without freezing up the blood. "It is known tövyou that an armistice exists between Mexico and. Te-, and that negotiations for peace are now goinW-o.-der the mediation oftwo powerful sovereigns, mntual.y friendly. If we yield to your solidtetio tp be an nexed to the United States, under these circuasatancee, we shall draw upon ourselves a fresh invasion from Mexico, incur the imputation cf bad faith, and lose the friendship and respect of the two great mediating powers.. Now, will you, in the event of our acceding to your request, 6tep between us and Mexico, and take the war off our hands 1" This was the letter,, and tbe terrible question with which it concluded,. Mr. Upeher, to whom it was addressed, gave no an- swer. In the forty days that his life was spared, he gave it no answer. Mr. Nelson, his temporary suc cessor, pave it an answeT; aud, speaking for the President of the United .States, positively, refused to take annexation oa tiyj condition proposed. Tbis aa