The Indianapolis journal. [volume], August 15, 1888, Page 4, Image 4

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THE INDIANAPOLIS JOURNAL, WEDNESDAY, AUGUST 15. 1888.
THE DAILY JOURNAL.
WEDNESDAY, AUGUST 15, 1SS3.
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P.S. Ii lath, Correspondent.
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THINGS TO THINK OP.
"The main question at issue in America
in English free trade ajpunst the conti
nental SYSTEM OF PROTECTION. The
American election is infinitely more impor
tant to Englishmen than their own internal
' politics just at this juncture. The re
salt of the American election will helptode
eide many important isauesin Great Britain."
London Sunday Times, July 15, 18S3.
"Protection to home industries I regard as
the most important plank in any platform
after 'the Union must and ahall be pre-
served.' "-Gen. U. 55. Grant, in 1883.
"It is my deliberate judgment that the
prosperity of America is mainly due to her
system of protective laws.' Prince Bismarck.
"We should be slow to abandon that sys
tem of protective duties which locks to the
promotion and development of American in
dustry and to tho preservation of the highest
possible scale of wages for the American work
mm." Benjamin Harrison.
"No man's wages should be so low that he
eansot make provisions in bis daya of vigor
for the incapacity of accident or the feebleness
of old age." Benjamin Harrison.
'The wages of the American laborer cannot
be reduced except with the consent and the
votes of the American laborer himself. The
appeal lies to him." James G. Blaine.
"We believe in the preservation of the
American market for our American producers
and workmen. Benjamin Harrison.
'This is not the time to weigh in an apothe
cary's scale the services or the rewards of tho
men who saved the Nation. Benjamin Har
rison. "Against whom is it that the Republican
party has been unable to protect your race?"
Benjamin Harrison to the colored voters.
"Yes. I was a rebel and a Democrat, but I
thaak God I have never been a .Republican.
Rev. John A. Brooks, Third-party Prohibi
tion Candidate lor V ice-president.
"We don't want any Republicans in our
country. benator Uolquitt ana .Representa
tive Stewart, of Georgia.
Illinois and Indiana shook hands again,
yesterday.
General Harrison made two admirable
speeches yesterday.
The Democracy is waiting for a key-note.
but still, the letter of acceptance does not
come. Where is the hitch!
There is reason to believe that Hamilton
county is solid for Harrison.
Yestesday was a great day for visiting
statesmen. The latch-string is always out,
gentleiuen.
Friday is an unlucky day for Mr. Bynum.
His libel on Indianapolis was printed on Fri
day, June 27.
It was an army with banners that came to
town yesterday, but it was "terrible to no
one but the unhappy and lonesome Democ
racy.
THERE are Cleveland Democrats in Indian
apolis. Certainly, there must be some; but
they are keeping in sad and quiet retirement
this Harrison year.
THE Hlinoisan who first suggested the use
of red, white and blue umbrellas in Republic
an parades deserves a vote of thanks. The
decorative effect is very fin.
Thtc appearance on Indianapolis streets cf
inch armies of Republican pilgrims naturally
leads to the wonder if any Democrats exist.
and, if so, "where they are at."
To give "three cheers for the red, white and
blue" was the impulse of every patriot who
saw those long lines of tri-colored 6unshades
yesterday. They made a gay show.
PERHAPS it would have been better for the
Democracy if that celebrated colored conven
tion bad never been held. Up to date the
returns hardly seem to justify the ouIay.
THE Republicans of the House had Mr.
Matson in a hole on the matter of that de
pendent pension bill. The soldier vote for
General Hovey will put him in a deeper one
in November.
J. Milton Turner has learned by this
time that it is one thing for Democrats to
promise and another for them to fulfill-
especially when a wide-awake Republican is
around to checkmate the final moves.
Hamilton county made a grand display,
yesterday. It was an immense delegation.
We incline to the opinion that the Hamilton
county Republicans are wide awake. They
had the appearance of men who had enlisted
for the war.
Me. BYNUii adopts the stock free-trade fal
lacy of regarding wool as raw material. It is
the manufacturer's raw material, but the
wool-grower's finished product. At a fair in
Georgia, wool which was worn by a sheep at
sunrise as bis natural coat, was worn by tbo
Governor of the State at a ball on the same
evening, baling undergone in so brief a time
all tbo intermediate processes of washing,
scouring, dyeing, drying, spinning, weaving,
measuring, cutting, lining, basting, sewing,
fitting anl ircning. Bat the process of breed
ing the sleep to produce that particular kind
of wool njght have taken years, and its food,
care and rearing represented considerable
labor. Yet. Mr. Bynum says wool "grows,"
therefore if; should not be protected.
MR. BYNTJM'3 LETTER
We find in the Sentinel a letter from Con
gressman Bynum "to the editor of the Indi
anapolis Journal.'' The Journal is not in the
habit of receiving letters through that chan
nel, and we tLink this one might safely have
been intrusted to our demoralized mail-serv
ice; but Mr. Bynum is the best judge of that.
As the main object of the letter is to deny
the accurary of the Atlanta Constitution's re
port of his speech, it might better have been
addressed to that paper; but, perhaps, Mr.
Bvnum has reasons of his own for not wish
ing to draw out corroborative proof of the
accuracy of the Constitution's report In or
der that readers of the Journal may see what
Mr. Bynum really did say at Atlanta, and
compare it with what he says he said, or what
he now thinks he ought to have said, we print
the Constitution's, report a favor, by the
way, which the free-trade organ of this city
has not extended, and we presume will not
Mr. Bynum has complained, in a previous
lettter, that the Constitution com
pressed his speech of an hour and a-half
"within les3 than a column's space." If
the speech was as thin as his ex
planation and defense, we should say that
several hours of such talk might be con
densed into much less than a column and
still appear nebulous. As for the accuracy
of the report, readers can judge for
themselves. The Constitution is a reputable
and well-conducted newspaper, and not given
to distorting or discoloring speeches. IU re
port of -Mr. Bynum's speech is consistent
from beginning to end. Though it does not
purport to be a full or short-hand report, it
doubtless gives the line of argument, the
main points and the striking illustrations.
What Mr. Bynum is reported as saying con
cerning the factories and workingmen of In
dianapolis fits in its place, and with the rest
of the speech perfectly, while what he says he
said would not fit at alL He was arguing, as
his whole speech shows, to prove that protec
tion was an injury to the country rather than
a benefit; that it fostered manufactures until
our own markets were glutted, and we were
compelled to seek foreign markets which
were still closed against us on account of pro
tection. He was also arguing that improved
machinery had so increased the facilities for
production that it was comparatively easy to
overstock the market forgetting, of course,
that our home market and the ability of the
people to buy increased as fast as the facilities
for production. In this line of argument.
Mr. Bvn urn's statement concerning the
factories and the workingmen of Indianapo
lis fits like a pea in a pod. It is the climax
of his argument showing that "in my own
city, under the baneful influence of protec
tion, the factories were able to glut the mar
ket in eight months of the year, and had to
lie idle four, their hands being "turned out
of work for four months to starve.
Mr. Bvnum would have us believe
that instead of this he "described In-
dianapolis In glowing terms ana "gave
her a good send-off. " In what part
of the speech did that come in? Where
would it fit! If he said anything of that kind
how did it happen that the Constitution's re
port contains no reference to it? Every sen
tence preceding Mr. Bynum's attack on Indi
anapolis leads logically up to it, and every
sentence following is in natural sequence.
The very last sentence of the speech saj-s,
"Let us manufacture during the whole year,
from one end of the year to the other, and
not for eight months in the year, as we now
do, and let us so regulate the tariff that we
can exchange our surplus of manufactured
articles with ether countries for articles that
we actually stand in need of." Still harping
on a glutted market and on the false assump
tion that our factories are closed four months
in the year.
We have no doubt the Constitution's report
of the speech is substantially correct Mr.
Bynum himself found no fault with it till the
Journal commenced pounding him. He says
that when he read the report the next morn
ing he discovered many inaccuracies. So did
we, especially in what he said about Indian
apolis. But really this part of Mr. Bynum's
letter should have been addressed to the Con
stitution. It is not for us to defend the ac
curacy of its reports.
The rest of Mr. Bynum's letter ta a very
scattering argument in favor of free trade.
He seems to bo fairly well po3ted in Cobden
Club literature, but the trouble with his ar
guments is that they do not fit with facts,
with experience nor common sense. Some of
his statements are ridiculous, others con
temptible. His letter is a queer hodge-podge
of opinionated ignorance and rank demagog-
ism. He drags in Jay Gould as a .finished
product of protection, and holds up Governor
Alger, of Michigan, as an awful example of
what the American citizen ought not to be.
Wo had not supposed Mr. Bynum was so
much of a demagogue, and we still hope he
may find enough "inaccuracies" in tho latter
as printed to enable him to disown a large
part of it One of his absurd statements is
as follows:
"You, the protectionists, propose to protect
things that 'grow.' not the products of labor.
but of nature. We, the tariff reformers, in
sist that the people of every country, includ
ing our own, would be benefited by being
able to obtain everything that 'grows free,
and that the tariff should be put upon those
articles which are the produces of labor.
This assumes that American wool is not a
product of labor, but "grows," and therefore
should not be protected. The same argument
applies to every product of the farm. Wool
is so essentially a product of labor that it
takes more time and as much labor to pro
duce a fleece of wool than it does to manu
facture it into a suit of clothes after it is shorn
from the sheep. But if "we tariff reformers".
insist that everything that "grows" should ba
free of duty, why does England tax Ameri
can tobacco heavily and why does the Mills
bill retain a high protective duty on rice!
That "grows," as much as wooh Mr. Bynum
voted to repeal the duty on wool and to re
tain the duty on rice. They both grow, but
one grows in the North and the other in the
South. Perhaps Mr. Bynum voted to retain
the duty on rice because, as he said at Atlan
ta, "I have so long followed Mr. Mills that
whatever he commands I do." We protec
tionists, Mr. Bynum, regard the products of the
farm, field and hrrd as the products of labor,
and would protect them to any needed extent
against foreign competition. The assump
tion that nothing that "grows" is a product
of labor is the quintessence of free-trade stu
pidity.
Mr. Bynum says, in conclusion:
"I have written more than I intended in
the beginning, but may address you upon
this important subject again. I am somewhat
like the 'good-natured prize-fighter,' who was
never worth anything in a 'mill' until he was
nied.' I am not worth much in a campaign
till I am Tiled.' "
We judge from this that Mr. Bynum was
not "riled" when he made his Atlanta speech
or wrote his open letter. We advise him to
become so as soon as possible.
GERMANY AND PROTECTION
The Sentinel attempts to make an argu
ment against protection in the United States
out of the fact that since the enactment of a
protective tariff in Germany emigration from
that country has largely increased. So it has,
but not on account of protection. It is main
ly due to the stringent military bill which
was passed the year after the tariff bill, one
in 1879 the other in 1S80. The military bill
provided for a large increase in the standing
army, extended the term of service and in
troduced other severe measures. The result
was a sudden and remarkable increase in emi
gration. And where do they go to? To
America, where protection prevails.
An examination of the emigration statistics
shows that the largest part of this increased
emigration was from the thinnest populated
parts of Germany not from the cities and
manufacturing centers, but from the rural
districts. The reason for this is to be found
principally in the fact that it is almost an
impossibility for the poorer inhabitants to ee-
cure tneir own homes, in the uerman
provinces that furnish most of the emigrants
the real estate is entirely in the hands of
large landed proprietors, and there are no
manufactories whatever. The few small
farmers are unable to compete with the great
lords of the country, because they have no
home market for their produce. Therefore,
for tho double purpose of escaping the military
bill and poor conditions, they emigrate bv
thousands to a country where they can ac
quire a home and find a home market
We have said the German protective-tariff
bill was passed in 1879. The Emperor William,
in his speech from the throne opening the
Reichstag that year, said bills would be intra-
6
duced for removing the evils afflicting com-
merce. "I consider it my duty," added the f
Emperor, "to strive at least to preserve the
German market for articles of national pro
duction as far as that course is consistent
with our interests, and also to cause the cus
toms legislation to be once more assimilated
to those well-tried principles which, in our
commercial policy since 18GS, have in some
essential points been abandoned." From 1S23
to 18C5 Germany had modified protection. In
1865 she adopted free trade. In the debate
following the Emperor's speech . Prince Bis
marck stated that he believed a change in
their commercial policy and a, return to pro
tection was necessary for the salvation of
Germany. The Emperor's recommendation,
supported by Bismarck, prevailed. A pro
tective-tariff bill was passed, and already the
result has been a ma: ied increase in manu
facturing activity and a decided increase in
the wages of workmen.
Yesterday was a busy day for General
Harrison. Three visiting delegations one
from Hamilton county and two from Illinois,
making an aggregate of fully five thousand
persons called to pay their respects and to
pledge him, as other thousands have done be
fore, their enthusiastic support There is
something remarkable in these constantly
arriving delegations. It speaks volumes for
the vitality of the Republican party and for
the disinterested devotion of the people to. the
cause it represents. Of course, these visitors
enjoy a trip to Indianapolis and a glimpse and
hand-shake of the next President, but there
is a deeper feeling than mere enjoyment or
curiosity. It is, we take it, a determination
to make thi3 presidential contest memorable
as a revival of genuine Republicanism and for
the triumph of protection over free trade. In
this State, also, it is an expression of a de
termination to rebuke the party that has
prostituted the State institutions for party
purposes, introduced revolutionary methods
in the Legislature and attempted to overthrow
the will of the people by forging tally-sheets.
These are the lines on which the people are
moving. ; '
Mr. BynuIi admits that he related the story
about an Indianapolis woman's supporting the
family at the wash-tub not because her hus
band could not get work, but he pays:
"You ought to have known that the lime I
referred to was during the terrible depression
that was brought on by over-productionthe
result of a high tariff when a large number
of workingmen were unable to secure employ
ment" That is a virtual admission of the accuracy
of the report of his speech. He admits that
he told this story, but says it related to the
results of protection in Indianapolis. Just
what we have said. But we deny that protec
tion ever produced such results. All the
manufacturers and all the workmen of In
dianapolis deny it, too. If this incident ever
happened at all, it was due to other causes
than protection. And, by the way, if it ever
did happen, there was no particular necessity
of relating it to a Southern audience.
Representative Owen, of this State, did
a neat and timely thing in arresting the pas-
t ace of the so-called Cherokee bill by the
House. The Journal called attention to th
matter at the time of the late colored Demo-
i cratis convention in this city as a scheme to
pay J. Milton Turner for his services in that
behalf. The Cherokee bill is a job which
Turner has been lobbying for and expected to
make about $75,000 out of. The Democrats
had agreed to pass it in consideration of his
services in getting up the new colored move
ment Mr. Owen's exposure of the plan put
a summary end to it and drove the Democracy
to cover. It was a dirty scheme.
In his attempt to justify the repeal of the
duty on wool Mr. Bynum says:
"Give to sweat and muscle all the protec
tion it needs to equalize the difference in
wages, and in the standard of living, but
don't, at the same time, load the laborer down
with a tax on the products which nature
'grows and upon which he must expend his
muscle and energy for his daily bread."
The assumption that because wool "grows"
it does not involve labor 1a absurd. It in
volves labor and capital, and a good deal of
both. The argument that would repeal the
duly on wool would repeal it on any and
every farm product. Are not the sweat and
muscle of the faimeras deserving of protec
tion as those of any other laborer?
Mr. Bynum is very slow in his movements.
The Atlanta Constitution, of July 27, printed
his libel on the business and industry of In
dianapolis. Up to this date he has
not attempted to have the Constitution
correct what he claims was an absolutely false
report of his remarks, turning "a good
send-off' into a foul and slanderous attack.
He has allowed nearly four weeks to elapse,
and has taken no steps to correct the mischief
that report was likely to do the chief city in
his congressional district
The next time J. Milton Turner undertakes
to sell the colored vote to the Democracy there
will be trouble. Profiting by recent experi
ence, the would-be purchasers will refuse to
pay until the goods are delivered, while Mr.
Turner, equally enlightened, will demand his
pay in advance. As a consequence, future
dickers of the sort involved in the late colored
convention are likely to fall through.
Why did not Mr. Bynum address a letter to
the editor of the Atlanta Constitution, com
plaining of the report that appeared in his
paper, instead of writing to the Indianapolis
Journal, via the Sentinel office! The Jour
nal has neither misrepresented Mr. Bynum
nor slandered Indianapolis. His quarrel is
with the Atlanta Constitution.
Before Mr. Matson can appear to advan
tage in his great roll of the "soldiers' friend''
it will be necessary for him to account for Lis
failure to bring up the dependent pension
bill when he had opportunity. And it will
take a very ingenious and able romance to
satisfy the old soldiers.
General Hover, replying to Mattons late
speech in the House, Aug. 3, said:
"I eannot concur in favoring such a bill, but
on the contrary would most gladly extend and
grant a pension to every soldier who bas served
sixty days and who has received an honorable
discharge. Tnat service, discharge and proof of
I his identity would be all the red tape I would
i" Y. ii . jt i it
CoL Matson 1 draws a line where supplication
and beggary begin, and charity comes with open
hand to the rescue. I want no charity for the
man who fought with me; I want justice that
justice which bas been meted out to all the sol
diers of the United States who stood by the
stars aod stripes in other days. God forbid that
any soldier who fought by my a'de, or under oar
glorious banner, should be compelled to beg our
government, which he faced death to save, for a
pittance to keep him from the poor-house.
The men who stood shoulder to shoulder on
the crimsoned field of death for the preserva
tion of our government should never be required
by any act of Congress to bag their bread like
paupers. Such laws, in my opinion, would be
deep stains upon oar statutes, and I cannot un
derstand how any true soldier could consent to
place his comrade in that degrading condition.
My collegue Colonel Matson warmly espouses
the principles of the Mills tariff bill He says:
'I am now. and have been consistently since
that overshadowing issue was made, a consistent
and earnest friend of every measure that has
been proposed for relief from overtaxation. I
yield to no one in devotion to this cause, for I
believe it to be the cause of all the people, and
the soldiers are only a part of the great body
politic.' The substance of this, if I understand
it is that the ex-soldiers' rights must give way
to the omnipotency of the Mills tariff bill, to
the wisdom of the fret-trade reformers."
To the Editor of the Indianapolis Journal
How many were enlisted in the rebel army!
How many deserted from the rebel army?
How many were enlisted in the Union army f
How many deserted from the Union army)
Harrodsburq, Ind. Vi.
On Jan. 30, 1801, Mr. W. N. H. Smith, of
North Carolina, said in the Confederate Con
gress that the confederates had at that time
400,000 men on their muster-roll, "of whom
probably one-half were not there."
The whole number of Union troops on May 1,
18C5, was 970.710 men, of whom about 650,000
were available for active duty. The aggregate
quotas charged against the several States nnder
all the calls made by the President from April
15, 1861, to April 15, 1865, amounted to 2,759.
019 and the aggregate number of men credited
on the several calls and put into the service
during the same period was 2,656,553. In esti
mating the cumber of men called into the serv
ice it was the rule of the War Department to
take into account only the whole cumber of men
mustered without regard to the fact that many
thousands were enlisted under two or more
calls. The figures given as the total of the
calls do not therefore, give an accurate idea of
the strength of the army at any one time. We
are not aware that any estimate has been made of
the number of deserters during the war period.
To toe Editor of tne Indianapolis Journal:
Please publish list of candidates on Republic
an ticket, including Marion connty. that were
soldiers during the rebellion; also give rank of
same at time of going into service. Soldier.
Indianapolis.
State ticket: General Hovey entered army as
Colonel, Ira J. Chase as private, General Shack
elford as Colonel, Judge Coffey as private, Bruce
Carr as private.
Marion county ticket: Leander A. Fulmer
entered army as private, Mahlon H. Floyd as
Captain, Beoj. F. Osborn as private, Gen. Geo.
F. MeGinnis as Lieutenant colon?L
To the Cdltor of the Indianapolis Journal:
Prohibitionists here ars claiming that their
candidate for Vice-president was run by the Re
publicans of Missouri for Go? ernor. Who came
near electing him. Is it so? John Lewis.
JjYUK, Ind.
Mo. He has always been a Democrat and was
in the Southern army.
To the Editor of the Indianapolis Journal:
Please state where and by what nation was
the custom of pensioning private or common
soldiers, introduced? cue
Cambkidgk Citt, Ind.
It would be impossible to say. Pensions have
been in vogue in most European countries for a
long time.
To the EdUor of the Indianapolis Journal.
How many old soldiers has President Geve
land turned out of office and employment?
Rosston, Ind. P. R. D.
There is no means of ascertaining the exact
number, but a great many.
fo the Editor of the lodianacoli Journal:
Are national bank notes, 'iucluding "black-
hacks, taxable? A Subscriber.
Good land, Ind.
Yes.
BYNUM'S ATLANTA SPEECH
The Foil Report of His Chautauqna Ad
dress as Made in the Constitution.
A Complete and Harmonious Whole No Koom
for His Thin After-Dodge that His Ideas
and Yord3 Were Misrepresented.
Atlanta Const Itution Friday. July 77.
Mr. Grady stated that Hon. George Hillyer
would introduce Hon. Mr. Bynum.
Mr. Hillyer said that he took delight in the
special issue, a tariff so laid as to raise only so
much money as is necessary for the running of
the government. So laid as to bear heavy upon
articles of luxury and lightly upon articles of
necessity. No party ever held a democratic
principle which would better bear the light of
reasoning than the one which we had an
nounced. It was an old question. It had been
agitated for forty years. In the district where
Mr. Bynum lives, a district never before, since
the war, represented by a Democrat, and one
which is filled with the laboring classes, the ques
tion came up and was met by Mr. Bynum
squarely on its merits, and he stands to-day .re
elected to Congress, if I am correctly informed.
He has taken his position on the tariff question
and stands on ths merits of the Mills bill I
have the pleasure, ladies and gentlemen, to in
troduce to you the Hen. William D. Bynum, of
Indiana,
MR. EYXCMS SPEECH.
Mr. Bynum, who was received with great ap
plause, said:
"If a public speaker who undertook to address
an audience was ever entitled to an apology, I
certainly would be on this occasion. A little
more than forty-eight hours ago I bad no more
idea of being here than you had that I would be
here. At the request of your delegation I ac
companied Mr. Mills here, not for the purpose
of making a speech, but because I have so long
followed Mr. Mills that whaterer he commands
I do. Applause. As you have been told. I re
side in a distant State. I take some pride, how
ever, in the faet that my ancestors came from
an adjoining State to Georgia. This is my first
visit to this part of the South, and it has been
one of exceeding pleasure, sod one that I wiil
treasure for th balance of my life. It is not
my purpose to discuss the tariff from a political
Stand-point. I prefer to discuss it as a matter
affecting the richts, and interest, and welfare of
all classes of citizens. There U something in
viting about the word protection. It is a word
that is need in many senses and always with
pleasure and gratitude. To say that the party
i represent is not in favor of protecting the
rights of this great continent is a mistake. It
is not a question of whether we will protect,
but of how we will protect."
lie went on to say that the district which be
represented in Indiana was largely a man a fea
turing district That it turns out SO.COO.OOO
worth of manufa.tutcd products per annum,
and contained tn thousand organized wage
workers. A district which prior to 1884 had
never sent a Democrat representative to
Congress and he considered therefore that he
bed a right to spak for the laboring c1aes
which had stood by him. The present system
claims to protect American labor and furnish a
home market for agricultural products. To
these questions he desired to uk the attention
of his audience. The opposition claimed that
the labor of wa?e-workers in this country is de
pendent upon home protection. That question
he denied. The tariff does not control or regu
late wsges. It never has and never will. The
German government bas a protective tariff,
France has a protectee tariff, England
is free trade, and pays higher wages
than either of them. The unprotected indus
tries pay much better than the protected ones.
The highest labor to-day is the labor on rail
roads, and persons engaeedin the manufacture
of agricultural implements, not in woolen and
cotton manufactories. Thesa receive the lowest
waees. One reason for that is that the im
proved machinery for those sort of factories
make it possible to employ children and women,
while the other work requires men. KThe labor
ing people are the sufferers from a protective
tariff. Protection was aked and claimed only
for infant industries. Henry Clay claimed that
we only needed protection for three years. We
have been nursing these infants for half a cen
tury and they are now more helpless than ever.
Applause. I We have improved machinery of
all sorts la America, until to-day one man
ean do as much work, taking an averaeo of all
the vocations, as sstoo men could formerly da
We have the greatest inventive genius of any
people on the globe. As a consequence our out
put is greater than the demand.
In my own city we have every kind of manu
factory, and every one of them have increased
their output until we have a surplus and have to
seek foreign markets. In eight months we can
manufacture more than we can consume for a
year. As a consequence, the factory hands are
turned out of work for four months to starve.
At the end of a year a laborer is doing well if he
is even. Wnen he is out of work he is out of
money. His grocer will not credit him. I know
of a man in my own city who went out day aft
er day and could find nothing to do. At last bis
wife, noble woman that she was, said: "I know
you cannot get work. There is no demand for
your work. Come take care of the children,
and I will go to the wash-tub and make a liv
ing." Applause. Our tariff is not a protective
tariff, but is a destructive one, and especially t
the farming interests of this country.
The true theory, according to my idea, is to
move the burden from the shoulders of the la
boring class. Applause. If you will find the
amount of labor done by each man, you will find
that the American manufacturer gets cheaper
labor than any other country in the world, Eng
land, France or Germany. A man in Boston In
vented a machine for stamping shoes. He
would not sell the patent, but put it oat on a
royalty. He put the machine in all the coun
tries o'f Europe, as well as America. When his
returns eame in he found that Europe only re
turned 41 per cent, of the amount returned in
America. He thought he was being swindled,
but upon investigation he found that the returns
were correct The explanation is that with our
improred machinery we turn out much more
goods than the countries of Europe.
We must form a system of exchange. We
would not have any trade to-day if we did not
seek it from free-trade England. We export
raw cotton to England, and it is manufactured
and brought back and sold to us. In the last
ten years, with the raw material right in our
midst and plenty of labor, you have shipped to
England your raw cotton and allowed her to
make up the raw material into goods and return
it to us. and have paid $162,000,000 for the priv
ilege. Let a man take a cargo of American
goods to another country and see if he ean dis
pose of them. He cannot get money for his
goods and be cannot find a product to take in
exchange upon whieh there is not the highest
rate of .tariff. ' In consequence, we cannot trade
with other countries. The New Englanders want
us to give them one-half million dollars as a sub
sidy to build cp a line of ships to trade with
oher contries. We say just remove the tariff
and we will establish a trade with those coun
tries which will secure a first-class line of ships.
Take the Argentine Republic This country
has what we need most wool. The wool is
sent to England, where it is made up and a ".om
mission put upon it and then sent to America.
We are trading with the Argentine Republic
through England, when only for the tariff we
could as well trade direct with them. The
manufacturers say that if we will submit to
higher protection they will bring labor enough
here to consume the product of every farmer in
America, We now make 200,000 000 buhels of
wheat per annum, and ttm laboring classes con
sume only 30,000,000 bashels per annum. The
factories now produce all that is needed for the
peonle of this country. What do they propose
to do with the surplus of goods manufactured?
They cannot exebance them with other coun
tries on account of the tariff. In Indiana alone,
we raise I0.0C0.C00 more bushels of wheat than
is consumed. Everybody uses tin. We collect
$16,000,000 tariff on tin. According to the Mills
bill this tax is taken off. The free-trade man
comes along and says, "Why do you take that
tariff off? It ebonld have been left on. You are
ruining our labor." I contend that we are sav
ing our labor just that much. They pro
pose to drive out all the manufacturers
of agricultural implements from the
market by putting such a tariff on wool that
they really cannot exchange their manufactured
articles for wool in the Argentine Republic
They propose to make these manufacturers go in
to the business of raising wool whieh is not profit
able rather than to manufacture different imple
ments for agriculture which they are prepared
to make and exchange them with the countries
which are peculiarly adapted to wool-raising.
Here, with our mountains and valleys, bursting
with the richest ores, and with labor galore, our
hands are tied. We cannot us our raw material
because we cannot cell it after we make it.
Other countries are not prepared to pay us
cash. We ourselves, who hare two-thirds of all
the silver and gold in the world, could not pay
money for ererythieg that we ue. Therefore,
we are compelled to trade with tbe countries.
They may have things that wn need, and that
we do not raise. Let us manufacture during the
whole year, from one end of the year to the
other, and not for eight months in the year, as
we now do, and lei us so regulate the tariff that
we can exchange our surplus of manufactured
articles wjth other countries for articles that we
actually stand in need cf.
POLITICAL MITEAXD COMMENT.
He is a wise Irishman who 'will not vote for
English supremacy In Ameriea next November.
Oil City Blizzard.
Poor old Roman!
Imperious Onar dead and turned to clay
Might stop a bole to keep the wind away.
But Thurman doesn't do even that. Buffalo
Express.
There are ten hosiery manufacturers in the
town of Tilton, N. IL Seven of them were
Democrats until this summer, but cot one of
the seven will vote for Mr. Cleveland this fell
oe Mills bill is responsible for it.
The President feels comnelled to characterize
the attempt to brand him as a free-trader as de
ception, but for all that the electoral conflict
now in progress is a conflict between free trade
and protection and nothing less. London News,
July C, 1SSS.
A vote for Cleveland is a vote for free trade
and starvation. A vote for Fnk and Brooks is
half a vote for Cleveland and free trade. A vote
Icr Harrison and Morton is a vote for protection
and prosperity. The issue is between bread and
no bread. Los Angeles Tribune. ,
E. G. Rosbins, a life-long Democrat of Buf
falo, a prominent lawyer, and former friend of
Grovsr Cleveland, bas come out for Harrison on
the tariff issue. He says: "It is the duty of
protectionist Democrats to administer such a'
rebuke to Cleveland and his present adtisers
that no one will ever again try to identify the .
Democracy with the doctrine of free trade."
Robert T. Lincoln was in London, Friday.
and left the following day to take his ocean pas-,
sage westward. He was interviewed, and said
that he returned home to meet professional en
gagements. As to politics be said:
'I expect to do hard work in the campaign. I tLi&k
we LaT the winning ticket, though my personal
choice was Greham. I am i laror of the Senate
bill to reduce the surplus, but am steadfastly opposed
to any move which will weaken or change our system
of protective tariif. We should make reductions on
internal revecus, and then know precisely what we
are doing."
Congressman Reed, in the Independent,
gives this effective illustration of the misleading
character of the Democratic statement of tariff
percentages. "It is time to show what they
call merely a 7 per cent, redaction really is.
Some articles we use much of. Of others we
use very little. In this new doctrine of percent
ages quantity plays.no part. Tannte aeid at 197
percent, of which we use ounces, counts as
much as metals at 33 per cent, of which we u
thousands of tons. We import $200 worth of
the acid and $16,000,000 worth of the metals.
Anybody ean see the folly of adding these per
centages together and saying that the average '
protection on tannic acid and the metals is 117
per cent. And yet jest in that way is the
aleight-of-hana percentage doctrine ma
neurered." BYSTjaJ, TUE DEMAGOGUE.
Ills Unworthy Effort to Ally Honest Work
men with Thieves, Thugs and Murderers.
Indianapolis Isews.
Mr. Bynum talks in a way unworthy of him
in his ''open letter" to the Journal, printed in
the Sentinel, when he speaks of the rate of rail
road wages in 1877:
It may be that you decreed these wages ample and
was ready to take np arms and follow some brave
cptain into camo, at the expense of the State, to
defend the city against destruction at the hands of.
these honest wage-workers, who had suffered reduc
tions till they could no longer submit.
Mr. Byncm knows, if he knows anything, that
nobody took up arms against "honest workmen."
If so, one might as a in the same strain why tne
Democratio Governor called on the people to
take np arms against "honest workmen." Here,
as in Pittabure, thugs and tbeives and Anarch
ists threatened to take advantage of the labor
troubles to perpetrate murder and arson, just
as more recently the Anarchists in Chicago took
Advantage of labor troubles to do the same thing.
Were the police at the Haymarket drawing
arms on "honest worklngmenP Was
it honest workingmen who burned the buildings
and destroyed $7,000,000 worth of property in
Pittsburg at the time Mr. Bynum refers tot
Was it honest workingmen against whom Dem
ocratic Governor Williams called outtbe militia!
Mr. Bynum bas overdone the 'honest ws re
worker" business. Such men bear to the
troubles of 1877 exactly the relationship that
they did to the Chicago troubles whieh resulted
in the Haymarket murder. Their cause was
seized by the outlaws and plunderers of society
as a pretext for anarchy. This was inaugurated
at many points. It was feared here
and our Democratic Governor not
only ordered out the militia, but called
on the United States irovernment for trooDS.
There was bo defense against "honest wage
workers. and no fear of them. They are no
more chargeable with the danger of that time
than the tame class in Chicago is chargeable
with the crime of Spies and Lingg and Parsons.
From 1833 to 1S77 is a lone time, as things go in
this country, but it is not long enough to-confuse
those who were here then. It Is not long
enough to whistle those events down the wind.
rtke believe that there was no danger, that the
Democratio Governor called out the militia in
exercise of an unwarranted aet of tyranny, and
that the powers of the law were directed t.eainut
"honest, wage-workers." It is a confusion of
identity that is a wrong to every honest wage
worker and a mockery upon the intelligence,
firmness and wisdom of that time, which saved
society from the fangs of wolves.
Fit and Proper Action.
Lafayette Courier
The action of the Lafayette Tvpograpbical
Union in withdrawing from the so-called State
Federation of Trades is creditable to the good
sense of its membership. Th:s body of workiDg
men is the oldest continuous labor organization in
the btate, and it is eminently fit and proper that
it should be first to renounce its allegiance to a
presumptuous central organization or federation
that is being manipulated by a few self seeking
agitators for political effect. From the very
nature of their calling, printers are best in
formed of any of the trades, and it is likewise
natural that they ahoud be firit to pereeife the
Injustice that is being done them by the false
representations of self-constituted leaders, and
the first to renounce thw impudent and insolent
conduct of a handful of chronic disturbers who
take it upon themselves to speak Ly authority
for the great body of wage earners througout
the State.
Some Very Just Hemarks.
JSew Castle Courlor.
William Willard Howard, who teems to be a
sophomore out for a holiday, has written and
published in Harper's Weekly a review of the
city of Indianapolis, in which he claims that it
was founded by New Englanders. But the
strangest thing in the whole article is at the
close, where he thinks that the rural population
of the State should cease to be jealoua of and
spiteful toward the city, and take a pride in its
piosperity. There is reason to think that Will
iam Willard knows nothing or next to nothing
of the subject he bad in hsnd. Indianapolis is
most completely an Indiana city. The "rural
population" instead of being jealous of it and
sDiteful toward it, are tied to it by countless
ties of interest, relationship and friendship. It
Is our city and all over the State people are in
terested in the prosperity of Indianapolis next
to that cf their own homes.
Harrison's Speeches.
Wstertowc, Dak., Public Opinion.
The speeches which General Harrison is daily
called upon to make to the thousands of admir
ers who visit him in clubs and organizations of
various kinds, are characteristic of the man.
They are gems for their simplicity, for their
keen discernment of events, for their utterances
of a pure and honest beart, and for their state
manlike ability. General Harrison is no dema
gogue, and he co Id not make the speech of a
demagogue were ho to try.
The Three Haltcbes.
New York press.
Hovey's career is curiously like Harrison's in
the salient points which we have camel. Aod
then their names both bgio with "II! So doe
harmony! And that is what both Hovey aod
Harrison mean Harmony with a big H; and
next November they will mean "IlaUelojah"
with a bigger "H."
The Old Guard.
Briton Herald.
The newer men in the Republican party may
be jealous at times of tne "Old Guard, "but they
find it always reliable when the hour of trial
comet, and for sagacious advice it is worth
scores of the unknown politicians who strive to
deprive it of influence.
- , iS
A Cause of riilful Distress.
Cincinnati Commercial ;ztte. .
The distress that Harrison is causing ths
Democrats by the pleasant and sensible little
sneeches he makes to the crowd of friends that
call upon him is pitiful to behold.
Now and Then.
Knntu Citr Jonrn!
It i far less fun to be a mugwump this year
than it was four years ago. Then mugwumps
attracted lively attention, now they simply make
the f ttblio tired with their jttc