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4 I'HE DAILY JOURNAL TUESDAY, NOVEMBER 15, 1898. Washington Office- 1503 Pennsylvania Avenue Telephone Cell*. Business Office 238 | Editorial Room* S6 TERMS OF St list KIPTION. DAILY BY MAIL. Dally only, one month $ .70 Dally only, three month* 2.00 Daily only, one year 8.00 Daily, including Sunday, one year 10.00 Sunday only, one year 2.00 WHEN FURNISHED BY AGENTS. Dally, per week, by carrier 15 cts Sunday, single copy . acts Daily and Sunday, per week, by carrier.... 20 cts WEEKLY. Per year <l-00 Rednctd Rate** to Cl*l. Subscribe with any of our numerous agents or subscriptions to the JOURNAL NEWSPAPER COMPANY, InillflnnpoltN, Du!. Persons sending the* Journal through the mails in the United States should put on an eight-page paper a ONE-CENT postage stamp; on a twelve or sixteen-page |<aper a TWO-CENT postage stamp. Foreign postage is usually double these rates. All communications intended for publication in this paper must, in order to receive attention, be accompanied by the name and address of the writer. • THE INDIANAPOLIS JOURNAL Can be found at the following places} NEW YORK-Astor House. CHICAGO—PaImer House, P. O. News Cos., 217 Dearborn street. Great Northern Hotel and Grand Pacific Hotel. CINCINNATI—J. R. Hawley & Cos., 154 Vine street. LOUISVILLE—C. T. Deering. northwest comer of Third and JefTerson street*, and Louisville Book Cos., 254 Fourth avenue. BT. LOUlS—Union News Company, Union Depot. “WASHINGTON, D. C.—Riggs House, Ebbitt House and Willard's Hotel. There are skeletons In many closets, but the skeleton of 16 to 1 In Ithe Democratic closet is the largest on earth. A Republican conference In New York city In which Senator Platt and Joseph H. Choate, the two extremes, meet, is signifi cant. ’ A correspondent writes that “the Presi dent is wonderfully stimulated by the re sult of the election.” With many others, he has reason to be. A secret jubilee of the old guard Demo crats in the Ninth district would be largely attended. They should not be overjoyful. Mr. Cheadle has the adhesive qualities of the barnacle. The President has named Thursday, Nov. 24, as Thanksgiving day, but a large part of the people have been saturated with a spirit of thanksgiving since the event of Tuesday, Nov. 8. j mine owners wMI not probably ■''"retain a lobby in Washington any longer, and the few orators scattered about under the name of silver Republicans will not be retained on the pay roll. , As the Senate which will icome in March 4, 1899, insures Republican sound money as cendency six years the 16-to-l people will be wise if they will lay their heresy away with its long dead brother—fiat money. To a Republican friend Chairman Parks Martin confessed that it is out of the ques tion to bring the gold Democrats back to the fold so long as 16 to l is the party slogan. Mr. Martin is rather slow in arriv ing at this conclusion, but it is correct. Tne Democratic fhember-elect of the House from Utah has three wives, and for several years has not denied that he has been living In defiance of the laws of Utah and the United States. It is reported that his seat will be contested because of his polygamist relations. j Holders of Cuban bonds in Paris are re sponsible for most of the expressions hostile to the United States. Their latest effort is an appeal to the "spirit of equity of the United States.” Those bondholders should not have purchased the bonds issued to make war on Cuba. In 1896 the Republicans of Wyoming in dorsed McKinley and declared for 16 to 1. They lost the State by 896 votes. This year they declared for the gold standard and earried the State. All the while Senator Warren has stood by the gold Republicans In the Senate. He must be gratified to be vindicated by the jieople of his own State. It does not appear that the circular Issued by the officers of the association of town ship trustees urging them to use their In fluence to induce Republicans to vote for Judge McCabe was effective. Judge Hadley Seems to have received about the same vote as the other Republican candidates for judges of the Supreme Court. In an address to a colored meeting in a New Jersey town the editor of the colored paper which was destroyed in Wilmington gave what purported to be the quotation Irom the editorial reflecting upon white women. If ho truthfully quoted the of fensive paragraph its purport was that dis reputable white women should be punished the same as disreputable colored women. That certainly was no cause for offense. Not the least gratifying of the results of the election is the fact that Indiana has at length severed its connection in Congress with the Bourbons in the Senate represent ing such States as Missouri, Arkansas, Texas und Tennessee, and after March 4 will be- fully united with the great States ■which control the commerce and do the bulk of the manufacturing of the country— Illinois, Michigan, Ohio, New York and Pennsylvania. An exchange jumps to the conclusion that Senator Hanna’s proposition to put a tax on coffee is a proposition to Increase the present war tax. There is bo ground for eueii an assumption. Ho undoubtedly means that when we get back to a peace basis more revenue will be needed than was re quired before we obtained the Spanish pos sessions and that a part of it can be ob tained by a tax on coffee. A large number of Republicans will not agree with the sen ator that taxing coffee is the best way to Increase the revenue. The "Colonial Dames” and other of the women's patriotic societies of Maryland have undertaken to look up the neglected graves of men of that State famous in colo nial and revolutionary times and put them in order. This is done in order to show re spect to their ancestors, these so-called pa triotic societies being organised on the ba sis of having had ancestors who figured honorably in the early period of the coun try. No colonial, and very few revolution ary, heroes found graves as far west as Indiana, but a good many men and women who, dliectly or indirectly, conferred great honor on the State In the early days and helped to build It up are buried within Its borders, •nd it is entirely probable that the resting places of some of them need looking after. It is not long since attention was called to the condition of the grave of Abraham Lin coln's mother, but that was at once taken in hand by veteran organizations. The pa triotic societies should not confine them selves to the early ancestors, or even to ancestors at all, but, being state organiza tions for the most part, should try to keep alive the memory of those who helped the State or the country, whether they left per sonal descendants or not. Here is a good chance for these societies to make them selves useful. THE GREAT REPUBLICAN SENATE. After March 4 the Republicans will have fifty-three of the ninety senators, which will leave thirty-seven to the Democrats and Populists. For the first time since the free coinage of silver became an issue because silver bullion had fallen in price, there will be an actual and controlling majority against that heresy. It is quite as impor tant that the changes which have made the Senate surely Republican result from the fact that both senators from the States largest in population and richest in material resources will be Republicans. Both sena tors from Indiana, New York, Pennsylvania, New Jersey, Ohio, Illinois, Michigan, Cali fornia and Wisconsin will be Republicans. From the Atlantic to the Mississippi river and from the Ohio and Mason and Dixon’s line to the lakes, no State will have a Dem ocratic senator. Evan 'Maryland and West Virginia will have two, and L*elaware and Kentucky one each of the Republican faith. Missouri, Georgia and Texas will be the only larger States that will be represented by Democrats in the Senate. The opposition to the Republican party has little to hope from the group of States in which senatorial va cancies occur in 1901 after the presidential election, judging from their voting a week ago to-day, as a clear majority of the thirty senators to be elected that year represent States which are carried by Republicans this year. Thus silverism seems to be balked in the Senate for years to come. During the past six or eight years, it can not be said that either responsible party could claim a majority. For 16 to 1 there was a majority, but beyond that question no party had such a lead in the Senate as to be really responsible for its conduct. The important finance committee has been in the hands of the silverites, and other leading committees which shape legislation have been so divided as to be without power. This uncertainty as to parties has been re sponsible for the dissatisfaction of the country with the Senate. Now that th£ Re publicans will have an assured majority of orthodox Republicans, may not the country expect to see more definite action and less delay? A PRIMARY ELECTION LAW. Both parties, in their platforms, declared that a Jaw for the regulation of primaries is necessary, and pledged themselves to in sure its enactment. The primary, under the present practice, is unsatisfactory. Liable to abuse, it has been abused. Open to fraud, it is often the ease that fraud is the first resort. In both parties thousands who should attend the primary no longer attend, because, in sharp contests, those meetings are too much like mobs. Men who will not vote for the candidates nominated are easily induced to go to the primaries and help to nominate. In other ways the primary, as now conducted, is the weak spot in our sys tem of elections, for the reason that one or the other of the sets of candidates nom inated will be elected, so that those who vote a ticket at an election simply ratify the work which is done hurriedly and thoughtlessly at best. Therefore it is as important that the law should regulate the primary as well as the election which will ratify the work of one or the other set of primaries. One of the objections to the regulation of the primary by law’ is that it will recognise parties and legislate with reference to them. So long as parties control government such an objection has no force. On the contrary, whatever has to do with government in any capacity is a proper subject of legislation. Parties are already recognized in all recent legislation. The election law’s declare that both parties shall be represented upon elec tion boards. The principle of minority rep resentation on state and municipal boards and in the make-up of fire and police de partments recognizes parties. True, there are those who regard parties as an evil, but those who do this do so because they worship their own infallibility. Parties are a necessity to representative government. Partisanship may, be abused, and so may religion. Parties and partisanship should not only be recognized by the law, but par ties should be protected because they con trol government. Both parties, seeing the evils of the pres ent primary, should get together by their representatives on state or other committees and devise a law which will insure the or derly and fair management of such assem blies in future. That law should provide for the orderly voting at the primary of only those who have a right so to vote. It should provide for boards on w’hich the sev eral contestants shall be represented. The primary elections should be held day and evening, and all delegates should be elected by ballot. Whenever possible the individ uals of each party should vote for the can didate direct rather than for delegates. Some method should bo devised to prevent fraudulent voting. Inasmuch as the party polls in precincts show with great accuracy those who belong Jo the respective patties therein, such precinct lists, with slight re vision, could be made voting lists for pre cincts. In several States primaries are held in the larger cities under a law of the State. There is such a law in Illinois for Chicago and other cities. All the laws in force re garding primaries can be consulted if nec essary, and a measure can be framed which will fit the conditions in Indiana. The law should be simple in its features and eco nomical in its operations. THE BUGABOO OF THE POWERS. If what are called the "powers” had con cluded to interfere at any stage of our con flict with Spain, it would have been at the very outset. After the issue had been joined in war and the vigor of this government had been displayed, the powers, with Great Britain neutral, found less and less incen tive to take the part of a government which has no vitality, and which, if saved, would thenceforth be a burden and a cause of trouble. The latest advices lead to the con clusion that the powers never entertained the idea of interference. The representa tive of Russia so declared recently in the most public manner, while Germany and France have time and again assured the administration that they have not en tertained a thought of Interference at any stage of the controversy. There will be no anxiety because of rumors of interference over the refusal ot' our gov ernment to pay a large sum for the Philip pines. It would bo the coding of the isl THE INDIANAPOLIS JOURNAL, TUESDAY, NOVEMBER 15, 1898. ands to w-hich the powers would object, if they should make objection, and not to the price paid for them. Except so far as the citizens and subjects of the govern ments embracing the powers are interest ed in the bonds of Spain, which might have more value if that government received $2G),000,000 for the Philippines, Germany and France can have no possible interest in the consideration for the transfer. The powers might object to the ceding of the islands on the ground that it would give the United States a harmful prominence in that quarter of the w-orld, but they have let that op portunity pass. It may be added that there has been no official intimation that the pow ers objected to the transfer of the islands to the United States. What two or three of the governments of Europe might have preferred in the matter is of no conse quence, since nothing would be done so long as all of them, including Great Britain, would not act together. The report that Emperor William will visit Spain is not cause for anxiety. He would not act in the matter alone, so that his proposed visit should not alarm the most nervous. The Emperor is an energetic person, who seems to have a penchant to keep himself in the eyes of the nations, lest he should be for gotten. The peace commission may not come to a peaceful solution of the affair, because Spain may insist for a time upon a price which the United States will not pay. In deed, it is very probable that the people of this country are opposed to paying a dollar for the Philippines, and many are not yet convinced that it will be good pol icy to take them and asume the responsi bility which the taking brings. But the powers will not interfere; they have no cause and, what is vastly more potential, it is not for their interest to interfere. The Bryanites are hastening to declare that it was the war issue which gave the Republicans their victory. That issue helped because the Bryanites undertook to mag nify the evils of the camps and to make the administration responsible for them. It was thought to be good politics, but the trouble with the Democrats touched with the lep rosy of 16 to 1 is that what they regard as good politics is the worst sort of politics. The Bryan leaders would have fared some better in the campaign if they had pledged their candidates for Congress to support the war measures of the President. Unfortu nately, the leaders did not and would not do this. In fact, under the leadership of the ridiculous Bailey, of Texas the Democrats in the House opposed the general war policy of the administration. The silver question was an issue, and when the Demo crats dropped the "sick soidier” as an issue they made their fight in many of the con gressional districts upon the silver issue, ad hering to 16 to 1. This was particularly the case in the new’ States of the Northwest, which have been wrested from the Bryan ites. In Kansas, Nebraska, Washington and South Dakota the IMo-l heresy was advo cated as the leading issue and on that issue the Bryanites were beaten. If they have a particle of discretion they will see that free coinage is a dead issue. BI'BIiLES IN THE AIR. In Kunam*. She—“ What led you to suspect he had been visiting the speak-easy? Her—llt> spoke with such difficulty. Sure. Phyllis—Are you sure you love me? Corydon—l ought to be. I think I have been in love often enough to recognize the symptoms. The Absent One. "Chollie told me he was burning with patriotism, but, between you and me, I think he is too green to burn.” "Yes, Chollie might appropriately be called a fire-proof fiat.” What Jolt Missed. "Poor old Job! He had a hard time of it,” said the man who reads up in Biblical his tory once in a while. "At least,” said the man who always sees the bright side of things, "he was lucky enough to die before coon songs were in vented.”* Flower Mission Fair. \ The annual Flower Mission fair opens to night and will continue through the week. Everybody should attend and should go prepared to spend as much money as pos sible. The women who have fitted up the various booths and arranged the special at tractions for the several evenings have done so at the cost of much time and labor. They are not engaged, in the work for their health, or, primarily, to afford entertain ment to their friends and neighbors. Inci dentally they hope to provide a fair re turn for the money spent with them, but it is the money they are after, first, last and all the time. They ought to have it; the public ought to see that they get it. It will be well spent, as any one may know who takes the trouble to inquire into the workings of the mission. There is no more deserving charity in existence and none that should so appeal to the sympathies of every individual. If the work of the or ganization were confined to the Children's Hospital and the Fresh-air Mission it would fulfill a worthy purpose, but it covers a wider field and looks after the sick and suffering poor of all classes. It accom plishes much, but the demands upon it are many and its treasury needs replenishing. Give it encouragement and patronage. At tend the operetta, or the minstrel show, or other of the evening entertainments; buy your Christmas gifts there. If you cannot possibly attend send your certificate of ap proval in the shape of a cash contribution. But you had better go. The Flower Mis sion is yours to help support. Miss Powell, a young singer of New York, has temporarily retired from the concert stage in order to take a course at a law school. She does not expect to appear at the bar, but merely wishes to become famil iar with business methods, her experience having show’n that an acquaintance with the law governing contracts would be of use. Next year she will go abroad to appear in grand opera. Truly, the American girl is versatile. How long is it, any way, since it was thought that she could not take care of herself? When Job was asked, "Who hath divided a w’atercourse for the overflowing of waters, or a way for the lightning of thunder?” it is not recorded that answer was made, but if the same question w’ere addressed to Nikola Tesla he would promptly reply, “I, Lord.” And to the query, "Canst thou send lightnings, that they may go and say unto thee, ‘Here we are?’ ” he would answer: "Yea, verily, that can I.” But Job, it must be remembered, was a modest man. The alarming increase in the number of bath-tub deaths is doing much to encour age the disciples of the faith expressed in the biblical creed, “He that is filth? let him be filthy still,” while it is operating against the belief of those who think "cleanliness Is next to godliness.” The prevailing opinion among the clergy men of Baltimore is that a sermon should not extend over half an hour and should deal with man's relation to his Maker. This leads an exchange to remark that a preva- lent tendency is to make It deal with our relations to the Philippines. But inasmuch as the great body of clergymen believe the occupancy of the Philippines by the United States to be a result of divine guidance the two relations seem to be really one. The project for a parental school is dis cussed in Chicago. If the purpose of such schools is to teach parents to care properly for their children, Instead of resorting to curfew’ ordinances, they will fill a long-felt want. The threat of the Spanish soldiers in Cuba not to go home until they have been paid reminds one of the threat of the lazy pris oner who declared that rather than w’ork he would leave the penitentiary. The reports of the death of Captain Drey fus probably resemble the rumor of Mark Twain’s demise—"greatly exaggerated.” In the Journal of Sunday it was stated that Mr. and Mrs. McKinley are Presby terians. They are Methodists. ABOUT PEOPLE AND THINGS. Oliver Wendell Holmes used to dabble a little in amateur photography. When he presented a. picture to a friend he w’rote on the back, "Taken by O. W. Holmes & Sun.” A’.i English newspaper recently offered a prize of £5 for the best reply to the ques tion, "Who makes the best wife?” One of the replies received was as follows: "Dear Sir—Mine. Yours truly, Bertram Boggs.” Thomas Hardy, the novelist, owes much to his wife, for it was she who persuaded him to give up architecture for literary work, who copied his first novel and sent It to the publisher, and who still attends to most of the business par t of his w’riting. Sir Walter Besant celebrated his sixtieth birthday on Nov. 1. The event calls to mind that he has never suffered any of the hard ships which were the lot of so many of his contemporaries ir fiction. From the very beginning he has found a ready market for his work. Francis W. Cushman, of Tacoma, who has been elected to Congress against J. Hamilton Lewis, is called by his friends the "Abraham Lincoln of the coast," and he is a breezy and forceful representative of the Pacific slope, who has been an outspoken friend of the gold standard ever since the issue was raised. Admiral Thomas O. Selfridge, who was al most the only man to escape from the Cum berland after her battle with the Merrimac, and who has just passed, by reason of age, over to the navy’s retired list, will live in Washington with his family. “1 have been in nearly every port in the world,” he said recently, “and now I'm tired of traveling.” A plainly dressed man was standing in the lobby of a down-town hotel in New’ York the other day and asked the clerk the shortest way to a point across the city. The clerk thought him a stranger from the interior of the State and gave the required directions. "But I mean, can’t I get a car riage near here?” said the stranger. “Yes, but it w’ill be a little expensive.” "Well, I’ll try it.” "Whom shall I order the car riage for?’ asked the clerk. "For Russell Sage.” R. E. Sherman, of Chicago, has just heard that his "umbrella” will probably be given a place in the Paris exposition of 1900. Sherman’s umbrella is 350 feet high and 250 feet across when opened. At the end of each rib is a car that will hold fifty peo ple. and when the umbrella is opened it will whirl slowly round and round. Per sons who “felt queer” in the Ferris wheel will feel queerer in this new contrivance for getting up m the air. It is an umbrella that may safely be left about without fear of theft. Brooklyn Life tells of a bride who was showing her wedding presents with great delight, but when her visitor paused before a fine etching of "The Angelus” her face fell. “How beautiful!” was the exclama tion. "Y’es.” the bride responded, "but it is so sad! If it hadn’t been given to Henry by his favorite uncle I should propose hav in'” it taken out, and something else put into the frame. The frame is lovely! But it makes me blue every time I look at the pic ture. There that poof young couple have just buried their little baby—their first born. likely—oh. I can’t bear to see it!” ■r- j Q - . He came to me with pleading eyes, His face was drawn and white; His look betrayed the fact that he Was in a doleful plight. J handed out the nickel that He had to have before They’d let him take the car for home, Six miles away, or more. He left me, as the midnight bells Began to loudly ring. Explaining that he’d bet his all Upon a dead sure thing. —Cleveland Leader. General Mile*. Baltimore American. Certainly the most remarkable personal tribute yet paid to any officer in the late war was the brilliant banquet to Gen. Nel son A. Miles by the leading citizens of New York. The event followed happily upon the publication of General Miles’s report, which showed beyond peradventure that, as far as he was permitted to act, everything in the war preparations was ably done. It was the bungling of those wrho thwarted Gen. Miles that brought about the disorder and the disaster. With absolute dignity and self-restraint General Miles set forth the facts of the war in a way that will stand in history. Those who followed the amazing course of the War Department found that, in spite of obstacles and interferences that would have caused a less patient general to re sign, Miles persisted in his course and ac complished untold good for his government. It is this higher work which led the leading men of the Nation’s metropolis to extend to him a tribute which is unparalleled in our recent history. It was one of the greatest ljanquets of the century, and it was as notable in its enthusiasm as it was great in size and character. The speeches tvere ad mirable and the reply of Miles showed him to be a master of oratory as well as a genius in war. General Miles is one of the best soldiers the country has ever had. His courage has been proven in many battles. He is the friend of the soldier and he is a typical American of the finest class—a mn who rose from humble beginnings to the head of the Nation’s army. Long life to him. Mr. Hugh Hanna Mentioned. Boston Transcript. There are already eight candidates for United States senator in Indiana to succeed Turpie, who will go into entirely innocuous desuetude on March 4. with Hon. Benjamin Harrison yet to hear from. Should the In diana Republicans conclude to send Mr. Harrison to the Senate they would make no mistake, for he served most creditably in that body previous to his election to the presidency. Nor is it any degradation for one who has been President to accept an election to the Senate or House. John Quincy Adams adde.d to his already great reputation by his services in the House of Representatives. If the Indiana Repub licans should decide to select Mr. H. H. Hanna, the currency reformer, they would be worthily represented. In fact, they have plenty of excellent material from which to make a selection. Murk Twain. Kansas City Journal. Mark Twain is out of debt. We are glad of it. for now he will not feel obliged to grind out so much thin eppy. We have sympathized with Mark in his pinch, and we have been glad to see the boys helping him out by "booming” his books, even when they were poor books. Lord knows, people were buying much poorer ones. But we have been a little puzzled to undersfnd why there should be so much ado over determination to pay his debts. To be sure, not every one does pay his debts. But cer tainly the evasion of debts has not become so next to universal among authors that an exception is a bright and shining light to be seen round the world. Mark’s debts are paid. Peace to their ashes. We trust that Mark is preparing a suitable blowout for the boys. The Fact of the Mutter. Kansas City Journal. Whenever either of the great parties makes an assault on the Nation’s financial or industrial integrity—or, rather, when the Democratic party makes such an assault, for the Republican party is never guilty of such folly—there will be demoralization and depression of business as election time ap proaches. It Is only when business inter ests have nothing to fear—that is, when Republican supremacy is not seriously im periled—that trade and industry pursue un disturbed the even tenor of their way in times of political activity‘and excitement. Not Hlk Route. Baltimore American. It Is safe to predict that Emperor William will not stop in France on his way home to Germany. CROKER’S BIG FIASCO STARTED THE BETTI AG If* VAN WYCK THAT RAN INTO BULLIONS. Greatest of Jk Weeks Followed the Election in New York—Democrats Drowning; Their Sorrow. New York Press. Never before was there so much betting on the result of an election as in the late campaign, both on the part of professional speculators and gamblers and on the part of men who do not ordinarily bet, but. if they do, bet in support of their opinion. This notwithstanding that some other campaigns have been equally exciting. The State of Illinois was as bitterly contested ground in 18% as New York was in I*llß. It was expected that the candidate who re ceived its electoral vote for President would be elected. Yet there tvas not one tenth of the betting in Chicago that there has been in New York. For the wagers, mounting into millions of dollars, that were cashed last week the sporting pro clivity of Richard Croker was respon sible. The saloon keepers ought to be greater friends of his than ever, because the heavy betting made last week the great est jag week on record in the city. The man who wins drinks for joy, while the man who loses drinks to drown his sorrow'. The hotels and saloons sold more drinks on the day after election than on any other day in the memory of bartenders. Most of the money lost on bets deposited with Stock Exchange tirms was put up by Democratic politicians, and most of it w*as won, not by Republican politicians, but by speculators. In short, the “sports” of the Democratic Club were lambs enticed to their fate by the wolves of Wall street. The “cinch” bettor, or, as he calls himself, the “scientific bettor,” had never had such a fine opportunity. Tiie Wigwam’s office holders simply dumped money into his lap. After Roosevelt’s nomination a little bet ting was done at 2 to 1 in his favor. After Van Wyck’s nomination it was 7 to 10 for some time. Then Van Wyck grew in fa vor, until finally some bets were recorded at 10 to 7 against Roosevelt. Shrewd men on the Stock Exchange took the Van Wyck end at the beginning and the Roosevelt end at the close of the campaign. Not a few of them stood to win, whichever way the election went. If a man, following the change of odds, bet S7OO to SI,OOO on Van Wyck, then SBOO to SIIOOO on Van Wyck, then SOOO to SI,OOO on Van Wyck, then S9OO to SI,OOO on Roosevelt, S9OO to SI,OOO on Roosevelt and S7OO to SI,OOO on Roosevelt, whether Van Wyck or Roose velt won, he would have to pay our. only $2,400 and would receive $3,000, thus winning $ot)0 as an investment on his money. Accordingly, when the odds went against Roosevelt, toward the last, many of the speculators, by betting on him seven to ten, were able so to balance their bets that they stood to win a great deal in case he was elected and to lose nothing, if not to win something, in case Van Wyck was elected. Not a few actually borrowed money to carry out their scheme of betting as the odds changed from time to time. It was business with them, and Croker played into their hands all the while. His* attempt to force great odds against Roosevelt was about as big a piece of folly as a practical politician has ever committed. HOW CROKER DOST. It was Croker's intention by placing money with Bell & Cos., stock brokers, at the Hoff man House, to hold the odds against Roose velt at seven to ten up to the last moment, as a great incentive to “floaters” to cast their ballots on the winning side. The gen eral opinion of Stock Exchange men was that an even bet on Roosevelt was specula tively a good thing, but that to give any odds on him was not. When it came to get ting a bet of seven to ten on him they gob bled up Mr. Croker’s money instantly, so that betting on the day before election was even. As is well known, Mr. Croker himself lost $50,000, which, considering his reputa tion as a sport, he paid with bad grace. Probably the biggest individual winners were Alfred de Cordova and Jacob Field, who won about $50,000 apiece. Mr. Field is a quiet little, man and anew member ot the Stock Exchange, who did not seem un happy and at the same time was not greatly elated the day after election. He takes losses and gains with the sang-froid of the regulation Wall-street man. • “I bet on Roosevelt, he said, in the same way that I would buy St. Patll at 80. I considered at even money that a bet on him was a good investment, and. of course a bet with odds on Van Wyck was all the better. 1 wouldn’t have bet on Roosevelt when the betting was standing 10 to 7 in his favor. When it w r as <to 10 against him I was right on hand with my money. “Most of the winnings by Stock Exchange men on the result was won in the same way. They made a plunge when the odds •were in their favor, and that is what we all do If the Democrats had put up a million dollars at the rate .f 7 to 10 against Roose velt the day before election s<oo,ooo would have been ready to cover it.” One member of the Stock Exchange -aid with a chu kle that Dick Croker would bet ter leave Wall street alone and stick to his methods of making money exposed by the Lexow committee. .. Though they hope to the contrary, tne general opinion among Wall-street men is that we shall not see again a campaign in which so much money is wagered. It has been well enough proven that it isn t worth the trouble even of a party that has the boodle of the brewers back of it to boost the odds on its candidate artificially. There is too much money in the Stock Exchange to allow of the success of this method. Croker’s winnings on the second election of Cleveland were heavy. But, then, he placed it quietly and got the best odds that he could. He had some bets at 2to 1 against Harrison. Matt Quay, who is said to have won SIOO,OOO on Harrison s first campaign, was equally businesslike in his betting. As manager of the campaign he had inside information. Unlike Croker, he did not consider that betting would Influ ence the vote in the slightest specially in a Republican campaign. So he made it a point to get as good odds as he cou and. DID NOT HEEP VAN WYCK. “I den’t think it would have helped Van Wyck, anyway,” said an old politician, “even if the betting had stood in his favor the night before election. For every floater that it attracted it would bring out one negligent Republican. It is a well-known fact that the Democrats are good and the Republicans poor ones. When it seems a sure thing for the Republican can didate a great many Republicans do not go to the polls. When the result seems in doubt they realize that their vote is needed.” If Croker hadn’t tried to force the odds Chairman Odell and the friends that he rep resented would not now be richer by $40,009. The chairman had no intention of betting at the outset of the campaign, except, possi bly. small amounts with some of his Demo cratic acquaintances; but when the Demo cratic bluffers began to wave bills under his nose at even money on Van Wyck it wasn’t in the chairman’s make-up to resist tempta tion. He had his information from up State and from the city districts as well as Croker, and aside from his political prefer ence he considered that as a business propo sition Roosevelt stood two chances to one of winning. Dike the Stock Exchange men. he was quick to appreciate a good specula tive investment. < Aside from the men who bet in the thou sands there are the men whose wagers do not appear in the newspapers, who bet SIOO, or SSO, or $25, or $lO. Bell & Cos. would not accept a bet of less than SSOO. The small bets, as well ns the large ones, in the late campaign were more numerous than ever betore. Speculation w'as in the air, and it was increased by the great enthusiasm of both sides. Above the Bronx and in the rural ior tions and the smaller cities and towns of the State betting was comparatively heavier than in the city itself. If Croker could hear the remarks that minor leaders all through the State are making about him he would realize as well as David B. Hill the futility of his ambition to remain the boss of the state Democracy. The local Republican leaders throughout the State were far more confident than the leaders In the city. They had good reason to anticipate th® great majority which Roosevelt received above the Harlem. The local leaders of the Demo crats. on the other hand, when they heard that Croker was betting money at 10 to 8 on Van Wyck, having heard so muth of his shrewdness in prognostication, concluded that he must know what he whs talking about this time, as usual. So they bet all the money that they could spare with the confidence of a blind man walking over a precipice. In addition to cash, Republican workers throughout the State will get their winter hats and overcoats from the Demo crats. “SURE THING” MEN. Saddest of all the betters on Wednesday morning was the "sure thing” man. As u rule, he is a friend of a Tammany leader. He doesn’t like to lay a wager unless he is absolutely certain of winning. He is always after inside information w'hieh will give him a tip on the “sure thing.” He asks his friend the leader in the greatest confidence just how it is going, and his friend the leader says that his side is going to win w ithout a doubt. So the “sure thing” mal > thinks that he is in just as good luck as if he were picking up money. ' I was done mit politics,” said a German saloon keeper on Wednesday morning, as he drew a sigh that sounded like the soughing of the wind through the trees. "I fought dose politicians could tell who w’as goin’ to vin all de same as I can tell ven de peer vas run out of my keg. Ven mine frendt, who was Croker's man in dis district, teil me dat Roosevelt as good as beaten vas in dis district. I say, by shimminy, I make five hjindred tollar. So 1 bet five hundred tollar mit a Repooblican. 1 vas planning vat I voould do mit my money. But, my Gott in Hirnmel! Roosevelt vas elected! Und I vas pretty damned sore, I tell you dat al ready.” The worst form of the “sure tirng” man is the one who goes about telling all his friends that he has inside information as to w'hieh candidate will win. H * doesn’t forget to add that he has as good as given them a chance to pick up money, and he drinks at their expense. On Wednesday morning this self-important mortal was rub bing his head and drinking at his own ex pense. But when his information happens to he right he visits all of his friends on Wednesday morning and patronizes them in the manner of a benefactor. . The betting when the returns were coming in last Tuesday was unprecedented. Cir cumstances peculiarly favored It. “Joe” Wheelock, the bookmaker, who probably carried more bets on his books than any other man, and who won $20,000 on Roose velt by scientific betting, when the first re turns from New’ York city were received at the Hoffman House showing apparently a landslide for Roosevelt, bet 5 to 2 and then 10 to 1 on his election. When, however, further returns from the city came in. show ing that Van Wyck would carry it by a great majority, he ran up bets on Van Wyck until he had some at 2 to 1. Half an hour later he was betting 2 to 1 on Roose velt. Then he ran it up to 5 to 1. getting few takers: then 10 to 1. finding no takers. BIG BETS DON’T HEEP BUSINESS. “It ain’t the big bets,” said an uptown hotel bartender, as he dashed the ingredients of a cocktail into a tumbler, “that make business brisk. These big bettors look at it just as they do when they win on the Stock Exchange. They may give their friends a champagne dinner, but they don’t get drunk and raise the devil for five days running. They have business to attend to and they can’t afford the time. I have had enough money in small bets put up with me to buy a house and lot out in the coun try. Now I’ve got to pay ’em off and at the same time hand out five and six times the usual number of drinks that are called for in a day. Every time I’m stakeholder it means that I’ve got to drink with the winner or else he’ll think I'm a chump. I've been on duty only two hours and I’ve drunk so many small beers that I feel like a brewery. I’ll feel like the ocean before 1 get home to-night.” “Do the losers drink as much as the win neis?” "They do if they have the money. Yes, they drink more if they have the money. See that fellow over at the end of the bar? He’s proof of what I say. He lost about S4OO on Van Wyck, all the poor boy had, and he's gettin’ his drinks on tick. He's had five whiskies already, gulping ’em down sad and solemn-like. When a man feels that way it takes a lot to make him drunk. “East year, when he won a couple of hun dred on Brother Bobby’s election he would have got hilarious on three whiskies. When a man’s merry he gets drunk much easier than when he’s sad. It's astonishing how much you can stand when you’re going to have a tooth extracted and how little when you are celebrating a football victory. “One fellow who lost was in here to-day and bought a botle of rye. He said he couldn't bear to drink in public, he felt so badly, and so he was going to drink at home. The majority of men who lose don’t want company when they drink, especially if they feel bitter about it. But the great number of bets are made in good nature, ranging from $5 to SIOO, and the man who wins brings in his friends and also the fel low who lost the money, and they cele brate together. I don’t know &s Ihe police records will show any more cases of drunks than on any other day, because, as a rule, men who get drunk after election are rot inclined to make trouble and the police let them wander home. Then it’s all over and there’s no kickin’. But when men get drunk before election they’re often ugly. Then they’re in an arguing mood, and that leads to trouble.” OPPOSED TO EXPANSION. Attitude of Speaker Reed Towardi the Issues of the Hour. Washington Letter in Philadelphia Tele graph. There is some interest in speculation as to the attitude that will be assumed by Speak er Reed both at the coming session of Con gress and in the Fifty-sixth. Mr. Reed has been practically silent since the Maine elec tion, and has had very little to say since the war with Spain began. His attitude to wards questions now uppermost in the pub lic mind is well understood. He is not an admirer of President McKinley nor a be liever in the policy that the administration has now adopted in the matter of the ac quisition of territory. He opposed the war or any sort of interference between Spain and her colonies. He apposed the annexa tion of Hawaii. He does not believe in carrying the American flag across salt water to be planted permanently. He op posed any attempt at financial legislation by this Congress and held generally to the Idea of preserving economic conditions which resulted immediately from the estab lishment of a Republican administration. Reed is not a man to change his opinion when once formed. What he will do, with the drift of events and the trend of public opinion strongly set against his very firmly fixed ideas of policy, is a question of no little interest. He is the embodiment of individual force and power in the Repub lican party in Congress. No one sufficiently approaches him even to present the ap pearance of rivalry, and men follow him who do not agree with him. In the House, though but a small minority hold views similar to his on the live questions of the hour, he dominates the w’hole hcd.v. Time and again the spectacle has been presented during his career as speaker of men re solving in the cloakrooms to oppose him, and then on the floor of the House, under his eye, hanging their heads and following him meekly. In the next Congress, if not at the clos ing session of this, legislation will be de manded to give life and force to a policy which Mr. Reed has most earnestly op posed. Expansion in every direction must attend the acquisition of territory. Expan sion of the military and naval establish ments, extension of our relations with for eign powers, a relaxation and extension of the qualifications of citizenship, a spread ing out of our tariff, internal revenue and shipping laws, and the expansion of the postal system, to cover new territory and a strange class of people—all of these things will have to be legislated for. It will be required of the Republican Congress that it act in harmony with the policy of the administration, and if Mr. Reed adheres to the attitude he assumed towards expan sion at the very beginning he will be like a rock around which is a surging sea. In the next Congress the Republican majority will be too small in the House to admit of any factions within the party, and the de mand for legislation will be too imperative to admit of the power of resistance being left in any hands where it will be used to defeat the administration. If, as speaker, Mr. Heed would oppose the policy of the administration, bis presence in the chair would be an obstacle intolerable to the ad vocates of expansion. Yet. if he were de posed because of adherence to his convic tions. his presence on the floor of the House at the head of a small band of fol lowers would be a still greater menace to the measures which he might oppose. In the chair he would owe a responsibility to his party; on the floor, deposed, he would l>e free, if he should determine to resist the policies which it is known he does not approve, he would. If standing alone on the floor, so far overtop every one about him that his power would still be felt. The re alization is forced upon all who are inter ested that cordial relations must be estab lished between Mr. Reed and the admin istration, ard that an understanding must be arrived at if serious difficulties are to be avoided. The suggestion that he shall be opposed and defeated for the speakership of the next House is ill-advised, and there is no likelihood of its being followed. It is not to be assumed that, a policy being al ready irrevocably adopted, Mr. Reed will resist its being successfully carried out, but if he should oppose he would be more dangerous to the purposes of the adminis tration on the floor ftiun he would be In the chair, unless he had voluntarily Tetired from the speakership. lion Time Utilised. “Lounger,” in the Critic. I have often wondered how men who have to come to New York to their busi ness every day can make up their minds to live at long distances from the city. The time spent on the train has always seemed to me like wasted time, if it is any longer than is required to glance over the morn ing or evening paper. 1 heard the other day of a man who. after having crossed th® ferry, spends forty minutes on the train each way. That is an hour and twenty minutes a day. He has been doing this for twenty years, and in that time he has mas tered four languages which, otherwise, he might never have known. The minute he seats himself in a train, he takes a foreign grammar out of his pocket and studies. By utilizing what would otherwise be wasted time, he has added to his accomplishments and broadened his mind. I know of another man w’ho does all of his writing on the train, and while going over the same road as the linguist. He carries a pad in hi* pocket, and when the train starts trans fers it to his knee and writes till he ar rives at his destination. How much better it is to study languages and write articles on the train, than to spend one's time in the baggage car playing poker. * A HILEY READING. The Noted Hoosier Poet AVariuly Wel comed by a Boston Audience. Boston Post. It was a magnificent audience that greeted James Whitcomb Riley, the Hoosier poet, last evening. Every seat in Tremont Tem ple was occupied by a decidedly brilliant and representative Boston gathering. It was a glowing tribute to the popularity of the man who used to paint advertising signs along the country roads of his native State, but whose mind and heart were more absorbed by the beauties of nature than by his then unique method of making a living. As Mrs. Julia Ward Howe, leaning on th® arm of Mr. Riley, slowly mounted the plat form. the audience burst into applause, which continued until all the artists wer® seated. Mrs. Howe, in introducing Mr. Riley, said: “I find myself charged with an Introduction, a chitv which is as welcome as it is responsible.” Referring to the proj ect of the Woman’s Corporation, the aged authoress said: "Solomon in his Proverb® hits said, ‘a wise woman bulldeth her house,’ and that is what the Boston women ar® about to do. It will be a house in which a good man shall not be contraband (laugh ter), but as welcome as in his own home. The programme this evening is fittingly one of music and poetry, and may it be that this house will be a temple of the best harmony.” Mrs. Howe then introduced Mr. Riley a® the poet of the evening, amid hearty ap plause. The poet, as he stood beside tha writer of “The Battle Hymn of the Repub lic” was positively pale. W'as Mr. Riley temporarily embarrassed by that immense Boston audience? If he was, he soon over came any nervousness, his pale cheeks be came flushed and the reader and the audi ence were thoroughly at one with each other. In response to the introduction by Mrs. Howe Mr. Riley said: “In the incident of ordinary travel it is a novel experience and delight for a Westerner to visit this historio Elastern capital—indeed, his most matter-of fact coming into this storied city is so memorable an advent as to touch his Amer ican spirit with a still newer sense of na tional pride and reverence anti obligation. Judge, then, the bewildered, emotional state of the present visitor, brought face to face with so distinctive a people ann presented for their gracious tolerance by a citizen so •distinguished as to have uttered forth an inspired song for our Republic that shall not die while patriot hearts are fired with patriot love.” (Applause.) After the reading an informal dinner wal served at the Parker House, at which Mr. Riley regaled the invited few with new sto ries told in his inimitable manner. The Westerner talks much as he write®. There is a nasal twang, a sort of provincial drawl in his sneaking, that almost uncon sciously the listener couples with his writ ings. One likes Riley’s poems the better for having heard them “in the original.” Riley speaks as he believes. He believe® in naturalness, and is natural. He talks with his audience in the quaint fashion of the people he portrays. He does not te cite, but from the heart aims at the heart. He is a sort of elocutionary athlete, and leaps from pathos to humor and hack again with amazing agility. One moment his au dience is almost beside itself with laughter, the next feels some subtle tugging at ti e heart strings, and knows that the eyes ar® more moist than is wont. Riley is a plain man on the platform, and never seems to attempt any great oratorical heights. He is not the graduate of a school of oratory, but the product of nature’s tui tion. His initial reading last night was from his “Annals of the Poor.” His introductions are as clever as the poems themselves. He chattingly rclttes the incidents that suggested tho poem, and blonds it so artistically into the reading that one scarcely realizes where the preface ends and subject begins. The mannerisms of the Western farmer are no <ess ably de picted than is their dialect, and one doe® not long wonder that Mr. Riley formerly entertained thoughts of things theatrical. He is a good actor. Perhaps the one thing above all others that characterizes Mr. Riley’s work, both as a writer and reader, is his endeavor to reach the heart. No matter how humorous he becomes, he rarely leaves a poem with out somewhere directing a shaft at the seat of the affections. Critics have said that Mr. Riley is not serious, but his Boston audience of 1898 is certainly not thus im pressed. There were moments when th© drop of a pin could have been heard in th® big building, and wheji the speaker’s quaint home thrusts were made there was many a heart that beat in ready accord. THE SOUND-MONEY VICTORY. The Recent Election** Important Hearing on Finance*. New York Financier. Curiously enough, the gains in sound money representatives were made in sec tions supposedly tainted with the doctrine of a cheap dollar. If we eliminate, therefore, the idea that free silver caused the falling off in the Republican representation In th® East—a loss caused in fact by political dis satisfactions that are foreign to this discus sion—we find that free silver was dealt a severe blow through the return of sound money men to Congress in districts here tofore friendly to the Chicago platform, on which members of the old Congress were elected. The returns show this, and they are peculiarly important In determining the temper of the great mass of voters on th® silver question, for that was the issue, quite as much as territorial expansion, th® tariff, or any other policy of the govern ment. „ , The vote of Nebraska, Kansas, and other states in the far west, where free silver congressmen were unceremoniously turned down, seems to assure the doom of the free silver cause. _ , Above this in the bearing of the future is the final breaking up of that coterie of politicians in the Senate, whose action® during the past few years have done more to injure the country at large than any single force growing out of American poli tics. We refer to the almost unanimous un seating of silver senators and their allies, whose terms are ending. To recount all that this oligarchy has accomplished since 1890 would require too much space. It stands out as a black page in American his tory. Indifferent alike to the country and its they usurped the prerogative of stifling legislation, and scandalously throt tled or defeated urgent bills, which were loaded down with free silver riders, or held up for months, while trade and industry suffered. Irsolent in thetr power, they strode over every principle of right with an arrogance and effrontery that have been seldom recorded in history. Now they art* gone, horse and baggage, and in the next Senate, unless the foolish rule of “courtesy” gives them an opportunity lor futile en deavor, they will constitute an impotent minority, shorn of strength, stripped of hon or, bereft of following, and the subjects of contumely deeper than the people in their wrath have ever before meted out to those who have assumed to attack their liberties. Senator Fairbanks’* Prediction. Philadelphia Press. Senator Fairbanks, of Indiana, sends this signed statement to the editor of the Press: “The result of the election is a very signal Indorsement of the cause of sound money. The people fully realized that Republican defeat meant the loss largely of the fruit of the great victory of 1896, and that Demo cratic success meant the revival of the free silver cause, which would prove a serious and standing menace to the country until again defeated at the polls. “The people further expressed themselves In favor of the policy of the administration with respect to territorial extension. Thi* policy was sharply challenged by the op position: it was one of the most distinctly defined Issues and the popular verdict can not be mistaken. “The general result has been to Increase confidence —which must inevitably promdte a larger measure of prosperity throughout the country. With both branches of Con gress in political sympathy with the Presi dent there is an absolute assurance that for years to come there can be no impairment of our monetary standard: no destruction of our protective tariff system, and that the grave questions arising out of the war with Spain will be wisely settled. “The country is about to enter upon a period of unparalleled prosperity.” Indignant. The Independent. Old Gentleman (dictating an indignant letter—Sir: My stenographer, being a lady, cannot take down what I think of you; T. being a gentleman, cannot think it. but you, being neither, can easily guess my thought®. C’dn’t He Winter-Killed. New York Evening Sun. Even his siucerest enemies must admit that Pingrce Is a very hardy annual.