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:im TOPEKA DAXLH STATE JOUHNAL TUESDAY EVE1H2TG, DECEMBER 4, 1903.
AfliiUAL MESSAGE. ((Continued from Page On.) Every colored man should realize that the vforst enemy of his race is the negro criminal, ami above all the negro crimi nal who commits the dreadful crime ot rape; and it. should be felt as In the high est degree an offense against the- whole countrv, and against the colored race In particular, far a colored man to tail to help the officers of the law in hunting down with all possible earnestness and aeal evuv such infamous offender. More cyer. in mv judgment, the crime of rape should always be punished with death, as Is the case with murder; assault with in tent to commit rare should be mada a capital crime, at least in the discretion of he court; and provision should be m"de bv which the punishment may foUiiw im mediately upon the heels of the offense; while the trial should be so conducted that the victim need not be wantonly shamed while giving testimony, and that the least possibl publicity shall be Riven to the details. The members of the white race on the other hand should understand that every lynching represents by just so mucn a loosening of the bands of civilisation; that the spirit of lynching inevitably throws into prominence in the commun ltv all the foul and evil creatures who dwell therein. No man can take part In the torture cf a human being without having his own moral nature permanent ly lowered. Every lynching means just o much moral deterioration m ail the children who have any knowledge of it. and therefore just so much additional trouble for the next generation of Amer icans. . let justice be both sure and swift; Dm let it be. justice under the law, and not the wild and crooked savagery ot a mob. A Slioit Sighted Volley. There is another matter which has a direct bearing upon this matter of lynch ing and of the brutal crime which some times calls it forth and at other times merely furnishes the excuse for its ex istence. It is cut of the question for our people as a whole permanently to rise by treadir.g down any of their own number. Even those who themselves for the mo ment proilt by such maltreatment of their fellows will in the long run also suf fer No more shortsighted policy can be Imagined than, in the fancied interest of one class, to prevent the education of an other class. The free public school, the chance for each boy or girl to get a good Elementary education, lies at the founda tion of our whole political situation. In evrv community the poorest citizens, those who need the schools most, would be deprived of them if they only received school facilities proportioned to the taxes they paid. Th:s is as true 01 one poi nuu of our country as of another. It is as true for the negro as for the white man. The white man, if he is wise, will decline to allow the negroes in a ma-ss to grow to manhocd and womanhood without edu cation. Unquestionably education such as :is obtained in our public schools does not do everything towards making a man a good citizen; but it does much. The low est and most brutal criminals, those for instance who commit the crime of rape, wre in the great majority men who have had either no education or very little; just as they are almost invariably men who own no property; for the man who puts money by out of his earnings, like the man who acquires education, is usually lifted above mere brutal criminality. Of course the best type of education for the colored man, taken as a. whole, is such education as is conferred in schools like Hampton and Tuskegee; where the boys and girls, the young men and young wo men, are trained industrially as well as in the ordinary public school branches. The graduates of these schools turn out well in the great majority cf cases, and hard ly any of them become criminals, while what little criminality there is never takes the form of that brutal violeiJH which invites lynch law. Every gradu ate of these schools and for the matter of that everv other colored man or wo manwho leads a life so useful and hon orable as to win the good will and re spect of those whites whose neighbor he or she is, thereby helps the whole col ored race as it can be helped in no other wav; for next to the negro himself, the man who can do most to help the negro is his white neighbor who lives near him; and our steady effort should be to better the relations between the two. Great though the benefit of these schools has heen to their colored pupils and to the colored people, it may well be questioned whether the benefit has not been at least iia great to the white people among whom these colored pupils live after they graduate. Be it remembered, furthermore. that the individuals who. whether from folly, from evil temper, from greed for office, or in a spirit of mere base demagogy. In dulge in the inflammatory and incendiary speeches and writings which tend to arouse mobs and to bring about lynch ing, net only thus excite the mob, but slso tend by what criminologists call "suge-estion," greatly to increase the like lihood of a repetition of the very crime si gainst which they are Inveighing. When the mob Is composed of the people of one race and the man lynched is of another race, the men who in their srteech.es and writings either excite or justify the action tend, of course, to excite a bitter feeling snd to cause the people of the opposite race to lose sight of the abominable act of the criminal himself; and in addition, hy the prominence they give to the hid eous deed they undoubtedly tend to ex cite in other brutal and depraved natures thoughts of committing it. Swift, relent less, and orderly punishment under the law is the only way by which criminality of this type can permanently be sup pressed. Cnnital fn,i Iabor. ''Tn dealing with both labor and capi tal, with the Question affecting both cor porations and trades unions, there is one matter more important to remember than siught else, and that Is the infinite harm done by preachers of mere discontent. These are the men who seek to excite a violent class hatred against all men of wealth. They seek to turn wise and proper movements for the better control of corporations and for doing away with the abuses connected with wealth, into a cnmpalgn of hysterical excitement and falsehood in which the aim is to inflame to madness the brutal passions of man kind. The sinister demagogues and fool ish visionaries who are always eager to undertake such a campaign of destruc tion sometimes seek to associate them selves with those working for a genuine Teform in governmental and social meth ods, and sometimes masquerade as such reformers. In reality they are the worst enemies of the cause they profess to ad vocate, just as the purveyors of sensa tional slander in newspaper or magazine are the worst enemies of all men who fire engaged in an honest effort to better what is bad in our social and govern mental conditions. To preach hatred of the rich man as such, to carry on a cam paign of slander and invective aganist him. to seek to mislead and inflame to madness honest men whose lives are hard find who have not the kind of mental training which will permit them to appre ciate the danger in the doctrines preached all of this is to commit a crime against the body oolitic and to be false to every principle and tradition of American na tional life. Moreover, while such preach ing and such agitation may give a live lihood and a certain notoriety to some of those who take part in it. and may re sult in the-tf-mrotary political success of others, in the long run every such move ment will either fall or else will pro voke a violent reaction, which wUl Itself result not merely In undoing the mis chief wrought by the demagogue and the agitator, but also In undoing the good that the honest reformer, the true up holder of popular rights, has painful' v and laboriously achieved. Corrupt! m is never so rife as in commuiviies where the demagogue and the agintor bear 'nil sway, because in such communities all moral bands become loosiMie.i, and hyr teria and sensationalism rephie the spirit of sound judgment and fair dealing as be tween man and man. fn slider revolt ngalnst the squalid anarchy thus prr' rttieed men are sure in the end to turn toward any leader who car restore or der, and then their relief at being fife front the intolerable burdens of class ha tred, violence, and demagosnierv is s-uh that thev can not for some time he .lrous cd to indignation against misdeed by r.oi of wealth; bo that they permit a r."n rrowlii of the very abuses which w re in part responsible for the original out break. The one hope for success for i ur people lies in a resolute snd fearless, but cane and cool-headed. advan?e along the path marked out last year by this very congress. Ther- must be a stcra ref jssl to be misled into following cither that fease creature who appeal-! and panders to the lowest instincts and passions m order to arouse one set of Americans against their fellows, or that other crea ture, equally base but ro baser, -.vho in a spirit of &reed, or to accumulate or add to an already huge fortune, seeks to exploit his fellow-Americans wit a cal lous disregard to their welfare of sc ul and body. The man who dsbciu li es oth ers In order to obtain a h:i;h office ftands on an evil equality of corruption with the man who -lebi-icnes other? for financial profit; and wnei hatred is sovn Ihe crjp which springs up can only evil. The plain people who think the me chanics, farmers, merchants, workers with head or hand, the men to whom American traditions are dear, who love their country and try to act decently by their neighbors, owe it to themselves to remember that he most damaging blow that can be given popular government is to elect an unworthy and sinister agita tor on a platform of -violence and hypoc risy. Whenever such an issue is raised in this country nothing can be gained by flinching from it, for in such case de mocracy is Itself on trial, popular self government under republican forms is itself on trial. The triumph of the mob is just as evil a thing as the triumph of the plutocracy, and to have escaped one danger avails nothing whatever if we succumb to the other. In the end the honest man. whether rich or poor, who earns his own livins and trie's to deal justly by his fellows, has as much to fear from the insincere and unworthy demagogue, promising much and perform ing nothing, or else performing; nothing but evil, who would set on the mob to plunder the rich, as from the crafty cor- rupuonisr, who, lor his own ends, would permit the common people to be exploited by the very wealthy. If we ever let this government fall into the hands of men of either of these two classes, we shall show ourselves false to Americas past. Moreover, the demagogue and the corrup tlonlst often work hand in hand. There are at this moment wealthy reactionaries of such obtuse morality that they regard the public servant who prosecutes them when they violate the law, or who seeks to make them bear their proper snare, of the public burdens, as being even more objectionable than the violent agitator who hounds on the mob to plunder the rich. There is nothing to choose between such a reactionary and such an agitator; fundamentally they are alike In their self ish disregard of the rights of others: and it is natural that they should join in opposition to any movement of which the aim is fearlessly to do exact and even justice to all. ICi'it Hour Law. I call your attention to the need of passing the bill limiting the number of hours of employment of railroad em ployes. The measure is a very moderate one and I can conceive of no serious ob jection to it. Indeed, so far as it is in our power, it should be our aim steadily to reduce the number of hours of labor, with as a goal the general introduction of an eight-hour day. There are indus tries in which it is not possible that the hours of labor should be reduced; Just as there are communities not far enough ad vanced for such a movement to be for their good, or, if in the Tropics, so situ ated that there is no analogy between their needs and ours in this matter. On the Isthmus of Panama, for instance, the conditions are in every way so different from what they are here that an eight hour day would be absurd: Just as it is absurd, so far as the Isthmus is concern ed, where white labor can not be employed, to bother as to whether the necessary work is done by alien black men or by alien yellow men. But the wageworkers of the United States are of so high a grade that alike from the merely indus trial standpoint and from the civic stand point it should be our object to do what we can in the direction of securing the goneral observance of an eight-hour day. Until recently the eight-hour law on our federal statute books has been very scan tily observed. Now, however, largely through the instrumentality of the bureau of labor, it is being rigidly enforced, and I shall speedily be able to say whether or not there is need of further legisla tion in reference thereto; for our pur pose is to see it observed in spirit no less than in letter. Half holidays during sum mer should be established for government employes; it is as desirable for wage workers who toil with their hands as for salaried officials whose labor is mental that there should be a reasonable amount of holiday. The congress at its last' session wisely provided for a truant court for the Dis trict of Columbia; a marked step in ad vance on the path of properly caring for the children. Let me again urge that the congress provide for a thorough investi gation of the conditions of child labor and of the labor of women in the United States. More and more our people are growing to recognize the fact that the questions which are not merely of indus trial but of social importance outweigh all others: and these two questions most emphatically come In the category of those which affect in the most far-reaching way the home life of the nation. The horrors Incident to the employment of young children in factories or at work anywhere are a blot on our civilization. It is true that each state must ultimately settle the question in its own way; but a thorough official investigation of the mat ter, with the results published broadcast, would greatly help toward arousing the public conscience and securing unity of state action in the matter. There is. however, one law on the subject -'iich should be enacted Immediately, because there is no need for an investigation in reference thereto, and the failure to en act it is discreditable to the national gov ernment. A drastic and thoroughgoing child-labor law should be enacted for the District of oClumbia and the 'crritories. Among the excellent laws which the congress passed at the last session was an employers' liability law. It was a marked step in advance to get the recog nition of employers' liability on the stat ute books: but the law did not go far enough. In spite of all precautions ex ercised by employers there are unavoid able acdents and even deaths involved in nearly every line of business connected with the mechanic arts. This inevitable sacrifice of life may be reduced to a minimum, but it can not be completely eliminated. It is a great social injustice to compel the employe, or rather the fam ily of the killed or disabled victim, to bear the entire burden of such an inevit able sacrifh-e. In other words, society shirks its duty by laying- the whole cost on the victim, whereas the injury comes from what mar be .called the legitimate risks of the trade. Compensation for ac cidents or deaths due in any line of In dustry to the aetuel conditions under which that industry is carried on, should be paid by that portion of the commun ity for the benefit of which the Industry Is carried on that is, by those who pro fit by the industry. If the entire trade risk is placed upon the employer he will promptly and properly add it to the legit imate cost of production and assess it proportionately unon the consumers of his commodity. It is therefore clear to my mind that the law should place this entire "risk of a trade" upon the em ployer. Neither the federal law. nor. as far as I am informed, the state laws deal ing with the question of employers' lia bility are sufficiently thoroughgoing. The federal Iw should of course include em ployes in navy-yards, arsenals and the like. Iivestiratlon of Disputes. The commission appointed by the presi dent October 1(1, 1!X)2, at the request of both the anthracite coal operators and miners, to Inquire Into, consider, and pass upon the questions In controversy In con nection with the strike in the anthracite regions of Pennsylvania and the causes out of which the controversy arose, in their report, find'ngs. and award ex pressed the belief "that the stc.te and federal governments should provide the machinery for what may be called the compulsory investigation of controversies between employers and employes when they arise." This expression of belief Is deserving of the favorable consideration of the congress and the enactment of its provisions into law. A bill has already been introduced to this end. Records show that during the twenty years from January 1. 1SS1, to December SI. 19(0, there were strikes affecting 117.-B-O establishments, and B.!05.6Mt employes were thrown out of employment. During the same period there were 1.0O5 lockouts, involving nearly lo.O"0 establishments, throwing over one million people out of employment. These strikes and lockouts Involved n estimated loss to employes of $!7,000,O an(j to employers of $143,000 -oon. a total of StSO.OOO.OO. The public suffered directly and irrli rectlv probably as great addi tional loss. But the monev loss, great as it was. did not measure the anguish and suffering endured by the wives and chil dren of employes whose pay stooped when their work stopned. or the disastrous ef fect of the strike or lockout tiiion the business of employers, or the Increase in the cost of products and. the inconven ience and loss to the public. Many of these strikes and lockouts would not have occurred had the parties to the dispute been required to ai;:ear be fore an unprejudiced body rep.r3senting the nation and, face to face, sitate the reasons for their contention. - In most in stances the dispute would doubtless be found to be due to a misunderstanding by each of the other's rights, aggravated by an unwillingness of either party to ac cept as true the statements of tlae other as to the justice or injustice of liie mat ters in disoute. The exercise of a judicial spirit by a disinterested body represent ing the federal government. such as would bo provided by a commhKion on conciliation and arbitration would tend to create an atmosphere of friendliness and conciliation between contending parties; and the giving each side an equal oppor tunity to present fully its case In the presence of the other woukt preveni many disputes from developing into serious strikes or lockouts, and, in other cases, would enable the commission to persuade the opposing parties to come to t;nna. In this age of great corporate and labor combinations, neither employers nor em ployes should be left completely at the mercy of the stronger party to a dispute, regardless of the righteousness of their respective claims. The proposed measure would be in the line of securing recogni tion of the fact that in many strikes the public has itself an interest which can not wisely be disregarded: an interest not merely of general convenience, tor the question of a just and proper public pol icy must also be considered. In all legis lation of this kind it Is well to advance cautiously, testintr each step by the ac tual results; the step proposed can sure ly be safely taken, for the decisions of the commission would not bind tte par ties in legal fashion, and yet would give a chance for public opinion to crystallize and thus to exert its full force for the right. It is not wise that the nation should alienate its remaining coal lands. I have temporarily withdraw o from settlement all the lands which uhe geological sur vey has Indicated as containing, or in all probability containing coal. The ques tion, however, can be properly settled only by legislation, which in my Judg ment should provide for the withdrawal of these lands from sale or from entry, save in certain especial circumstances. The ownership would then remain in the United States, which should not. however, attempt to work them, but permit them to be worked by private individuals under a royalty system, the government Keeping such control as to permit It to s-e that no excessive price was charged consum ers. It would, of course, be u-s necessary to supervise the rates charged by the common carriers to transport the product as the rates charged by those who mine it; and the supervision must extend to the conduct of the common carriers, so that they shall in no way favor one com petitor at the expense of ancther. The withdrawal of these coal lands would constitute a policy analagous to that which has been followed in withdrawing the forest lands from ordinary settlement. The coal, like the forests. should be treated as the property of the public and its disposal should be under conditions which would inure to the benefit of the public t.s a whole. Corporations. The present congress has taken . long tsrides in the direction of securing prop er supervision and control by the na tional government over corporations en gaged in interstate business and the enormous majority of corporations of any size are engaged in interstate business. The passage of the railway rate bill, and only to a less degree the passage of the pure food bill, and the provision for in creasing and rendering more effective na tional control over the beef-packing in dustry, mark an important advance in the proper direction. In the short ses sion it will perhaps be difficult to do much further along this line: and it may be best to wait until the laws have been in operation for a number of months be fore endeavoring to increase their scope, because only operation will . show with exactness their merits and their shortcom ings and thus give opportunity to deline what further remedial legislation is needed. Yet in my Judgment it will in the end be advisable in connection with the packing house inspection law to pro vide for putting a date on the label end for charging the cost of inspection to the packers. Ail these laws have already Jus tified their enactment. The interstate commerce law, for instance, has rather amusingly falsified the predictions, both of those who asserted that it would ruin the railroads and of - those who asserted that it did not go far enough and would accomplish noth ing. During the last five months the rail roads have shown increased earnings and some of them unusual dividends; while during the same period the. mere taking effect of the law has produced an unpre cedented, a. hitherto unheard of, number of voluntary reductions in freights and fares by the railroads. Since the found ing of the commission there has never been a time of equal length in which any thing like so many reduced tariffs have been put into effect. On August 27, for instance, two days before the new law went into effect, the commission received notices of over five thousand separate tariffs which represented reductions from previous rates. It must not be supposed, however, that with the passage of these laws it will be possible to stop progress along the line of Increasing the power of the national gov ernment over the use of capital in inter state commerce. For example, there will ultimately be need of enlarging the pow ers of the interstate commerce commis sion along several different lines, so as to give it a larger and more efficient con trol over the railroads. It can not too often be repeated that experience has conclusively shown the impossibility of securing by the actions of nearly half a hundred different state leg islatures anything but Ineffective chaos in the way of dealing with the great cor porations which do not operate exclu sively within the limits of any one state. In some method, whether by a national license law or in other fashion, we must exercise, and that at nn earl date, a far more complete control than'at present over these great corporations a control that will among other things prevent the evils of excessive overcapitalization, and that will compel the disclosure by each big corporation of Its stockholders and of its properties and business, whether owned directly or through subsidiary or affiliated corporations. This will tend to put a stop to the securing of inordinate profits by favored individuals at the ex pense whether of the general public, the stockholders, or the wageworkers. Our effort should be not so much to prevent consolidation as such, but so to super vise and control it as to see that it re sults in no harm to the people. The re actionary or ultraconservati ve apologists for the misuse of wealth assail the effort to secure such control as a step toward Socialism. As a matter of fact it is these reactionaries and u-ltraoonservatlves who are themselves most potent in In creasing socialistic feeling. " One of the most efficient methods of averting the consequences of a dangerous agitation, which is SO per cent wrong, is to remedy the 20 per cent of evil as to which the agitation is well-founded. The best way to avert the very undesirable move for the governmental ownership of railways is to secure by the government on behalf of the people as a whole such adequate control and regulation of the great inter state common carriers as will do away with the evils which give rise to the agi tation aigainst them. So the proper an tidote to the dangerous and wicked agi tation against the men of wealth as such is to secure by proper legislation and ex ecutive action the abolition of the grave abuses which actually do obtain in con nection with the business use of wealth under our present system or rather no system of failure to exercise any ade quate control at all. Some persons speak as If the exercise of such governmental control would do away with the freedom of individual initiative and dwarf indi vidual effort. This is not a fact. It would be a veritable calamity to fail to put a premium upon individual initiative, individual capacity and effort: upon the energy, character, and foresight which it is so "important to encourage in the in dividual. But as a matter of fact the deadening and dee-rading effect of pure Socialism, and especially of its extreme form communism, and the destruction of individual character which they would bring about, are in part achieved hy the wholly unregulated competition whieh results in a single individual or corpora tion ris-'ng at the exrense of all others until his or its rise effectually checks all comnetition and reduces former competi tors to a position of utter inferiority and subordination. Tn enacting and enforcing such legisla tion as this congress already has to lis credit, we are working on a coherent plan, with the steady endeavor to secure the needed reform by the Joint action of the moderate men, the plain men who do intend to deal in resolute commonsense fashion with the- real and great evils of the present system. The reactionaries and the violent extremists show symp toms of joining hands against us. Both assert, for instance, that if logical, we should go to government ownership of railroads and the like; the reactionaries, because on such an issue they think the people would stand with them, while the extremists care rather to preach discon tent and agitation than to achieve solid results. As a matter of fact, our position Is as remote from that of the Bourbon reactionary as from that of the imprac ticable or sinister visionary. We hold that the government should not conduct the business of the nation, but that it should exercise such supervision as will insure its being conducted in the interest of the nation. Our aim is, so far as may be, to secure, for all decent, hard working men, equality of opportunity and equality of burden. Noxious AVhen Xot Effective. The actual working of our laws has shown that the effort to prohibit all com bination, good or bad, is noxious where it is not ineffective. Combination of cap ital like combination of labor is a nec essary element of our present industrial system. It is not possible completely to prevent it; and if it were possible, such complete prevention would do dam age to the body politic. What we need is not vainly to -try to prevent all com bination, but to secure such rigorous and adequate control and supervision of the combinations as to prevent their injuring the public, or existing in such form as inevitably to threaten injury for the mere fact that a combination has se cured practically complete control of a necessary of life would under any circum stances show that such combination was to be presumed to.be adverse to the pub lic interest. . It is unfortunate that our present laws should forbid all combina tions, instead of sharply discriminating between those combinations which do good and those combinations which do evil. Rebates, for instance, are as often due to the pressure of big shippers (as was shown in the investigation of the Standard Oil company and as has been shown since by the investigation of the tobacco and sugar trusts) as to the ini tiative of big railroads. Often railroads would like to combine for the purpose of fireventing a big shipper from maintain ng improper advantages at the expense of small shippers and of the general pub lic. Such a combination, instead of be ing forbidden by law, should be favored. In other words, it should be permitted to railroads to make agreements, pro vided these agreements were sanctioned by the interstate commerce commission and were published. With these two con ditions complied with It is impossible to see what harm such a combination could do to the public at large. It is a public evil to have on the statute books a law incapable of full enforcement because both judges and juries realize that its full enforcement would destroy the business of the country; for the result is to make decent railroad men violators of the law against their will, and to put a premium on the behavior of the wilful wrongdoers. Such a result In turn tends to throw the decent man and the wilful wrongdoer into close association, and in the end to drag down the former to the latter's level; for the man who becomes a law breaker in one way unhappily tends to lose all respfet for law, and to' be will ing to break it in-many w-ays. No more scathing condemnation could be visited upon a law than is contained in the words of the Interstate commerce com mission when, in commenting upon the fact that the numerous Joint traffic as sociations do technically violate the law, they say: "The decision of the United States supreme court in the Trans-Missouri case and the Joint Traffic associa tion case has produced no practical ef fect upon the railway operations of the country. Such associations, in fact, ex ist now as they did before these deci sions .and with the same general effect. In justice to all parties, we ought prob ably to add that it is difficult to see how our interstate railway's could be operated with due regard to the interest of the shipper and the railway without concerted action ot the kind afforded through these associations." This means that, the' law as construed by the supreme, eotrrf is such that' the business of Ih-1 country can not be con ducted wlftrvu-t breaking-'ft. I- recommend that you give careful and early consider ation to this subject, and if you find the opinion of the Interstate commerce com mission Justified, that you amend the law so as to obviate the evil disclosed. Inheritance nd Income Tax. The question of taxation is difficult in any country, but it is especially difficult in ours with its iederal system of gov ernment. Some taxes should on every ground be levied in a small district for use in that district. Thus the taxation of real estate is peculiarly one for the immediate locality in which the real es tate is found. Again, there is no more legitimate tax for any state than a tax on the franchises conferred by that state upon street railroads and s:"uilar corpor ations which operate whol.y within the state boundaries, sometimes in one and sometimes in several municipalities or other minor divisions of the state. But there are many kinds of taxes which can only be levied by the general government so as to produce the best results, because, among other reasons, the atetmpt to im pose them in one particular state too of ten results merely in driving the cor poration or Individual affected to some other locality or other state. The na tional government has long derived its chief revenue from a tariff on imports and from an Internal or excise tax. In addition to these there is every reason why, when our system of taxation is re vised, the national government should lnv pose a graduated inheritance tax, and, if possible, a graduated income tax. The man of great wealth owes a peculiar ob ligation to the state, because he derives special advantages from the mere exist ence of government. Not only should he recognize this obligation in the way he leads his daily life and In the way he earns and spends his money, but it should nlso be recognized by the way in which he pays for the protection the state gives him. On the one hand, it is de sirable that he should assume his full and proper share of the burden of tax ation; on the other hand. It is quite as necessary that in this kind of taxation, where the men who vote the tax pay but little of it, there should be clear recogni tion of the danger of inaugurating any such system save in a spirit of entire justice and moderation. Whenever we, as a people, undertake to remodel our tax ation "system along the lines suggested, we must make it clear beyond peradven ture that our aim is to distribute the bur den of supporting the government more equitably than at present: that we Intend to treat rich man and poor man on a basis of absolute equality, and that we regard it as equally fatal to true de mocracy to do or permit Injustice to the one as to do or permit injustice to the other. I am well aware that such a subject as this needs long and careful study in or der that the people may become familiar with what is proposed to be done, may clearly see the necessity of proceeding with wisdom and self-restraint, and may make up their minds Just how far they are willing to go in the matter; while only trained legislators can work out the project in necessary detail. But I feel that in the near future our national leg islators should enact a law providing for a graduated inheritance tax by which a steadily increasing rate of duty should be put upon all moneys or other valuables coming by gift, bequest, or devise tb any individual or corporation. It may be well to make the tax heavy in proportion as the individual benefited is remote of kin. In any event, in my judgment the pro rata, of the tax should increase very heavily with the increase of the amount left to any one individual after a cer tain point has been reached. It Is most desirable to encourage thrift and ambi tion, and a Potent source of thrift and ambition is the desire on the part of the breadwinner to leave his children well off. This ohiect can be attained by making the tax very small on moderate amounts of property left: because, the prime ob ject should be to put a constantly in creasing burden on the inheritance of those swollen fortunes which it is cer tainly of no benefit to this country to perpetuate. There can be no question of the ethical propriety of the government thus deter mining the conditions upon which any gift: or inheritance should W received. Ex actly how far the inheritance tax would, as an incident, have the effect of limit ing the transmission by devise or gift : of the enormous fortunes In o'-estion it is not necessary at present to discuss. It is wise that progress in this direction should be gradual. At first a permanent national inheritance tax, while it might be more substantial than any such tax has hitherto been, need not approximate, either In amount or in the extent of the increase by graduation, to what such a tax should ultimately be. This species of tax has again and again been imposed, although only temporarily, by the national government. It was first imposed by the act o July 6. 1797, when the makers of the constitution were alive and at the head of affairs.. It was a graduated tax; though small in amount, the rate was increased with the amount left to any individual, exceptions being made in the case of certain close kin. A similar tax was again Imposed by the act of July 1, 1862; a minimum sum of one thousand dollars In personal property being excepted from taxation, the tax then becoming progressive according to the remoteness of kin. The war revenue act of June 13, 1KS, provided for an in heritance tax on any sum exceeding the value of ten thousand dollars, the rate of the tax increasing both In accordance with the amounts left and in accordance with the legatee's remoteness of kin. The supreme court has held that the succes sion tax imposed at the time of the civil war was not a direct tax but an impost or excise which was both constitutional and valid. More recently the court, In an opinion delivered by Mr. Justice White, which contained an exceedingly able and elaborate discussion of the powers of the congress to impose death duties, sus tained the constitutionality of the inheritance-tax feature of the war-revenue act Of 3S9S. In its incidents, and apart from the main purpose of raising revenue, an income tax stands on an entirely different footing from an inheritance tax; because It in volves no question of the perpetuation of fortunes swollen to an unhealthy size. The question is in its essence a question of the proper adjustment of burdens to benefits. As the law now stands it is un doubtedly difficult to devise a national income tax which shall be constitutional. But whether it is absolutely impossible is another question; and if possible it is most certainly desirable. The first pure ly income-tax law was past by the con gress in 1S61, but the most Important law dealing with the subject was that of 1S94. This the court held to be unconstitutional. Delicate and Troublesome. The question is undoubtedly very intri cate, delicate, and troublesome. The de cision of the court was only reached by one majority. It is the law of the land, and of course Is accepted as such and loy ally obeyed by all good citizens. Never theless, the hesitation evidently felt by the court as a whole in coming to a con clusion, when considered together with the previous decisions on the subject, may perhaps indicate the possibility of devising a constitutional Income-tax law which shall substantially accomplish the results aimed at. The difficulty of amend ing the constitution is so great that only real necessity can justify a resort there to. Every effort should be made in deal ing with this subject, as with the sub ject of the proper control by the national government over the use of corporate weaitn in Interstate business, to devise legislation which without such action shall attain the desired end; but if this fails, there will ultimately be no alterna tive to a constitutional amendment. It would be impossible to overstate (though it is of course difficult quanti tatively to measure) the effect upon a nation's growth to greatness of what may be- called organized patriotism, which necessarily includes the substitution of a national feeling for mere local pride; with as a resultant a high ambition for the whole country. No country can develop its full strength so long as the parts which make up the whole each put a feeling of loyalty to the part above the feeling of loyalty to the whole. This is true of the sections and it is just as true of classes. The industrial and agricul tural classes must work together, capital ists and wageworkers must work together, it the best work ot which the country is capable is to be done. It is probable that a thoroughly efficient system of edu cation comes next to the influence of pa triotism in bringing about national suc cess of this kind. Our federal form of government, so fruitful of advantage to our people In certain ways, in other ways undoubtedly limits our national effective ness. It is not possible, for instance, for the national government to take the lead in technical industrial education, to see that the public school system of this country develops on all its technical. In dustrial, scientific, and commercial sides. This must be left primarily to the sev eral states. Nevertheless, the national government has control of the schools of the District of Columbia, and it should see that these schools promote and en courage the fullest development of the scholars in both commercial and indus trial training. The commercial training should in one of its branches deal with foreign trade. The industrial training is even more important. It should be one of our prime objects as a nation, so far as feasible, constantly to work toward putting the mechanic, the wageworker, who works with his hands, on a higher plane of efficiency and reward, so as to Increase his effectiveness in the economic world, and the dignity, the remuneration, and the power of his position in the so cial world. Unfortunately, at present the effect of some of the work in the public schools is in the exactly opposite direc tion. If boys' and girls are trained riterely in literary accomplishments, to the total exclusion of industrial, manual, and tech nical .training, the tendency is to unfit them for industrial work and to make them reluctant to go Into it, or unfitted to do well if they do go into it. This is a tendency which should be strenuously combated. Our industrial development depends largely upon technical education, including in this term all industrial edu cation, irom that which fits a man to be a good mechanic, a good carpenter, or blacksmith, to that which fits a man to do the greatest engineering feat. The skill ed mechanic, the skilled workman, can best become such by technical industrial education. The far-reaching usefulness of institutes of technology and schools of mines or of engineering, is now uni versally acknowledged, and no less far reaching is the effect of a good building or mechanical trades school, a textile, or watchmaking, or engraving school. All such training much develop not only manual dexterity but industrial Intelli gence. In international rivalry this coun try does not have to fear the competi tion of pauper labor as much as It has to fear the educated labor of specially trained competitors; and we should have the education of the hand, eye, and lain which will fit us to meet such competi tion. In every possible way we should help the wageworker who toils with his hands and who must (we hope in a constantly increasing measure) also toil with his brain. Under the constitution the na tional legislature can do but little of di rect importance for his welfare save where he is engaged in work which per mits it to act under the Interstate com merce clause of the constitution; and this is one reason why I so earnestly hope that both the legislative and judicial branches of the government will construe this clause of the constitution In the broadest manner possible. We can, how ever, in such a matter as industrial training, in such a matter as child labor and factory laws, set an example to the state by enacting the most advanced leg islation that can wisely be enacted for the District of Columbia. Agriculture. The only other person whose welfare is as vital to the welfare of the whole coun try as Is the welfare of the wageworkers are the tillers of the soil, the farmers. It is a mere truism to say th?-t no sr' vth of cities, no growth of wealth, no 1 : jb trlal development can atone for any ail ing off in the character and standing of the farming population. During the last few decades this fact has been recog nized with ever-increasing clearness. There is no longer any failure to realise that farming, at least in certain branches, must become r. technical and scientific profession. This means that there must be open to farmers the chance for tech nical and scientific training, not theoreti cal merely but of the most severely prac tical tyne. The farmer represents a pe peculiarlv high type of American citizen ship, p.nd he must have the same chance to rise and develop as other - American citizens have. Moreover, it is exactly as true of the farmer, as it Is of the busi ness man and the wageworker, ' that tli- ultimate success of the nation of which he forms a part must be founded not alone on material prosperity but upon hlp-h moral, mental, and physical devel opment. This education of the farmer self-education by preference, but also education from the outside, as with all other men Is peculiarly necessary here in the United States, where the frontier conditions even in the newest states have now nearly vanished, where there must be a substitution of a mere intensive sys- i tern of cultivation for the old wasteful farm management, and where there must be a better business organization among the farmers themselves. Several factors must co-operate In the improvement of the farmer's condition. He must have the chance to be educated in the widest possible sense in the sense which keens ever in view the intimate relationship between the theory of edu cation and the facts of life. In all edu cation we should widen our aims. It Is a good thing to produce a certain number of trained scholars and students; but the education superintended by the state must seek rather to produce a hundred good citizens than merely one scholar.and it must be turned now and then from the class book to the study of the great book of nature itself. This is especially true of the farmer, as has been pointed out again and again by all observers most competent to pass practical judg ment on the problems of our country life. All students now realize that education must seek to train the executive powers of younfr people and to confer more real significance upon the phrase "dignity ot labor," and to prepare the pupils so that in addition to each developing in the highest degree his individual capacity lor work, they may together help create a rlgh public opinion, and show in many ways social and co-operative spirit. Or ganization has become necessary In tne business world; and it has accomplished much for good in the world of labor, it is no less necessary for farmers. Such a movement as the grange movement is good in itself and is capable of a well nigh infinite farther extensio-i for pood bo long as it Is kept to its own legitimate business. The benefits to be derived by the association of farmers for mutual ad vantage are partly economic and partly sociological. Moreover, while in tlTe long run volun tary effort will prove more efficacious than government assistance, while the farmers must primarily do most for themselves, yet the government can also do much. The department of agriculture has broken new ground in many direc tions, and year by year it finds how it can improve its methods and develop fresh usefulness. Its constant effort is to give the governmental assistance in the most effective way; that is, through as sociations of farmers rather than to or through individual farmers. It is also striving to co-ordinate its work with the agricultural departments of the several states, and so far as its own work is educational, to co-ordinate it with the work of .other educational authorities. Agricultural education is necessarily based upon general education, but our agricul tural educational institutions are wisely specializing themselves, making their courses relate to the actual teaching ot the agricultural and kindred sciences to young country people or young city peo ple who wish to live in the country. Great progress has already been made among farmers by the creation of farm ers' institutes, of dairy associations, of breeders' associations, horticultural asso ciations, and the like. A striking exam ple of how the government and the farm ers can co-operate is shown in connec tion with the menace offered to the cot ton growers of the southern states by the advance of the boll weevil. The depart ment is doing all it can to organise wie farmers in the threatened districts, just as it has been doing all it can to organ ize them in aid of its work to eradicate the cattle fever tick in the south. Ihe department can and will co-operate with all such associations, and it must have their help if its own work is to be done in the most efficient style. Irrigation and Torest Preservation. Much is now being done for the states of the Rocky Mountains and Great Plains through the development of the national policy of irrigation and forest preserva tion; no government policy for the bet terment of our internal conditions has been more fruitful good than this. The forests of the White Mountains and Southern Appalachian regions should also be preserved; and they can not be un iea the neonle of the states In which they lie, through their representatives in the congress, secure, vigorous action by the national government. I invite the attention of the congress to the estimate of the secretary of war- 1- r an appropriation to enaDie mm to oegm the preliminary work for the construction of a memorial amphitheater at Arling ton. The Grand Army of the Republic in its national encampment has urged the erection of such an amphitheater as nec essary for the proper observance of Mem orial day and as a fitting monument to the soldier ana sauor aeau uuncu tm-ic. Ill this I heartily concur and commend the matter to the favorable consideration of the congress. I am well aware of how difficult it Is to pass a constitutional amendment. Nev ertheless in my judgment the whole ques tion cf marriage and divorce should be relegated to the authority of the national congress. At present the wide differences in the laws ot tne miiei-fiii. biklco jh Lma subject result in scandals and abuses; and surely there Is nothing so vitally es sential to the welfare of the nation, noth ing around which the nation should so bend itself to throw every safeguard, as the home life of the average citizen. The change would be good from every stand point. In particular it would be good be cause It would confer on the congress the power at once to deal radically and ef- cientiv wun poiKamy, ivi nwo Vi. nno whether or not marriage and di vorce are dealt with. It is neither safe nor proper to leave tne question oi poi g amxr -tn Ha Hnlt with hv the several states Power to deal with It should be conferred on the national government. When home ties are loosened; when men and women cease to regara a wormy family life, with all its duties fully per formed, and all its responsibilities lived up to. as the life best worth living; then evil davs for the commonwealth are at hand There are regions In our land, and classes of our population. where the birth rate has sunk peiow tne oeatn rate. Surely It should need no demonstration to show that wilful sterility is, from the standpoint of the nation, from the stand point of the human race, the one sin for which the penalty is national death, .race death; a sin tor wnicn mere is no atone ment; a sin which is the more dreadful ex actly in proportion as the men and wo men guiltv thereof are in other respects, in character, and bodily and mental pow ers, those whom for the sake of the state it would be well to see the fathers and mothers of many healthy children, well brought up tn homes made happy by their presence. No man, no woman, can shirk the primary duties of life, whether for love of ease and pleasure, or for any other cause, and retain his or her self respect. Let me once again call the attention of the congress to two subjects concerning Which I have frequently before communi cated with them. One is the ques' on of developing American shipping. I trust that a law embodying In substance the views, or a major part of the views, ex pressed in the report on this subject laid before the house at Its lat session will be passed. I am well aware that in for mer yars objectionable measures have ben proposed in reference to the encour agement of A neriran shipping: but It seems to me that the proposed measure Is as nearly unobjectionable as any can be. It will of course benefit primarily our seaboard states, such s Maine. Ijouislana. and Washington; but what benefits part of our people In the end benefits all; just as government aid to irrigation and forestry In the west Is real lv of benefit, not only to the Rocky Mountain states, but to all our country. If It prove impracticable to enact a law for the encouragement of shipping gener ally, then at least provision should be made for better communication with Pouth America, notably for fast mail lines to the chief South American ports. It Is discreditable to us that our business people, for lack of direct communica tion in the shape of lines of steamers with South America, should in that great sister continent be at a disadvantage com pared -to the business people of Europe. Currency Reform. I especially call your attention to the second subject, the condition of our cur rency laws. The national bank act has ably served a great purpose In aiding the enormous business development of the country; and within ten years there has been an increase in circulation per capita from $21. 41 to S33.08. For several years evidence has been accumulating that ad ditional legislation is needed. The recur rence of each crop season emphasizes the defects of the present laws. There must soon be a revision of them, "because to leave them as they are means to Incur liability of business disaster. Since your body adjourned there has been a fluctua tion in the interest on call money from 2 per cent to 30 per cent; and the fluc tuation was even greater during the pre ceding six months. The secretary of the treasury -had to step in and by wise ac tion put a stop to the most violent per iod of oscillation. Even worse than such fluctuation is the advance fn commercial rates and the uncertainty feit in the suf ficiency of credit even at high rates. All commercial interests suffer during each crop period. Excessive rates for call money in New York attract money from the interior banks into the speculative field: this depletes the fund that would otherwise be available for commercial uses, and commercial borrowers are forced to pay abnormal rates; so that each fall a tax, in the Bhape of increased interest charges, is placed on the whole commerce of the country. The mere statement of these facts shows that our present system is ser iously defective. There is need of a change. Unfortunately, however, many of the proposed changes must be ruled from consideration because they are com plicated, are not easy of comprehension, and tend to disturb existing rights and interests. We must also rule out any plan which would materially impair the value of the United States 2 per cent bonds now pledged to secure circulation, the issue of which was made under con ditions peculiarly creditable to the treas ury. I do not press any especial plan. Various plans have recently been pro posed by expert committees of bankers. Among- the plans which are possibly feas ible and which certainly should receive your consideration is that repeatedly brought to your attention by the present secretary of the treasury, the essential features of which have been approved by many prominent bankers and business men. According to this plan, national banks should be permitted to issue a spe cified proportion of their capital in notes of a given kind, the issue to be taxed at so high a rate as to drive the notes back when not wanted in legitimate trade. This plan would not permit the issue of currency to give banks addi tional profits, but to meet the emergency presented by times of trlnn-v I do not say that this Is the "right sys tem. I only advance it to emphasize my i..i lunc is ueeu tor tne adoption of some system which shall be automatic and open to all sound banks, so as to avoid all possibility of discrimination and favoritism. Such a plan would tend to prevent the spasms of high money and speculation which now obtain in the New York market; for at present there is too much currency at certain seasons of the year, and its accumulation at New York tempts bankers to lend it at low rate for speculative purposes; whereas at other times when the crops are being moved there is urgent need for a large but temporary increase In the currency supply. It must never be forgotten that this question concerns business men gen eFa,!,ly ,aulte as much as bankers: espe cially Is this true of stockmen, farmers and business men In the west; for at present at certain seasons of the year the difference in Interest rates between the east and the west is from 6 to 10 per cent whereas in Canada the corresponding dif ference is but 2 per cent. Any plan must, of course, guard the interests of western and southern bankers as carefully as it guards the interest of New York or Chi cago bankers; and must be drawn from the standpoints of the farmer and the merchant no less than from the stand points of the city banker and the coun try banker. The law should be amended so as spe cifically to provide that the funds de rived from customs duties may be treated by the secretary of the treasury as he treats funds obtained under the Internal revenue laws. There should be a con siderable increase in bills of small de nominations. Permission should be given banks, if necessary under settled restric tions, to retire their circulation to a larger amount than three millions a month. Philippine Tariff. I most earnestly hope that the bill to provide a lower tariff for or else absolute free trade in Philippine products will be come a law. No harm will come to any American Industry; and while there will be some small but real materia! benefit to the Filipinos, the main benefit will come by the showing made as to our purpose to do all in our power for their welfare. So far our action In the Philip pines has been abundantly Justified, not mainly and indeed not primarily because of the added dignity It has given us as a nation by proving that we are capable honorably and efficiently to bear the In ternational burdens which a mighty peo ple should bear, but even more because of the immense benefit that has come to the people of the Philippine Islands. In these islands we are steadily introducing both liberty and order, to a greater de gree than their people have ever known. We have secured justice. We have pro vided an efficient polic force, and have put down ladronism. Only in the islands of Leyte and Samar is the authority tf our government resistedand this by wild mountain tribes under the superstitious inspiration of fakirs and pseudo-reiiglous leaders. We are constantly increasing the measure of liberty accorded the island ers, and next spring, if conditions war rant, we shall take a great stride for ward In testing their capacity for self government by summoning the first Fili pino legislative assembly; and the wav in which they stand this test will largely determine whether the self-government thus granted will be increased or de creased; for if we have erred at all In the Philippines it has been In proceeding too rapidly in the direction of granting a large measure of self-government. We are building roads. We have, for the im measurable good of the people, arranged for the building of railroads. Let us also see to it that they are given free access to our markets. This nation owes no more imperative duty to itself and man kind than the duty of managing the af fairs of all the islands under the Ameri can flag the Philippines, Porto Rico and Hawaii so as to make it evident that it is in every way to their advantage that the flag should fly over them. American citizenship should be con ferred on the citizens of Porto Rico. The harbor of San Juan in Porto Rico should be dredged and Improved. The expenses of the federal court of Porto Rico should be met from the federal treasury. The administration ot the affairs of Porto Rico, together with those of the Philip pines, Hawaii, and our other insular pos sessions, should all be directed under one executive department; by preference the department of state or the department of war. . The needs of Hawaii are peculiar; every aid should be given the islands; and our efforts should be unceasing to develop them alor.g the lines of a community of freeholders, not of great planters with coolie-tilled estates. Situated a this ter ritory is, in the middle of the Pacific, there are duties imposed upon this small community which do not fall In like de gree or manner upon any other American community. This warrants our treating It differently from the way in which we treat territories contiguous to or sur rounded by sister territories or other states, and Justifies the setting aside of a portion of our revenues to be expended, for educational and internal improve ments therein. Hawaii is now making an effort to secure Immigration fit in the en4 to assume the duties and burdens of full American citizenship, and whenever the leaders in the various industries of those islands finally adopt our ideals and heart ily Join our administration in endeavor ing to develop a middle class of substan tial citizens, a way will then be fouiid to deal with the commercial and Industrial problems which now appear to them so serious. The best Americanism Is that which alms for stability and permanency of prosperous citizenship, rather than Im mediate returns on large masses of capl tnl. Alaska's needs have been partially met but there must be a complete reorganiza tion of the governmental system, as I have before Indicated to you. I ask your especial attention to this. Our fellow citizens, who dwell on the shores of Pu get Sound with characteristic energy are arranging to hold in Seattle the Alaska Yukon Pacific exposition. Its special alms Include the upbuilding of Alaska and the development of American com merce on the Pacific Ocean. This expo sition, in its purposes and scope, should appeal not only to the people of the Pa cific slope, but to the people of th United States at large. Alaska since it was bought has yielded to the govern ment eleven millions of dollars of revenue. ana nas prouucea nearly tnree hundred millions of dollars in gold, furs and fish When properly developed, it will become in large degree a land of homes. The countries bordering the Pacific Ocean have a population more numerous than that of all the countries of Em-one- ihi annual foreign commerce amounts to over three billions of dollars, of which ouaitr ui tut; iviuieu OiatPJ IS SOm seven hundred millions of dollars. If this trade were thoroughly understood and pushed by our manufacturer . ducers: the industries not onlv of the Pa cific slope, but of all our countrv and particularly of our cotton growing Vtatea, (Continue on Page Three.)