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THE TOPEKA DAILY STATE JOURNAL JUNE 18, 1912
7 LINE OF BATTLE IS LAID DOWN Continued from Iaee Six.) There never lineup than plain people the one side. We ask that, before the convention proceeds to organize, the groups of contested delegates stand aside and al low their title to be passed upon by lha rama iniliff iinonntPHtf-fl delegates. This will be not only in strict accord ance with common apnSl" ana JUSllLe, but in accordance with the practice prevalent under the rules of congress in the organization ol tne nou " C rnto.fOll rnt"l. We Will . v.iri h h .icr-tsion of any honest and impartial tribunal in this matter; .., win r,r,t norm it the frauauient- Iv seated delegates to sit as judges on their own cases and perhaps as a. re sult, to overthrow in the interests of certain bosses and of tne Dentin. . j of privilege, the clearly in.1?' atelv expressed judgment of the p.ain ...v, vnavo nn the rank ana i: li.t 11.1 II'' ........ r i .. . r v. DannVillrnn r,art. "We rest our case, not only before the Republican voters, but before the American people, upon the proposition first, that the national committee can not defeat the wishes of the rank and file of the Republican voters uj- un seating delegates honestly elected i und .v who are dishonest- iv substituted for them by the national committee must not be permitted to vote on their own cases and to be the i nt fraud committed in UCllCllliai ' ' .1 .,.. hahalf this between tne of the country on oni on the other tne powers that prey, the representor special privileges in the wona ol uu. ness and their toots and instruments in the world of pontics. nero no compromise in such a contest, it is natural that tne representing special privilege, who know tnat ep ial privilege cannot continue if the pea ii., should resort unblusn :. i.. . ..-.. binii of tnckerv ana dishonesty in order to perpetuate their or. the nartv. and should be eagcl callously to destroy the party if nec essary to prevent its being controlled bv its rank aha nie. uui ior iiw reason we feel we have a right solemn ly to anneal to all honest men to stand with us on what has now become n,ii icono of ritrht and wrong. There can be no yielding, no flinching on out w have the neoDle behind us overwhelmingly. We have justice and i.i.nc.tv on our side. We are warring against bossism. against privilege, social and industrial; we are warring iui . elemental virtues of honesty and decen cy, of fair dealing as between man ana man; we are warring to save the Re publican iparty. and the only reward for which we ask is to put our party in such shape that it shall be of tha highest possible service to the peopl; of the United States. 'Now let us consider what this fight has been for. The issue has been sharp ly drawn, not merely by the words of lir. Taft and of myself and of our sup porters, but by our several actions. I have stood for the right of the people to rule and for their duty so to rule as to work, for moral, political and in dustrial Justice. Mr. Taft has no less explicitly stood for a government of the people by what he calls a 'repre sentative part' of the people; and while he has of course stated in perfunctory fashion that he favors industrial jus tice, he has violently opposed every practical method advanced for actually doing away with industrial injustice for actually driving privilege out of its entrenchments, and for actually equal- , izing opportunity. He Tells of Primaries. "At the present moment we see be fore our eyes here in Chicago just ex actly what Mr. Taft's doctrine of gov ernment of the people by a 'repre sentative part' of the people really amounts to. Eight years ago I re ceived electoral votes from 33 states. In 20 of these states direct primaries have been held, or if not direct pri maries at least primaries sufficient to Kive the people a reasonable chance to express their preferences. In these 20 states where the rank and file f the Republican party had a chance to express their preference I won 395 delegates, Mr. Taft 67, Mr. LaFollette 36. That is, in those states which went Republican eight years ago, Mr. Taft obtained between one-seventh and one-eighth of the delegates where the people had a chance to express their will. These primary states are scattered everywhere throughout the country, from Maine to California, and It is impossible to doubt that they give an accurate measure of what the vote in all the Republican states would be If the people had been allowed a chance to vote. "But Mr. Taft's representatives, wherever possible. prevented the adoption of a primary law. They pre vented it In Michigan, for Instance, they prevented it in Montana. With out question Montana and Michigan would have gone for us at least as strongly as Illinois and Oregon, had there been a primary law. Before the people of either state Mr. Taft did not stand the chance to get a single dele gate. His led captains recognized this fact and prevented the people from vrting; he and they distrusted the peo ple, with reason; and, with equal rea son, they trusted the professional poli ticians; and in Montana and Michigan Mr. Taft won delegates, to the snick ering delight of every friend of priv ilege and tjosslsm in the land, whose relish is peculiarly keen in seeing del egates won against the will of the people. "These Republican primary states cast over two-thirds of the Republican vote in the electoral college. In them the people snoke. They went over whelmingly for me, and still more: overwhelmingly against Mr. Taft. In the other states that went Republican eight years ago no primaries were heid ni in all but one the politicians had nearly complete sway. In those states Air. lait secured 176 votes. I secured 4 0, Mr. Cummins 10. Of the Republi can states, therefore. I received the overwneimmg majority of the dele gates wnerever the people could ex (Q)M Feet for Nothing does the feet more good than a simple rubbing with this wonderful Oil. It strengthens and soothes burning, aching and swollen in a remarkable wav. Trial feet bottle ioc; large bottles ajc, 50c press themselves, and taking these states all told in spite of Mr. Taft's triumph in the states where thete were no real primaries- I received 435 delegates (including those which the national committee has stolen) as against the 243 for Mr. Taft. the 36 for Mr. LaFollette and the 10 for Mr. Cummins. "I Carried 21 States." "To put it in another Way, I square'y carried twenty-one of the old Repub lican states, and these states cast 263 votes in the electoral college within three of a majority of the total elec toral vote. Mr. Taft carried enough states (where there were no prlmar-; ies) to give him eighty-two electoral votes; Mr. .LaFollette carried two states with eighteen electoral votes: Mr. Taft and Mr. Cummins divided one state with thirteen votes. "There remain States which, al though Democratic at the last election contain a genuine Republican party states like Xorth Carolina and Okla homa, where there were primaries and where I carried every delegate except three. It tnus appear? that In the Re publican states Mr., Taft was beaten two to one. and that in the Republican states which held primaries where the people could express their desires, he was beaten by over seven to one. I call your attention to one significant feature in the attitude of the Taft victories' and defeats. . Whenever their headlines announced a defeat for Mr. Taft it meant that there had been a vote by the people themselves in a primary state. Whenever during the last ten days they have announced a victory for Mr. Taft it has meant that Mr. Taf t s representatives in the na tional committee have thrown out del egates, elected by the people at large to represent them. My victories have been won before the people and by the people. Mr. Taft's have been won by the bosses and by the representa tives of special privilege, by the na tional committee, and by boss con trolled conventions and machine poli ticians. I carry Washington at the polls; he carries it before the national committee. He never has had, and has not now, a chance with the peo ple; and I have just as little chance wherever the crooked type of politi cian has power. Taft's Nomination Means Ruin. 'If I am nominated it will be he- cause whenever they have had a chance the verdict of the people, ex pressed in millions of votes, has been over two to one in my favor. If Mr. Taft were nominated it would mean the ruin of the Republican party; for the roll call of his delegates as pre pared bv the national committee consists, first, of delegates from states that never cast a Republican electoral vote; second, of boss controlled dele gates from states where the Republi can voters were not allowed to express their nreference: third, of delegates stolen from me, and fourth, and least in importance, of the delegates given him by the people the last who are the only delegates to w)m he has nv claim in right or morals, repre senting but one-eighth of his strength the other seven-eigthths representing the iihscrnniilous use of patronage in the south, the unscrupulous tactics of unprincipled machine politicians in the north, and the naked thefts of the national committee. Tells His Side of Olilo Case. Let me give you two striking illus trations of how Mr. Taft's theory cf government of the people by a 'repre sentative Dart of the people actually turns out to be in practice. In onio. a primary was held for the district dele gates: but the Taft managers who had ccntroF of the state central committee refused our request that there should also be a primary vote for the dele gates at large. At the primary I beat Mr. Taft by 47,000 in a vote which was about 80 per cent of that polled at the last election for governor. It was an overwhelming repudiation of Mr. Taft by the plain people, by the rank and file of the Republican party of Ohio, But this did not affect the state con vention. Mr. Taft was not above sending an appeal to his leaders in the state convention begging them to give him the vote anyhow !n plte of the way in which he had been repudiated at the polls. In that con vent Ion the county in which . the city of Cleveland stands had some fifty delegates. That county had gone against Mr. Taft about three to one; he had even run behind Mr. LaFollette. His repudiation by the people of the county had been so complete that it is t.- me literally incomprehensible how any man with any pretensions to hon orable feeling could fail to accept the verdict. But Mr. Taft's lieutenants, headed by Senator Burton, undertook to steal from the people their right to deliver what verdict they chose. Their task was no more reputable than any form of burglary and was far more damaging to the community than burglary. They were successful. They succeeded in getting from the city of Cleveland, which had repudiated Mr. Taft three to one at the polls, a delega tion of politicians which was ten to one in his favor. This delegation turn ed the scale at the state convention and earned Mr. Taft's effusive grati tude by stealing for him from the peo ple of Ohio the six delegates at large. H.? was not entitled to these delegates. The people of Ohio, who were defrauded In his interest, were entitled to them. The people were cheated out of their rights bcause they were misrepresented by the convention Mr. Taft asked the Ohio state convention to misrepresent the people and it did misrepresent the people. Mr. Taft need never again ex-i plain what he means by government of the people by a 'representative part of inn people. He has shown in actual practice that he means government of tne people by politicians who shall mis represent them in the selfish Interest on someone else. Taft Men Most Brazen. "My second example is the nation-il committee itself. The recent action of tne national committee illustrates well what has happened in our countrv in the twisting of nominal representative government away from its original purpose until' it becomes thoroughly unrepresentative ana misrepresenta tlve. All this party machinery was originally designed simply in order to make the will of the party genuinely effective. It had no other purpose then. It can have no other legitimate pur pose now. Until within a very few years no man would have been brazen enough openly to announce that this was not its purpose. It has been re served for Mr. Taft and his friends in thi:- crisis openly to act on such an as sumption. "The other day thirty-seven of Mr. Taft's adherents on the national com mittee stole from the people of Cali fornia their right to give the votes of California to tha men of their choice. These thirty-seven politicians, none of wnom lived in California, assumed to override the will of 14 million of Cal ifornia voters who had recorded their will at the primary. The thirty-seven men who do not live in California have given seats to two Taft men whom the 14 million California vot ers had refused to seat. These two j Taft delegates have no more right to! sit in the Republican convention than they nave to alt in. tha Democratic 1 convention. They were defeated in California by about 77,000 majority a majority greater than Mr. Taft's en tire vote. Under the act of the leg islature all the delegates ran on one ticket, the Taft and Roosevelt dele gates alike binding themselves to abide by the result. No delegates were elected by districts. Mr. Taft sent an urgent appeal to California just before the primary election, an appeal which showed his complete ac quiescence In what was done and un less he was prepared then to protest, it was dishonorable to protest after wards. Yet on the plea of a hench man of Mr. Patrick Calhoun's, 37 ad herents of Mr. Taft on the national committee robbed the people of Cali fornia of their rights and seated the two Taft-Calhoun delegates. Of these 37 men, four represented the terri tories of Alaska, Hawaii, the Philip pines and Porto Rico. Twelve rep resented states that went Democratic four years ago. Fourteen came from Republican states, every one of which had repudiated Mr. Tatt and his com mitteemen at the primaries held this spring. In other words, or tne s I Taft men who in Mr. Taft's interest robbed the overwhelming majority of the Republican voters of the great Republican state of California of tneir rights, sixteen represented no Repub lican electoral vote whatever and fourteen represented Republican states whose voters by overwhelming majorities had repudiated the men themselves and Mr. Taft also at the primaries held this spring. There re main out of the 29 only seven men six of these representing states where the Republican voters have had no chance to express their preference for president. In other words, out or me 37 men on the national committee who in Mr. Taft's interest disfran chised California so far as two of its delegates are concerned, but one sin gle man represented a ertate where the majority was Republican and where, when it had a chance, it has not repudiated both the man himself and Mr. Taft himself. The action of the committee in seating the Taft del egates from Washington was even worse; and in the other states I have named it was at least as bad. This is Mr. Taft's theory of government of the people by a 'representative part' of the people when it is reduced to nnMii-n TTrom the oractice of this theory, under the pretense of heeding the forms of democracy, n " step farther to cast aside all pretense ,i,(.,'.r. anri TWr. Taft's lieutenants have taken this step again and again; from swindling tne people Dy suaii political tricks they have gone to the point of deliberate theft. Taft Anxious to Thwart People. "Mr. Taft, encouraging what was done in the Ohio state conveniiu... showed his anxious desire to defeat the will of the people by sharp trick ery which kept just within the law. But in electing ana seauus ""- irates whom the Tart national com mitteemen have put on the temporary roi: of the convention from California. Washington, Arizona, Kentucky, In diana, Texas and other states, a much longer step towards oishonesty has been taken. These delegates represent deliberate theft, deliberate robbery. The action of Mr. Taft's supporters in these cases raises a question more vital than those that have legitimately been raised In this campaign. Before discussing questions dealing with the right of the people to rule and to secure social and Industrial Justice, it is necessary to settle once for all that when the decision has been made by the people it shall not be reversed by force and fraud. We have a right, to ask every honest man among our op ponents, whatever may be his views as to the principles we advocate, heartily: to support us In this fight for the ele mentary, the fundamental honesties of politics. The first and greatest issue before us is the issue of theft. Every honest citizen should Join with us in the fight for honesty against theft and corruption. Democracy Pat to Final Test. "It Is not to be wondered at that our opponents have been very bitter; for the lineup in this crisis is one that cuts deep to the foundations of government. Our democracy is now put to a vital test: for the conflict is between human rights on the one side and on the other special privileges as serted as a property right. The part ing of the ways has come. The Re publican party must definitely stand on one side or the other. It must stand, bv deeds, and not merely by err.Dtv Dhrases, for the rights of hu manity, or else It must stand, for spe cial privileges. "Our opponents are i-nd of calling themselves regular Republicans. In realitv they have no title to member ship in any party that is true to the principles of Abraham Lincoln. They are fighting for tne cause or special privileges and their chief strength is drawn from the beneficiaries or en trenched economic ajid social Injustice. I do not In the least mean that they are all of them or even a majority of them influenced by improper motives any more than I would ,say the same thing of the men in the North wno. during the Civil War, were favorable to Blavery and hostile to the Union. But most of the master spirits among them have a strong selfish interest in resisting the campaign against indus trial wrong. The real masters among our opponents are often by no means the men nominally in the forefront. These real masters of the reactionary forces have a tremendous personal In terest In perpetuating the rule of the boss in politics with as its necessary accompaniment the safeguarding of privileges and the enlarging of the sphere of special interest. They are the men who stand back of the ordi nary political leaders who are against us. They are the men who directly or irdirectly control the majority of the great daily newspapers that are against us. Behind them Comes the host of henest citizens who, because the chan nels of their information are choked, misunderstand our position and believe that In opposing us they are opposing disturbers of peace. In addition these arc the men who now, as in every age, are intellectually and tempera mentally incapable of consenting to pro gress and who worship at the shrine of the sanctity of property even though that property be illicitly acquired and Ask Your Doctor Stops ratlins Hair Destroys Dandruff An Elegant Dressing Makes Hair Grow Aycr's Hair Vigor DOCS NOT COLOR TH C HAIR J. O. im Omrrurt. Lawall, Km. used to the detriment of the commun ity. Standpatters Are Flayed. "All of these honest men are sedu lously taught by the big sinister men above them that revolution impends if we strike at even the most obvious injustice. They are taught to believe that change means destruction. They are wrong. The men who temperate ly and with self-restraint, but with Unflinching resolution and efficiency, strike at injustice, right grievous wrong, and drive entrenched privilege from its sanctuary, are the men who prevent revolutions. Life means change; where there Is no change, death comes. We who fight sanely for the rights of the people, for in dustrial Justice and social reform, are also fighting for material well being; for justice is the handmaiden of pros perity; and without justice there can be no lasting prosperity. We pledge ourselves not only to strive for pros perity, but to bring it about; for it can only come on a. basis of fair treatment for all; and on such a basis it shall come, if the people entrust power to us. "When I undertook this contest I was well aware of the intense bitter ness which my re-entry Into politics would cause. I knew that the pow ers that prey would oppose me with tenfold the bitterness they would show in opposing any other progres sive candidate, simply because they do not fear any other progressive can didate, whereas they very greatly fear me. I knew also that they would directly or indirectly influence very many men who pride themselves upon belonging to and indeed typifying what they regard as the educated and respectable classes. But it has been to me a matter of melancholy con cern to see the effect that these in fluences have produced upon so many men in the northeast, and in cities like New lork, Boston and Philadel-' phia, who lead lives that are on the whole rather pleasant, rather soft, and who are free from all possibility of the pressure of actual want. It has been a matter of concern to me to see how bitter and irrational has been the opposition to us among a very large proportion of these men, the men who are to be found in the most noted clubs, in the centers of big business, and in the places especially resorted to by those whose chief de sires are for ease and pleasure. Corporation Men Wanted. "We have with us a small nercent- age of the heads of great corpora tions and of great corporation law yers, including, I believe, almost every man oi eitner class sufficiently high minded and far sighted to see that in the long run privilege spells destruc tion, not only to the class harmed by It, but the class possessing it. We wel come the presence of these men. Every honest man. whatever his for tune, should be our ally. The great majority of capitalists, however, and of the big corporation lawyers so in timately connected with them, are naturally hostile to us. Their hostil ity did not surprise me. The men who are most benefited by privilege, unless they are exceptionally disin terested and far sighted, can not be expected to feel friendly towards those who assail privilege. But as sociated with them are many men whose selfish interest in privilege is far less obvious. I genuinely regret that we have had with us so small a percentage of the men for Whom life has been, easy, who belong to or are intimately associated with the leisured and moneyed classes: so small a proportion of the class which furnishes the bulk of the membership in the larger social business and professional clubs, and which suppplles the majority of the heads of our great educational institutions and of the men generally who takn th. lead in upholding the cause of virtue when oniy ine minor moralities and the ele gances of life are at issue. Mv concern and regret over their action are not pri marily ior our sakes, xor the sake of the people. My concern and regret are pri manly for these men themselves. They couia ao us gooa Dy joining witn us. ror it is earnestly to be wished that this movement for social justice shall number among its leaders at least a goodly pro portion of men whose leadership is obviously disinterested, who will them selves receive no material benefit from the changes which as a matter of justice iney aavocate. Yet the good to the peo ple would be small compared to the good which these men would do to their own class by casting in their lot with us as we oattie ror the rights of humanity, as we battle for social and industrial justice. as we champion the cause of those who most need champions and for whom champions have been too few. I have been puzzled at the attitude of the men in question. Fear Guides Tliem. "They are often men who in the past have been very severe in their condem nation of corruption, in their condemna tion of bossism. and in railing at injustice and demanding higher Ideals of public service and private life. Yet, when the supreme test comes, they prove false to all their professions of the past. They fear the people so intensely that they pardon and uphold every species of politi cal and business crookedness in the panic struck hope of strengthening the boss and special privilege and thereby raising a powerful shield to protect their own soft personalities from the public. "They are foolish creatures; the people would never harm them; yet they still dread the people. They stand with ser vile acquiescence behind tli sentattves of crooked business and crook ed Politics in the country and by speech or by silence they now encourage or con done the efforts of our opponents to steal from the people the victory thev have won and to substitute boss rule for pop ular rule, . Some of these men have in the past assumed to be teachers of their fellow men in political matters 'Vever again can they speak in favor of a high ideal of honesty and decency in political life, or of the duty to ohdo nntii..i ruption and business wrongdoing- for to do so would expose them to the derision of all who abhor hyprociav ami m.v, demn fine words that are not translated into honorable deeds. "Apparently these men i- by a class consciousness which. I had not supposed existed In any Buch strength. They live softly. Circumstances far which they are not resnonsihio ha,.& moved their lives from the fears and anxieties of the ordinary men who toil When a movement is undertaken to make life a little easier, a little better for t"e ordinary man, to give him a . better chance, these men of soft life seem cast into panic lest something that is no? rightly theirs may be taken from them "In unmanly fear they stand against &H change, no matter how ureent uiich change may be. They not only come far short of their duty when they thus aot. but thev show a lamentable short-sightedness. In this country of ours no man can permanently leave to his descendants the right to live softly; and if he coul 1 leave such a right, it would in the end prove to be a right not worth, having. The inheritance really worth while whh h we can transmit to our children and to our children's children, is the ability to do work that counts, not the means of avoiding work the ability for efficient ef fort, not the opportunity for the slothru! avoidance of all effort. Opposition Foes to Children. "The leaders in the fight for industrial and social justice today should be tii men to whom much has been given and from whom we have a right to expect in return much of honesty and of courage, much of disinterested and valorous effort for the common good. The multi-millior-aire who opposes us. Is the worst foe of his own children and children's children. and. little though he knows it, we are tneir benefactors when we strive to make inis country one In which justice shull prevail; for It is they themselves who would in the end Suffer most if in this country we permitted the average man gradually to grow to feel that fair play was oeniea mm. that, justice was denied to the many and1 privilege accorded to the iew. . "We who, in this contest, are fighting for . the rights of the plain people, we who- are fighting for the right of the people 'to rule themselves, need offer no ueiter prooi or tne ract that we are fight ing for all citizens, no matter What their politics, than that which is afforded by the action of that "portion of the press which is controlled by privilege, by the great special Interests in oustness. News papers of this type are found in every part of the country, in San Francisco, in Cincinnati, in Chicago and St. Louis, in Boston and Philadelphia. But they are strongest in New York. Some of these newspapers are nominally Democratic. some nominally Republican, some nominal ly independent. But in reality they are true only to the real or fancied Interests of the great capitalist class, by certain of wnose members they are controlled. Sometimes the interests of this capitalist class are identical with those of the coun try as a whole, and in that case these papers serve the Interests of the common wealth. Sometimes the interests of the capitalist class are against the interests of tne people as a whole, and in that case these papers are hostile to the interests of the commonwealth. But heither their acting favorably to nor their acting ad versely to the Interests of the common wealth is anything more than an incident to their support of the interests to which they are bound. Press Comes in for Its Part. "The great and far-reaching evil of their action is that they choke and foul the only channels of information open to so many honest and well-meaning citizens. The most prominent representatives of these papers in New York and Massa chusetts supported Mr. Parker against me in 1904. Mr. Parker was a Democrat, but he was entirely- satisfactory to their mas- I ters, and for the time being they ardently did all they could to overthrow the Re publican party and to elect a Democratic president. But when I began to be ser iously talked about for the Republican nomination this year, these papers, one and all, turned Republican to the extent of becoming my furious opponents and the furious champions of Mr. Taft. There is an element of pure comedy in reading in thesj papers continual lamentations about the likelihood of my candidacy breaking up the Republican party. They themselves did all they could to beat the Republican party when they thought they could elect Mr. Parker. Now these papers would eagerly champion the Republican party if they could keep Mr. Taft as its nominee for president. In the past they have not concealed their contempt for Mr. Taft, and none of them regard him in any way as a leader." Differences an Old Story. "The difference between us and our present day opponents is as old as civil ized history. In every great crisis of the kind we face today we find arrayed on one side the men who with fervor and broad sympathy and lofty Idealism stand for the forward movement, the men who stand for the uplift and betterment of mankind and who have faith in the peo ple; and over against them the men of re stricted vision and contracted sympathy, whose souls are not stirred by the wrongs of others. Side by side with the latter appear the other men who lack all in tensity of conictlon, who care only for the pleasure of the day, and also those other men who distrust the people, who if dishonest wish! to keep the people help less so as to exploit them, and who if honest so disbelieve in the power of tra people to bring about wholesome reform that every appeal to popular conscience and popular intelligence fills them w.th an angry terror. According to their own lights, these men are often very respec table, very worthy. But they live on a plane of low Ideals. In the atmosphere they create impostors flourish and lead ership comes to be thought of only as success in making money and the vision of heaven becomes a sordid vision and all that is highest and purest in humtn nature is laughed at and honesty is bought and sold In the market place. "Opposed undyingly to these men are the men of faith and vision, the men in whom love of righteousness burns like a flaming fire, who spurn lives of soft and selfish ease, of slothful self-indulgence, who scorn to think only of pleasure for themselves, who feel for and believe in their fellows, whose high fealty is re served for all that is good, that is just, that is honorable. By their very nature these men are bound to battle for tr.e truth and the right. They do not address themselves only to the cultured and ex clusive few. Thev prize character even more than Intellect. They know that con science is not the privilege merely of the men of wealth and cultivation, and they make their appeal to all men alike in the name of the great fundamental qualiti-s, and qualities that every man should have the qualities of generosity and un selfishness, of fearless honesty and high courage. A Xew Philosophy X ceded. "We who war against privilege py heed to no outworn system of philosophy. We demand of our leaders today under standing of and sympathy with the liv ing and vital needs of those in the com munity whose needs are greatest. We are against privilege In every form. We believe in striking down every bulwark of privilege. Above an we are against tue evil alliance of special privilege in busi. ness with special business in politics. We believe in giving the people a free hand to work in efficient fashion ror true justice. To the big man and to the little man. in all the relations of life we pledge Justice and fair dealing. "A period of change is upon us. Oar opponents, the men of reaction, ask us to stand still. But we could not stand still f we would: we must either go forward or go backward. Never was the ne-d more imperative than now for men of vision who are also men of action. Dis aster Is ahead of us if we trust to the leadership of men whose souls are seared and whose eyes are blinded, men of cold heart and narrow mind, who believe we can find safety in dull timidity and dull inaction. The unrest cannot be quieted by ingenious trickery of those who- pro fess to advance by merely marking time. or who seek to drown the cry for justice by loud and insincere.clamor about issue that are false and Issues that are dead. The trumpets sound the advance, and their aDDeal cannot be drowned by re peating the war cries of bygone battles, tne victory shouts of vanished hosts. Here in this city of the state of Lincoln I can set forth the principles for which we stand today in the words which Lincoin used fifty-four years ago, when, in speak ing of the then pnase or ine eternal struggle between privilege and justice, be tween the rights of the many and the spe cial Interest of the few, he said: " 'That Is the real Issue. That Is the Issue which will continue in this country when these poor tongues of Judge Douglas and mvself shall be silent. It is the eter nal struggle between the principles right and wrong throughout the world. They are the two principles that have stood face to face from the beginning of time. PcT f':-. Zemo for Dandruff Yon Will Be Surprised to See Hoxv Quickly It Disappears. No more dirty coats from dandruff heads. Zemo stops dandruff. Apply It any time with the tips of fingers. No smell, no smear. Zemo sinks Into the pores, makes the scalp healthy, makes the hair fine and a-lossy. Zemo is prepared by E. w. Rose Medicine Co., St. Louis, Mo., and ia regularly sold by all druggists at SI per bottle. But to enable you to make a test and prove what it will do for you, get a 2 5-cent trial bottle fully guaranteed or your money back al Brunt's Drug Store. Endorsed and sold by leading drug gists everywhere and in Topeka bj Brunt Drug Co., 6th and Kansas Av Glove The kind that don't wear out at the finger " ends,, and contains s j i ; , A Guarantee that Guarantees "a new pair free" if the "tips' wear out before the gloves. -There's a way to tell the genuine "look in the hem" for th nam. "Kayser." It is there for your protection. "Kayser" gloves cost no more than the "ordinary kind," and are worth double in quality, fit and value. Don't accept the "just as good kind" "look in the hem" for thr nam r "Kayser." iwtAr' Short Silk Gloves , BOo.. 76e., Sl.OO, S1.2S, S1.B0 Lens Silk Qlevea 75c. Sl.OO, Sl.28. Sl.BO, S2.00 B-2 Julius Kyser & Co., Makers JVetu York jirJ . ((JuMirrErsa r Glove 1 Is the beat made Best Known Best adVertised Most called for Glove on the Market We are the largest distributors of Kay ser Gloves In Topeka. You will always find us prepared to serve you with the size and color you desire In either long or short styles. We also Carry Kayser's celebrated Italian Silk and Lisle Underwear. Silk and Italian Silk Hosiery. Summer lcuraiioiis East to Chicago, the lakes, Can ada, th Thousand Islands, Montreal, Niagara Falls, the Adirondack, thaBerk ahires, Boston, Long Is Und, New York, and tha Atlantic Coast r aorta. Very Low Fares liberal ticket limit. In soma Instances you nngr go avar one route and return by an other. There are majijr rall-and-water combinations. We will be glad ta give yen our booklet "Great Lakes and East" and name tBe railroad far to any point. T. L. King, City Pass. Act. Topeka, Kansas. The one Is the common right of humanity, the other the divine right of kings. It is the same principle in whatever shape it develops Itself. It is the same spirit that says, "You toll and work and earn bread, and I will eat it." No matter in what shape it comes, whether from the mouth of a king who bestrides the people of his own nation and lives from the fruit of their labor, or from one race of men as an apology for enslaving another race, it is the same tyrannical principle.' How Lincoln Would Act. "Were Lincoln alive today he would add that it is also the same principle which is now at stake when we fight on behalf of the many against the oppressor in mod ern industry, whether tne aDuse oi special privilege be by a man whose wealth is great or little, whether by the multi millionaire owner of railways and mines and factories who forgets his duties to those who earn his bread while earning their own, or by the owner of a foul little sweatshop who coins dollars from the ex cessive and underpaid labor of haggard women. We who stand for the cause of progress are fighting to make this country a better place to live in for those who have been harshly treated by fate and if we succeed it also will really be a better ni9 fni- those who are already well off. None of us can really prosper permanently if abuses of our lellows are aeDasea ana degraded. If they are ground down and forced to live starved and sordid lives so that their souls are crippled like their bodies and the fine edge of their every feeling blunted. "We ask that those of our iwnnip tr whom fate has been kind shall remember that each Is his brother's keeper and that all of us wnose veins tnnn with abounding vlger shall feel our obligation to the less fortunate who work wearily beside us In the strain and stress of our eager modern life. The crisis or tne ation. Friends, here in Chicago at this time. you have a great task before you. I wish you to realize deep in your hearts that you are not merely facing a crisis in the history of a party. You are facing a crisis In the history of a nation; and what you-' do will have an appreciable ef fect throughout the world at large. Here in America, we, the people, have a con tinent on which to work out our destiny, and our faith is great that our men and women are fit to face' the mighty days. Nowhere else In all the world is there such a chance for the triumph on a gigantic scale of the great cause' or democratic Makes the Nation Gasp. The awful list of injuries on a Fourth of July staggers humanity. Bet over against It, however. In the wonderful healing, by Bucklen's Arnica Salve, of thousands, who suffered from burns, cuts, bruises bullet woundx or explosions. Ita tha quick healer of boils, ulcers, eczema, aora 11 pa or piles. 25 eta at Campbell Drug Co. m f.nu!le W.!U b2 Iamentable, and our heads will be bowed with ahame; for not only shall we fail for ourselves, but our fail ure will wreck the fond desires of all throughout the world who look toward us with the fond hope that here in this great republic It shall be proved from ocean to ocean that the people can rule themselves, and thus ruling, can gain liberty for and do justice both to themselves and to oth-ers- We who stand for the cause of tha uplift of humanity and the betterment of mankind, are pledged to eternal war against wrong, whether by the few or by the many, by a plutocracy or by a mob. "Vv e believe that thie country will not be a permanently good place for any of us to live In unless we make It a reasonably good place for ail of us to live In. The sons of all of us will pay In the future if we of the present do not do Justice to all in the present. Our cause is the canne of justice for all in the Interest of all. The present contest is but a phase of the larg er struggle. Assuredly the fight will go on whether we win or lone; but It will l a sore disaster to lose. What happens to me ia not of the slightest consequence: I am to be used, as In a doubtful battle any man Is used, to his hurt or not, ao long as he is useful and is then cast aside or left to die. I wish you to feel this. I mean it; and I shall need no sympathy when you are through with me, for this fight is far too great to permit us to concern ourselves about any one man's welfare. Tf we are true to ourselves by putting far above our own Interests the triumph of the high cause for which we battle, we Bhall not lose. It would be far better to fail honorably for the cause we champion than it would be to win by foul methods, the foul -victory for which our opponents hope. But he: victory shall be ours, and it shall be won as we have already won so many victories, by clean and honest fighting for the loftiest of causes. We light In honorable fashion for the good of mankind; fearless of the future, un heeding of our individual latea, with un flinching nearts ana unaimmed eyes; we stand at Armageddon, and we battle for and popular government. If we fail, the the Lord."