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CATHOLIC TIMES Published Every Week by The Catholic Times, Inc. Columbus, Ohio NOTICE: Send All Changes of Address to P. 0. Box 636 Columbus, Ohio Executive and Editorial Offices: 246 E. Town Street, Columbus 15. Ohio. Telephones: ADams 5195 ADams 5196 Address all communications for publication to P. 0. Box 636, Columbus 16, Ohio Price of The Catholic- Times S3 per year. AU aubscrip’iona should be presented to our office throurh the pastors of the parishes. Remittances should be made payable to The Cath o se Times Anonymous communications will be disregarded. W do not hold ourselves responsible for any views or opinions expressed tn the communications of our correspondents. Entered as Second Class Matter at Post Office, Columbus. Ohio. St. Francis de Sales. Patron of the Catholic Preu and of the Diocese of Columbus, Pray for Us! Mr. Vorys Doesn't Make Sense Mr. John M. Vorys, Congressman from central Ohio, delivered himself of some pretty fair nonsense recently in his opposition to the House Resolution the purpose of which would have been to express “the sense of this House that the Republic of Ire land should embrace the entire territory of Ireland unless the clear majority of all the people of Ire land, in a free plebiscite, determine and declare to the contrary." Nothing could have been more sensible than this, and yet Mr. Vorys stooped to ridicule in saying “This is a sense resolution, saying it is the sense of this House’ and so forth, but it does not make sense.” Where is the lack of sense? Of course, if Mr. Vorys lakes it for granted that so-called north ern Ireland is not a part of the whole, neither geo graphically or socially, then he might have a point. But that was just the reason for the resolution. The too-long forced political separation of Northern Ire land should come to an end. Everyone knows of the political injustices of that area of Ireland, all pur posely continued so that the people would not get out from under the rule of England. And for Mr. Vorys to compare-the Irish situation to our relation to Puerto Rico, Hawaii and Alaska, is the purest nonsense. Mr. Vorys. being a patriotic American, knows our record with regard to the Philippines. He knows how we stood with regard to the Dutch possessions in the Pacific. He knows our long tradition and zeal for democratic self-determi nation. Why can he not understand this same desire among the people of Ireland. Surely he knows that the present situation is not a natural one that it has been maintained through many specious and unjust practices through many years. How can he call it anything but sense that the people of Ireland be given an opportunitv to determine for themselves in a truly free plebiscite? Mr. Vorys should be told by his good friends hack home, Irish and otherwise, that his remarks on the House Rill calling for approval of the union of all Ireland did not make sense. What the Laity Heard in Rome Some noteworthy things were said in Rome on the occasion of the World Congress of the Lay Apostolate. Reports indicate that it must have been most inspiring to the priests and lay people taking part. Delegates from iron curtain countries contrib uted much of the inspiration For despite their sac rifices. despite the loss of the worldly possessions, despite then exile, thev were nevertheless not dis heartened because they still had their priceless treas ure—their Faith. Important definitions of the lay apostolate and Catholic Action were given by two princes of the Church Cardinal Pizzardo said that the word “apos tolate" has not been chosen haphazardly. “Apostle means one who is sent. Jesus, sent by His Father to save what was lost, perpetuates His mission of Sav iour of souls by choosing 12 apostles upon whom He confers the triple power of teaching, sanctifying and governing ... If then the laity are called to collaborate in the apostolate of the Church, this means that in allegiance to the legitimate authority their action must tend, like that of the hierarchical apostolate itself, toward the conquest and re conquest of souls." Cardinal Caggiano told the delegates that es sentially lay people belong to the "learning Church." He said that "all Catholic action, to be worthy of the name, should be in some way action of the Catholic Church, that is of its hierarchy by divine institution What can never be called Catholic Action in the strictest sense is the activity of Catholics acting as children of the Church, but on their own personal responsibility." The crowning words of the Congress came when Pope Pius XII himself addressed the lay representa tives from all parts of the world. The Holy Father recalled how often he had directed his counsel tn the laity in their important apostolate of Catholic Action. He condemned those who would confine the Church to the sanctuary, with no interest in or re gard for the social well being of all men. He re peated the admonition that the lay apostolate must be under the direction of and in collaboration with the hierarchy. The Sovereign Pontiff summed up the practical aspects of Catholic lay action by noting what has been and is being done throughout the world: "The apostolate at the service of Christian marriage, the family, the child, education and the school for young men and young women an apos tolate of charity and aid under the numberless as pects it assumes today an apostolate of the better ment of social disorders and misery an apostolate in the field of intellectual and cultural life an apostolate of games and sports finally, and it is not the least, the apostolate of public opinion." Aside from organized Catholic Action the Holy Father paid tribute to “the powerful and irreplace able value, for the good of souls, of this ordinary performance of the duties of one’s state by so many millions of conscientious and exemplary faithful.” Apart from the organized groups of the apostolate, he said "There can be, and actually are, lay apostles, those men and women who see all the good to be done and the possibilities and means of doing it and they do it with only one desire: the winning of souls to truth and grace." Fundmentally, this whole hearted living up to their Faith in the duties of their state in life by ail the laity constitutes the most ef fective apostolate of good example. If it were uni versal among the laity, there would be little need for organized Catholic Action. For Election Day "Necessarily and continually, human life—both private and social—finds itself in contact with the law and spirit of Christ Consequently, by force of circumstances, there arises reciprocal compenetra tion between the religious apostolate and political action. ‘Political,‘ in the highest sense of the word, means nothing else but collaboration for the good of the state. But this "good of the state" is to be under stood in a very wide sense. Consequently it is on the political level that there are debated and enacted laws of the greatest import, such as those concerning marriage, the family, the child, the school, to confine Ourselves to these examples. Are these not questions which primarily interest religion? Can they leave an apostle indifferent, apathetic? “We have traced, in the allocution already cited (May 3, 1951), the boundary between Catholic Action and political action. Catholic Action must not be come a litigant in party politics. But, as We have already said to members of the Olivaint Conference, *to‘the extent that it is praiseworthy to remain above contingent quarrels which poison the struggles of parties ... to that same extent would it be blame worthy to leave the field free to persons unworthy or incapable of directing the affairs of State!” Pope Pius XII. October 14, 1951, in an address to the World Congress of the Lay Apostolate. -------------------o------------------ In God We Trust Lost Zmong the greater news stories last week of battles waged and won or lost, was the story of one which lasted for 18 months and ended in pleas ing victory. The soldier, there was only one, strange ly enough, was a woman. A year and a half ago, Mrs. Catherine B. Cleary, housewife and mother of Stamford, Connecticut, started a personal campaign to have the motto on U. S. coins, "In God We Trust,” put into the class rooms of public schools in her home town. We can imagine the stock objections and bitter resentment which met her proposal. We can glimpse the hard ness of the fight in the length of the battle. And yet she won. Plaques with the motto "In God We Trust" hang in every public school room in Stam ford. God-fearing people of every faith, Catholics, Protestants and Jews, have long deplored the ef fects of godless education on the youth of today. Juvenile delinquency, ever on the rise, has served to focus the attention of many who never before thought of the harmful results of this "separation." How can our young people be expected to have any regard for morality when they see the vehement and studied efforts that are made to keep the Au thor of all morality a stranger to them? Just Among Ourselves Passing Comment Considered or Inconsiderate Dale Carnegie tells us about making a speech. He is all for it. "Shall I accept the invitation?” he queries in the first of his right-to-the-heart-of-things questions on the subject. "Yes,” he answers with enthusiasm, “it will be lots of fun, and prove to be one of the most thrilling experiences of your life.” Well, what about fun and thrills for the au dience? That’s a point to consider. Besides, the question is not fundamental. It should read, "How shall I wrangle an invitation to make a speech?" Of course, there are ways human skullduggery is devious and knows no shame. But you must have an invitation before you can accept it for your own fun and the thrill of a lifetime. "Will I faint?” D. Carnegie says no he has watch ed 10.000 persons making their first speech only onp fainted. The right answer would therefore ap pear to be: “It is unlikely that you will faint, but there’s an off chance. But go ahead think of what fun and thrill it will be to the audience if you do faint. You’d likely get a better press out of fainting than out of talking. Forward!” “What shall I talk about? Of all the silly ques tions! After listening to thousands of speeches, any nne of which might well have been a maiden effort, we are convinced that the speaker cares only slight ly more than the audience what the subject is or is meant to be. The audience does not care a single hoot. The attitude of the audience is that the speech has got to be sweated out in any case, and the sooner the speaker gets rolling the better let him fool around fixing on a subject and leading up to a suitable opening. "How shall I prepare?” Dale Carnegie lets him self go He is all for preparation. He wants you to steep yourself in the business and make what you intend to say a vital part of you. He expects the speaker-to-be to consult libraries, to cull the late.it remarks of the encyclopedias, to interview experts, and privately to make himself a nuisance before he attempts the thing publicly on the day of the speech. "Get ten times as much material as you can use," says D.C., "You will then have an inner urge, a conviction—and your talk will almost make itself.” So? Beware lest the inner urge he to keep talking till you have dished up all that tenfold ma terial. It often happens so. "Shall I memorize my talk?” No, says the expert. He adds with emphasis, “Never!” You are to pre pare, perhaps by much writing as well as by wide reading and profound meditation, but you need not write out your speech in entirety, and you must not memorize it. You are to think it through. Then you will find words when you rise and you’ll follow that thought-out trail like a birddog cutting out after a rabbit. Gestures? Don't worry about them. Audiences do not care whether you make gestures or omit them. Hands in pockets? Yes, if you like. Manner of deliv ery? "Speak sincerely, from the heart. Yen may make blunders but you can hardly fail to make an impression." That’s right: you will make an impres sion, even if it is a bad impression. "How can I tell whether 1 am being heard?” Talk to the rear rows of your hearers, not the front people. Think your voice back to the last man in the hall. If he should slip out on you, fix on another distant fan before he edges toward the exit. Be sides, the business of the speaker is to make his speech. Why this unseemly concern about being heard? There is no ultimate difference. Neither those who have heard nor those who have not heard will remember ten words of the speech after its delivery. "Shall I tell funny stories?" No, no, a thousand times no! That’s D.C.’s unalterable word on the point. But every speaker tries, at all events, to put over a humorous anecdote or so. He begins with one, finding that "he is reminded .” or that "he re calls an event of some years ago." Never five or ten years, mind you. Just “some” years. A nice round number. e "How long shall 1 talk?" Answer, “Stop when people are eager to have you go on. Stop before they want you to.” Now, just how is that to be ar ranged? Suppose the people are not eager to have you go on suppose they want you to stop two min utes after you have started? D. Carnegie's answer here is inadequate. Further, he says Abraham Lin coln made the "most famous speech in the world” (a sufficiently large claim) less than five min utes. (A Woolcott has scientifically established the fact that the Gettysburg speech lasted two minutes and 37 seconds.) “You had better not take more than twice as much time as Lincoln took.” Some how. this last remark has the appearance of a du turbing non-sequitur. Go ahead and make your speech. It may not be fun you may get no thrill. But you’ll learn one thing, and it is this: the average American audience is the kindest, most considerate, most encouraging group of people you could possibly encounter. They will applaud your very name before you have ut tered a syllable. They will roar at your most feeble joke. They will give serious attention to your most fatuous statements. No matter how deadly the bore dom you induce, your audience will not show it. No matter how weakly you perform, there will be heartening applause for your effort. There is in our people a fundamental kindness that speaks well for some permanent and trustworthy elements in this thing called civilization. IT 4.S//ZVGTOV LETTER WASHINGTON The second session of the 82nd Congress, which convenes January 8, un doubtedly will receive many and increasing exhortations to wage an active “cold war” against Soviet Russia. More and more persons re garded as experts are coming forward to say the “cold war” is the only kind of warfare Mos cow intends to wage against us, or is capable of waging with any sense of security, and we should turn the tables on the Kremlin crowd. The “cold war”, as they talk of it, is a strategy whereby the communists constantly tiy to weaken us by propaganda, infil tration, by stimulating uncertain ty and division, and by creating economic insecurity. The Kremlin has a large and powerful army, experts all agree, but some of them are beginning to believe that it does not want to employ these troops in a for eign war, especially it it moans dispersing any number of them over a considerable area. They believe Moscow’s greatest fear and the USSR’s greatest weak ness right now is the threat of internal uprisings. For that rea son. they argue, the Kremlin is anxious to have its troops avail able to keep the people in Rus sia and behind the Iron Curtain “in line”. THE CATHOLIC TIMES, FRIDAY, NOVEMBER, 2, 19 5 1 To bolster this argument, they LOVIS I Rl DEM A "simple booklet on commu n i s m” is asked for by a reader in northern New Jersey. This is not an easy order to fill. Co u n i s techniques are not simple they also shift from time to time. Study is re quired if any headway is to be made against them. Fortunately, this is not an impossible task. Sources of information arc read ily available and are growing. One little book.et that 1 can recommend offhand was writ ten by the Rev. William A. Nol an, S. J., and published by The Queen’s Work in St. Louis. It is entitled “Why People Go Com munist.” In a very few pages Father Nolan makes a number of contributions, one of which is the existence of communists beyond the periphery of the "open” party—those "under dis cipline." We call these the con cealed communists, and they constitute the biggest problem the nation and in every city. Weigh Their Work These concealed Reds, in deny ing that they are communists, are obliged now and then to act the part. They may even occa sionally say or do things which an open communist cannot do, in order to differentiate themsel ves from the conspiracy. The Oc tober 5 issue of Counterattack, valuable news review on the Reds, brings this out well in its discussion of Corliss Lamont. The Long, Long Trail Can We Wage Cold War Against The Kremlin? point to the fact that the USSR embraces approximately a score of peoples that maybe half of these are not Russians that, further, the communists are only a fraction of the Russians that the Soviet Union is not united at all, hut its different peoples are constantly seeking a way to in dependence and liberty that tkfe countries taken under Soviet domination behind the Iron Cur-' tain have only added to this par ticular problem. So, they argue. Moscow’s strat egy is to avoid a shooting war, if it can, but wage a “cold war”. This the Soviets are doing by be ing "difficult” in international meetings by raising side issues to divert attention from mam problems by “peace" crusades by creating doubts and confusion and using the period of chaos to turn democratic arguments as propaganda against the real de mocracies. At the same time, it is pointed out, Russia seeks to create economic difficulties for the democracies by industrial disturbances, by the dislocation of economies by any possible means, and by compelling the democracies to spend huge sums of money on armaments because of unrest and actual fighting Moscow encourages in various parts of the world. To reajly wage a “cold war” on Soviet Russia, to turn the ta The Concealed Communist in dealing with the hidden Reds, it is necessary to show the weight of their affiliations and and activities. Correspondingly, in any community it is advisable not to label these people as com munists, since they may wiggle out of that designation. Their record, as shown by the organi zations they join and the atti tudes they take, can be used to advise the public that the weight of their work aids the Soviet dic tatorship in forwarding the cur rent line of the conspiracy. The Record Shows Of course, there are times when it is essenUal to designate an individual a' a communist, when proof of such is at hand. If that is not done when pos sible, then the full effects of his acts and associations cannot be explained. For instance, in the New York Tinies of October 13 there appears an editorial seek ing to play down the existence of concealed communists in the Institute of Pacific Relations and other infiltrated organizations. Such a stand is amazing, since the history of the satellite states tells of the widespread infiltra tion which led to their conquest. Thousands of volumes of records have been issued by our own government agencies and other responsible groups revealing such infiltration It would be natural that the Institute of Pa cific Relations, a convenient step ping stone to the State Depart ment, would not be neglected by the communists. But the point to be made here is another one, namely, that the Times editorial softens up the bles on the Kremlin, advocates of such a course are urging that we take a positive stand, and pursue a determined policy. They argue that the very least we could do is to refrain from help ing the Reds put over their pro gram, something we have not al ways done in the past. But, they say, we must do more than that. We must encourage the people oppressed by the communists to keep striving for liberty, we must stand ready to lend assist ance to people striving for free dom from Soviet domination when they feel it opportune to make their real effort. In other words, such experts argue, we musft work as hard against the communist plans as the commun ists work to make them effective against us. It is contended that if we carry the “cold war” to the Kremlin as it has carried it to us, reaching not only the dissatisfied people in the Iron Curtain countries but also the dissatisfied peoples who are made unwilling segments of the Soviet Union, the Red rulers of Moscow will have all they can do to hold onto their own posi tions of preference and will have to let up on us. It might even lead to the rapid disintegration of the Soviet Union, which these experts say is not a really sound structure today at all entire role of Frederick Vander bilt Field by calling him an “ex treme left-winger.” Now the rec ord shows beyond contradiction that Field was a communist when he was executive secretary of the IPR, and he indicated this quite publicly by becoming the directing head of the American Peace Mobilization in 1941—the most important of communist fronts during the Hitler-Stalin Pact period. Field has acknowl edged his communist adherence in writing for The Daily Worker and two theoretical organs of the conspiracy—The Communist and Political Affairs—as a chief Red authority on Far Eastern affairs. He has defied Congress on this matter, a sure sign of communist affiliation, and is now imprisoned because of his Red loyalties. Today, above all, even the former "open” members are without vestiges of membership. Neither the Rosenbergs, sentenc ed to death for espionage, nor the Canadian scientist Raymond Boyer could have been proved to be communists until their trials for spying upon their re spective governments. Nor was Alger Hiss’ membership in the Washington cell of the conspir acy publicly disclosed until the discovery of his underground op erations in the State Department against American security. Guen ther Stein, who wrote books on China and was a representative of the IPR in Shanghai, was not revealed to the American public as a Red until General Willough by exposed him as a member of the notorious Soviet spy ring headed by Richard Sorge. RICHARD PATTEE "Being a Don't Kick Britain I suppose there is a con siderable body of opinion in this country that rejoices in the misad ventures of the British every WiiCrG in vzzC world. I as sume that the school of thought that attributes all the world’s ills to Downing Street, and is con vinced that every error of our State Department stems from Malevolent British influence, will find infinite satisfaction in the new crisis that is looming Egypt. One does not have to be pro British to see with extraordinary clarity the shape of this new tragedy, following close on the heels of the Iranian debacle. The Egyptian case is another exam ple of the total insanity and ab solute senselessness to which nationalist frenzy and extreme ism are leading people all over the world. Here is the case of a nation, hot in the pursuit of what it chooses to call its "free dom,” doing a supreme disserv ice to itself and to the world at one of the most critical of times. No Greater Folly There is no evidence at all that the attitude of the Iranians or of the Egyptians takes into account at all the very real dan ger that hangs over the world. No greater folly can be conceiv eived than to prefer either chaos —which apparently the Iran ians want—or Soviet penetration —which both Iran and Egypt may get—to the presence of the British economically or militar ily. It is easy to say, of course, that nationalism is finally hav ing its day and that the decades of British imperialism are now paying off in these cases of storm and stress. It is not very bright, however, to argue that the sus pension of oil production in Iran perhaps, ultimate Soviet con trol of it—is perfectly justified because in the 19th century the British reaped a larger profit than they really deserved. Nor is it entirely rational to argue that it is entirely proper for the Egyptians to break treaties. CRETTA PALMER Restless Hearts war with our selves is the best happiness that we can know,” wrote George Mere dith ... to which one might flip pantly add, "It depends on who is win ning!" There are wars and wars within the human personality. A vast amount of human energy today is expended on the kind of futile, wasteful warfare known to the world of psychiatry as “conflicts.” The “conflict" and the “spir itual crisis” may seem to be the same thing, differently tagged. But they are not. Read any book of modern psychiatry with Catholic eyes, and you will shortly become aware that case histories reported are almost all of the type described in the Bi ble anecdote of Balaam’s ass. The poor, despairing patient is spiritually starving to death be cause two bales of hay two things labeled “good”—confront him with an exactly equal at traction. He does not know which one to choose, and so he struggles in his neurosis, choos ing neither. Why Not? Half the unhappiness of the modern age comes from this constant civil war within the reason of the unconverted man. He is drawn towards one good by the natural moral law, which God has buried deep within his nature, and by the movements of actual graces for which he has no name. But the contrast ing “good” represents all that he has been taught to hold de sirable by a lewd and self-in dulgent culture. “Why shouldn’t I get a divorce? Why shouldn’t 1 indulge in a discreet extra-mar ital fling? Why shouldn’t I lie on my tax report—the govern ment would waste the money, anyway?” These are the forms the conflict sometimes takes. Such questions are inevitable in the life of any nan or wom an who has been taught to ap praise each action in terms of its temporal effects, and noth ing more. “It won't hurt any one” is supposed to be the un answerable defense of an enjoy able sin. “The company will nev er miss it” is held to be the ironclad defense for cheating any corporation. "It is better for one person to be miserable than two,” is considered a most persuasive argument for break ing up the home. Persuasive but not over powering. For in the mind and heart of even the most emanci pated modern there is still a tracery of the moral law there is even a faint memory, out of literature, of the higher stand ards that men once held to, in arouse bitterness and passion and in general, behave in a scan dalous manner because Lord Kitchener was guilty of prac tices in the Sudan that are not quite defendable today. Totally Contemptible One has a right to expect, even in the case of the Egyptian government, a modicum of com mon sense and some slight ink ling of the realities of life in the world today. It is particular ly inelegant and downright poor sportsmanship to gang up on the British at this precise moment when their situation is painfully difficult in Malaya and else where in the world. Moreover— and to me this is the convincing argument—rarely has an offic ial statement been as totally con temptible as the Egyptian in an nouncing the intention of treat ing the British troops at Suez as “enemy forces.” This, 1 submit, is nothing short of outrageous. Some eight years ago, on the rim of the desert, the British were holding the Nazi avalanche under Rommel, whose avowed purpose was to capture Alexandria and bring the Suez under control of the Axis. The British alone resisted this on slaught and. husbanding their strength, managed to throw the Germans back until North Africa was saved. During this critical time when the British were dy ing by the thousands on Egyp tian soil and in the defense of the integrity of Egypt, the Cairo government was neutral and did not even declare war on the com mon enemy. There was previous little Egyptian assistance in de fending the soil of the nation, this thankless task being left to those who are now designated as "enemy forces.” We are reaping the harvest of our own folly in encouraging in tense nationalism among peoples who do not seem to have any sense of responsibility. The vio lent demagoguery shown in Te heran is being repeated in Cairo at a most ill-advised moment. It is now Egypt’s turn to reveal the rankest ingratitude for their own saviors. Perhaps it would have been a good thing, some eight years ago, to have let Egypt be run for a time by gauleiters out of Berlin who would undoubted ly have proceeded with a human itarianism and understanding that far surpasses the British! the age of faith. Residues of the Catholic code cannot be quite es caped even today. The graduate of a secular university whose “philosohy of life” forbids him any higher standards than those of the jungle may still discover in himself a number of illogical qualms when he attempts to live by his ruthless code. Modern man is vastly better than his philosophy permits him any ra tional excuse for being. A Lifelong War Confronted with a "conflict" in the mind, the average unbe liever is apt to rush off to the nearest psychiatrist to have the unpleasant sensation of guilt de stroyed. And he picks his psychi atrist more casually than he would choose a dentist of a tail or. He turns his life, his soul, his happiness over to a physic ian about whose essential view point of life and its ultimate val ues he knows absolutely noth ing. Except for a handful of be leaguered, deeply religious men in the psychiatric field, most practitioners will say, “I can cure your conflict, but I can’t predict, and won’t try to influ ence, your decision as to which side of your nature will prevail.” One Cure War within the reason itself is not a happy or a healthy thing. War between two ulti mate “goods” can tear one’s mind in two, splitting personal ity as effectively as schizophren ia. And for this there is only one answer and one cure: conver sion. For the natural moral law will never be downed in any man, no matter how dissolute his life: he cannot quite settle down to the contentment of the sty. And the state of being divided and torn between what God has made a man desire and what his base philosophy has taught him to desire will never bring peace. There is thus no way out of the human dilemma except surren der to the highest good ... ex cept giving up to God. Then the futile and destruc tive battle will be ended. Then the man who has discarded the ignoble bale of hay called “he donism” or "liberal thought," may settle down in earnest to his lifelong task of doing bat tle with his lower self. And he will find plenty to occupy his energies in this legitimate task he will never have to worry about an outlet for his energies if he tries to be a Catholic. But above and behind his newer con flict will be peace, such as the world of pagan psychiatry can never give. o------------------- Forty Hours Devotion Week of Nov. 5-11 St. Dominic's Church, Colum bus. St. Lawrence's Church, Cale donia. St. Francis de Sales' Church, Newcomerstown.