American Republican and Baltimore daily clipper. [volume], December 04, 1844, Image 1

About American Republican and Baltimore daily clipper. [volume] (Baltimore, Md.) 1844-1846

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VOLUME. X 1 .—No. 133.
PRESIDENT'S MESSAGE.
To the Senate and limine of
Representatives of the Unieed Stales:
We have continued cause for expressing our
gratitude to the Supreme Ruter of the Universe
J tor the benefits and blessings which our coun
try, under his kind Providence, lias enjoyed
during the past year. Notwithstanding the ex
citing scenes through which we have passed,
nothing has occurred to disturb the general
peace, or to derange the harmony of our poli
tical system. The great moral spectacle has
been exhibited of a nation, approximating in
number to 20,000,000 of people, having per
formed the high and important funetion of
electing their Chief Magistrate for the term of
four years, without the commission of any acts
of violence, or the manifestation of a spirit of
insubordination to the laws. The great and
inestimable right of suffrage, has been exercised
by all who were invested with it, under the
laws of the different States, in a spirit dictated
alone by a desire, in the selection of the agent,
to advance the interests of tiie country, and to
' place beyond jeopardy the institutions under
which it is our happiness to live. That the
deepest interest has boon manifested by all our
countrymen in tho result of the election, is not
less true, than highly creditable to them. Vast
multitudes have assembled, from time to time,
at various places, for the purpose of canvassing
the merits and pretensions of those who were
presented for their suffrages; but no armed sol
diery lias been necessary to restrain, within
proper limits, the popular zeal, or to prevent
violent outbreaks. A principle much more con
trolling was found in the love of order and obe
dience to the laws, which, with mere individual
exceptions, every where possesses the Ameri
can mind, and controls with an influence far
more powerful than hosts of armed men. We
' cannot dwell upon this picture without recog
nising in it that deep and devoted attachment
on the part of the People, to the institutions
under which we live,which proclaims their per
petuity. The great objection which has always
prevailed against the election, by the people,of
their Chief Executive officer, has been the ap
prehension of tumults and disorders, which
might involve in ruin the entire Government.
A security against this, is found not only in the
fact before alluded to, but in the additional fact
that, wo live under a confederacy embracing
already twenty-six States; no one of which has
power to control the election. Tho popular
vote in each State is taken at tiie time appoint
ed by the laws, and such vote is announced by
the Electorial College, without reference to the
, decision of the other State. Tho right of suf
frage, and tile mode of conducting the election,
is regulated by the laws of each State; and the
election is distinctly federative in all its promi
nent features. Thus it is that, unlike what
might he the results under a consolidated sys
tem, riotous proceedings, should they prevail,
could only affect tho elections in single States,
without disturbing, to any dangerous extent,
the tranquility of others.
The great experiment of a political confede
racy—each member of which is supreme—as
to all matters appertaining to its local inter
ests, and its internal peace and happiness—
while by a voluntary compact with others, it:
) confides to the united power of all, the protec
tion of its citizens, in matters not domestic—
has been so far crowned with complete success.
The world has witnessed its rapid growth in:
wealth and population; and under the guide |
and direction of a superintending Providence,:
the developments of the past may be regarded
hut as the shadowing forth of the mighty fu
ture. In the bright prospects of that future,
we shall find, us patriots and philanthropists, 1
the highest inducements to cultivate and cher
ish a love of union, and to frown down every
measure or effort which may he made to alien- i
ate the States, or the People of the States, in
sentiment and feeling, from each other. A ri- !
gid and close adherence to the terms of our
political compact, and above all, a sacred ob- [
servance of the guaranties of the Constitution, j
will preserve union on a foundation which can
%/not he shaken; while personal liberty is placed
beyond hazard or jeopardy. The guarantee of
religious freedom, of the freedom of the press,
of the liberty of speech, of the trial by jury,
of the habeas corpus, and of the domestic in
stitutions of each of the States—leaving the
1 private citizen in the full exercise of the high
and ennobling attributes of his nature, and to
each State the privilege which can only be ju
diciously exerted by itself, of consulting the
means best calculated to advance its own hap
piness; these are the great and important guar
antees of the Constitution, which the lovers of
liberty must cherish, and tho advocates of
,union must ever cultivate. Preserving these, 1
t and avoiding all interpolations by forced con- j
under the guise of an imagined ex
pediency, upon tho Constitution, tho influence
of our political system is destined to be as ac
tively and as beneficially felt on the distant
shores of the Pacific, as it is now on those of
the Atlantic Ocean. The only formidable im
pediments in the way of its successful expan
sion (timo and space) are so far in the progress
of modification, by the improvements of the
age, as to render no longer speculative the abil
ity of Representatives from that remote region
to come up to tiie Capitol, so that their consti
' tuents shall participate in all the benefits of
Federal legislation. Thus it is, that in the
progress of time, the inestimable principles of
civil liberty will be enjoyed by millions yet un
' born, and the great benefits of our system of
Government be extended to now distant and
uninhabited regions. In view of the vast wil
derness yot to ho reclaimed, wo may well invite
the lover of freedom, of every land, to take
up his abode among us, and assist us in
the gzeat work of advancing the standard
of civilization, and giving a wider spread to
the arts and refinements of cultivated life.—
| Our prayers should evermore be offered up to
i ,the Father of the Universe for his wisdom to
'direct us in the path of our duty, so as to ena
ble us to consummate tlieso high purposes.
One of the strongest objections which has
been urged against confederacies, by writers on
Government, in the liability of the members to
be tampered with by foreign Governments, or I
the People of foreign States, either in their
local affaire, or in such as affected the peace of
others, or endangered the safety of the whole
Confederacy. We cannot hope to bo entirely
exempt from such attempts on our peace and
safety. The United States are becoming too
important in population and rosources not to
attract the observation of other nations. It,
therefore, may, in the progress of time, occur
that opinions entirely abstract in the States in
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which they may prevail, and in no degree af- j
fecting their domestic institutions, may he art- j
fully, hut secretly, encouraged with a view to j
undermine the Union. Such opinions may ho- \
come the foundation of political parties, until i
| at last, the conflict of opinion, producing an j
alienation of friendly feeling among the People }
of the different States, may involve in one j
general destruction the happy institutions un- |
der which wo live. It should ever be boron in I
inind, that what is true ir regard to individuals j
is equally so in regard to States. An inter- j
ference of one in the affairs of another is the |
fruitful source of family dissensions and neigh- j
borhood disputes; and the same cause affects i
the peace, happiness and prosperity of States. 1
It may be most devoutly hoped that the good '
j sense of the American People will ever be 1
j ready to repel all such attempts, should they .
| ever be made.
J There has boon no material change in our
foreign relations since my last Annual Message j
to Congress. With all the powers of Europe j
we continue on the most friendly terms. In- !
deed, it affords me much satisfaction to state, ;
that at no former period has the peace of that
enlightened and important quarter of the globe
ever been, apparently, more firmly established, j
The conviction that peace is tho true policy of i
nations, would seem to ho growing and bccoin- 1
ing deeper amongst tho enlightened every j
where; and there is no people who have a t
sponger interest in cherishing the sentiments,
and adopting the means of preserving and giv
ing it permanence, than those of tho United j
States. Amongst these, the first and most ef
fective are no doubt, the strict observance of
justice, and the honest and punctual fulfilment
of all engagements. But it is not to he forgot- !
ten that, in the present state of the world, it is '
no less necessary to be ready to enforce their j
observance and fulfil them, on our part, in re- j
gard to others.
Since tho close of your last session, a nego- \
ciation, has been formally entered upon be- 1
tween the Secretary of State and Her Britan
nic Majesty's .Minister Plenipotentiary and j
Envoy Extraordinary residing at Washington, ■
relative to the rights of their respective nations ;
in and over the Oregon territory. That nego- !
ciation is still pending. Should it, during your j
session, bo brought to a definite conclusion, the j
result will be promptly communicated to Con- j
gross. 1 would, however, again call your at- 1
tention to the recommendations contained in j
previous messages, designed to protect and fa- j
cilitate emigration to that Territory. The es- ;
tablishment of military posts at suitable points \
upon the extended line of land travel, would j
enable our citizens to migrate in comparative
safety to the fertile regions below the falls of |
: tho Columbia, and make the provision of the
existing convention for the joint occupation of
| the Territory by subjects of Great Britain, and j
I the citizens of the United States, more avail-j
able than Heretofore to the latter. These posts j
J would continue places of rest for tho weary I
I emigrant, where he would he sheltered secure- j
I ly against the danger of attack from tho In
dians, and he enabled to recover from the ex- j
liaustion of a long line of travel. Legislative
enactments should also he made which should J
spread over him the aegis of our laws, so as to :
afford protection to his person and properly
when he shall have reached his distant home, j
In this latter respect, the British Government .
has been much more careful of the interests of j
such of her people as are to be found in that !
country, than the United States. She has made j
necessary provision for their security and pro- j
tection against tho acts of tho viciously dis- !
posed and lawless; and her emigrant reposes in
safety under the panoply of her laws. What-.!
ever may be the result of the pending negocia- j
tion, such measures are necessary. It will af- j
ford me the greatest pleasure to witness a hap- j
py and favorable termination to the existing I
negoeiation, upon terms compatible witli the j
public honor; and the best efforts of the Gov- j
eminent will continue to be directed to this
end.
It would have given me the highest gratifi
cation, in this, my last annual communication
to Congress, to have been able to announce to j
you the complete and entire settlement and j
adjustment of other matters in difference be- j
tween the United States and the Government I
of Iler Britannic Majesty, which were advert- j
ed to in a previous message. It is so obviously j
the interest of both countries, in respect to the i
large and valuable oommereo which exists he- j
tween them, that all causes of complaint, how- '
ever inconsiderable, should be, with the great- j
est promptitude, removed—that it must bo rc- i
garded as cause of regret, that any unnecessary j
delays should bo permitted to intervene. It is
true that, in a pecuniary point of view, tho
matters alluded to, are, altogether, insignifi
cant in amount, when compared with the am- j
pie resources of that great nation; but they,
nevertheless, more particularly that limited j
class which arise under seizures and detentions
of American ships on the coast of Africa, upon !
the mistaken supposition indulged in at the |
time the wrong was committed, of their being
engaged in tho slave-trade, deeply affect the
sensibilities of this Government and people.—
Great Britain having recognised her respon
sibility to repair all such wrongs, by her action
in other cases, leaves nothing to be regretted
upon this subject, as to all cases prior to the
Treaty of Washington, than the delay in mak
ing suitable preparation in such of them as fall
plainly within the principle of others, which
she has long since adjusted. The injury inflict
ed by delays in the settlement of these claims,
fall with severity upon the individual claimants,
and makes a strong appeal to her magnanimity
and sense of justico for a speedy settlement.—
Other matters, arising out of the construction
of existing treaties, also remain unadjusted, and
will continue to ho urged upon her attention.
The labors of the joint comrnittoe appointed
by the two Governments to run the dividing
line, established by the Treaty of Washington,
were, unfortunately, much delayed in the com
mencement of the season, by the failure of Con
gross, at the last session, to inako a timely ap
propriation offunds to meet the expenses of the
American party, and by other causes. The
United Stales Commissioner, however, expres
ses his expectation that, by increased diligence
and energy, the party will be able to make up
for lost time.
Wo continue to receive assurances of the
most friendly feelings on the part of all the oth
er European powers; with each, and all of
whom it is so obviously our interest to culti
vate the most amicable relations. Nor can 1
anticipate tho occurrence of any event which
would be likely, in any degree, to disturb those
relations. Russia, the great northern power,!
WEDNESDAY MORNING, DECEMBER 4, 1844.
j under the judicious sway of her Emperor, is
j constantly advancing in the road of science tfnd
improvement; while France, guided by the
i councils of her wise sovereign, pursues a course
i calculated to consolidate the general peace.—
| Spain has obtained a breathing spell of some
} duration from the internal convulsions which
■ have, through so many years, marred her pros
i pcrity; while Austria, the Netherlands, Prussia,
i Belgium and the other powers of Europe, reap
; a rich harvest of blessings from tho prevailing
j peace.
I informed the two Houses of Congress in
| my message of December last, that instruc
j tions had been given to Mr. Wheaton, our
I Minister at Berlin, to negociato a treaty with
! the Germanic States composing tho Zoll Vc
-1 rien, if it could he done—stipulating, as fiir as
j it was practicable to accomplish it, or a rwduc
-1 tion of the heavy and onerous duties levied on
j our tobacco, and their leading articles of agri
| cultural production; and yielding, in return, on
| our part, a reduction of duties on such articles
' ihe production of their industry, as should not
come into competition, or but a limited one,
with articles the product of our manufacturing
industry. The Executive, in giving such in
structions, considered itself as anting in strict
conformity with the wishes of Congress, as
made known through several measures which
it had adopted; all directed to tho accomplish
ment of this important result. The treaty was,
therefore, negociated; by which essential reduc
tions were secured in the duties levied by the
Zoll Verein, on tobacco, rice and lard, accom
panied by a stipulation fur the admission of
raw cotton, free of duty. In exchange for
which highly important concessions, a reduc
tion of duties, imposed by tho laws of the Uni
ted Stales on a variety ol articles, most of
which were ad milted 11 ee of duty under the act
of Congress commonly known as the Compro
mise law, and hut few of which were produced
in the United States, was stipulated lor on our
part. This treaty was communicated to the j
Senate at an early day of its last session, but I
not acted upon until near its close; when, for (
the want, as 1 am hound to presume, of full 1
time to consider it, it was laid upon tho table. \
This procedure had tho effect of virtually !
rejecting it, in consequence of a stipulation j
contained in the treaty, that its ratifications
| should be exchanged on or before a day which ;
has already passed. The Executive, acting
upon the fair inference that tho Senate did not
| intend its absolute rejection, gave instruction to
our Minister at Berlin to re-open the negocia- j
tion, so far as to obtain an extension of time
for tho exchange of ratifications. I regret,
however, to say that his efforts in this respect
have been unsuccessful, iam nevertheless not.
1 without hope that the great advantages which ,
were intended to be secured by the treaty, j
j may not bo realized.
I am happy to inform you that Belgium has, j
| by an "arete royalc," issued in July last, assi- !
I inflated the flag of the United States to tier !
i own, so far as the direct trade between the two j
! coilntiies is concerned. This measure will j
prove of great service to our shipping interest; j
the trade having heretofore been carried on
chiefly in foreign bottoms. 1 flatter ni3'self
that she will speedily resort to a modification j
of her system relating to tho tobacco trade, [
which would decidedly benefit the agriculture I
of the United States, and operate to the mu
tual advantage of both countries.
No definitive intelligence has yet, been re- |
ceived from our Minister, of the conclusion of j
a treaty with the Chinese Empire; but enough j
is known to induce the strongest hopes that J
the mission will he crowned with success.
With Brazil our relations continue on the ;
most friendly footing. Tho commercial inter- |
course between that growing Empire and the
United States, is becoming daily of greater im- j
portance to both; and it is the interest of both j
that the firmest relations of amity and good •
will should continue to be cultivated between!
them.
Tho Republic of New Grenada still with- [
holds, notwithstanding the most persevering >
efforts have been employed by our Charge I
d'Affaires, Mr. Blackford, to produce a differ
ent result, indemnity in the case of the brig :
"Morris." And the Congress of Venezuela, I
although an arrangement has been effected be
tween our Minister and the Minister of Fo
reign Affairs of that Government, for the pay
ment of SIB,OOO, in discharge of its liabilities
in tho same case, lias altogether neglected to
make provision for its payment. It is to be
hoped that a sense of justice will soon induce
a settlement of these claims.
Our late Minister to Chili, Mr. Pendleton,
has returned to the United States, without hav
ing effected an adjustment in the second claim
of the Macedonian, which is delayed on
grounds altogether frivolous and untenable.—
Mr. Pendleton's successor has been directed to
urge the claim in the strongest terms, and, in
tho event of a failuro to obtain a permanent
adjustment, to report the fact to the Execu
tive at as early a day as possible, so that the
whole matter may bo communicated to Con
gress.
At your last session, I submitted to the at
tention of Congress, the Convention with tlio
Republic ot Peru, of the nth of March, 1841,
providing for tho adjustment of the claims of
citizens of the United States against that Re
public; but no definitive action was taken up
on the subject. 1 again invite to it your atten
tion and prompt action.
In niy last Annual Message, 1 felt it to be
my duty to make known to Congress, in
terms both plain and emphatic, my opinion
in regard to the war which has so long exist
ed between Mexico and Texas, which since
the battle of San Jacinto, has consisted alto
gether of predatory incursions, attended by
circumstances revolting to humanity. I re
peat now, what I then said, that, alter eight
years of feeble and ineffectual efforts to re
cover Texas, it was time that the war .should
have ceased. The United States had a di
rect interest in the question. The contigui
ty of the two nations to our territory was but
too well calculated to involve our peace.—
Unjust suspicions were engendered in the
minds of the beligerents against us; and, as a
necessary consequence, American interests
were made to suffer, and our peace became
daily endangered.
In addition to which, it must have been
obvious to all, that the exhaustion produced
by the war, subjected both Mexico and Tex
as to the interference of other powers: which,
without the interposition of this Government,
might result in the most serious injury to the
U. States. This Government, from time to
time, exerted its friendly offices to bring about
a termination of hostilities upon terms hon
orable alike to both the belligerents. Jts ef
forts in this behalf proved unavailing. Mex
ico seemed, almost without an object, to per
severe in the war, and no other alternative
was left the Executive but to take advantage
of the well-known disposition of Texas, and
to invite her to enter into a treaty for annex
ing her territory to that of the U. States.
•Since your last session, Mexico has threaten
ed to renew the war, and has either made, or
| proposes to make, formidable preparations for
I invading Texas. She has issued decrees and
| proclamations, preparatory to the commence,
j menl cf hostilities, full of threats, revolting to
humanity; and which if carried into effect,
j would arouse the attention of all Christendom,
j This new demonstration of feeling, there is too
1 much reason to believe, has been produced in
consequence of the negoeiation of the late trea
|tv of annexation with Texas. The Executive,
therefore, could not he indifferent to such pro-'
| lan dings; and it felt it to be due, as well to it-
I self as to the honor of the country, that a
! strong representation should be made to the
' Mexican Government upon the subject. This
was accordingly dune; as will be seen by the
copy of the accompanying despatch lroin the
Sect eta ry of State to the U.S. Envoy at Mcxi-
I eo. Mexico has no right to jeopard the peace
! of the world by urging any longer, a useless:
and fruitless contest. Such a condition of things
; would not be tolerated on tbc European conti
-1 neiit. AVhy should it be on this ? A war of de
solation, such as is now threatened bv Mexico,
cannot be waged without involving our peace
; and tranquillity. It is idle to believe that. Mich \
: aw ar could be looked upon with indifference by
our own citizens, inhabiting ndj' ining States;
! and our neutrality would be violated in despite i
! ol all efforts on trie part of the Government to :
1 prevent it. The country is settled by emigrants 1
j from the U. States, under invitations held out
to them by .Spain and Mexico. Those cmi
! grants have left behind them friends and rrla- J
I lives who would not fail to sympathise with |
tlieru in their difficulties, and who would be led
by those sympathies to participate in their I
struggles, however energetic the action of Go- :
v riiment to prevent it. Nor would the rinnic- '
rous and formidable bands of Indians, the most !
warlike to be found in any land, which occupy I
the extensive regions contiguous to the Xiati s of
Arkansas and Missouri, and who arc in posses- '
sion of large tracts of coun ry within the lim
its of 'Texas, he likely to remain passive. The t
inclination of these numerous tribes lead them
invariably to war whenever pretexts exist.
Mexico had no just ground of displeasure
against this government or people for nego- j
ciating the treaty. What interest of hers was j
effected by the treaty? She was despoiled of!
nothing, since Texas was forever lost to her.
The independence of Texas was recognised
by several of the leading powers of the earth.
She was free to treat—free to adopt her own
line of policy—free to take tho course which
she believed was best calculated to secure 1
her happiness. Her government and people !
decided on annexation to the United States; j
and the Executive saw, in the acquisition of I
such a territory, the means of advancing
their permanent happiness and glory. What
principle of good faith then was violated? j
What rule of political morals trampled un- j
der foot? So far as Mexico herself was con
cerned, the measure should have been regard
ed by her as highly beneficial. Her tnabili- ,
ty to reconquer Texas bad been exhibited, I j
repeat, by eight—now nine—years of fruit
less and ruinous contest. In the meantime,
Texas has been growing in population and
resources. Emigration has flowed into her j
territory, from all parts of the world, in a cur- i
rent, which continues to increase in strength.
Mexico requires a permanent boundary l:c-1
tween that young republic and herself. Tex-1
as, at no distant day, if she continues scpa- i
rate and detached from the United States, j
will inevitably seek to consolidate her strength
by adding to her domain the contiguous pro
vinces of Mexico. The spirit of revolt from '
the control of tiie Central Government has,
heretofore, manifested itself in sonic of those
provinces; and it is fair to infer that they
would be inclined to take the first favorable
opportunity to proclaim their independence,
and to form close alliances with Texas. The
war would thus be endless; or, if cessations
of hostilities should occur, they would only
endure for a season. The interests of Mexi
co, therefore, could in nothing be better con
sulted than in a peace with her neighbors,
which would result in the establishment of a
permanent boundary. Upon the ratification
of the treaty, the Executive was prepared to
treat with her on the most liberal basis—
Hence the boundaries of Texas were left un
defined bj r the treaty. The Executive pro
posed to settle these upon terms that all the
world should have pronounced just and rea
sonable. No negotiation upon that point
could have been undertaken between the
United States and Mexico, in advance of the
ratification of the treaty.
We should have had no right—no power,
no authority, to have conducted such a nego
tiation; and to have undertaken it, would :
have been an assumption equally revolting to
the pride of Mexico and Texas, and subject- j
ing us to the charge of arrogance: while to
have proposed in advance of annexation, to
satisfy Mexico for any contingent interests
she might have in Texas, would have been to
have treated Texas, net as an independent
power, but as a mere dependency of Mexico.
This assumption could not have been acted
on by the Executive, without setting at defi
ance j'our own solemn declaration that that
Republic was an independent State. Mexico
had, it is true, threatened war against the U.
States, in the event the Treaty of Annexation
was ratified. The Executive could not per
mit itself to be influenced by this threat. It
represented, in this, the spirit of our people,
who are ready to sacrifice much for peace,
but nothing to intimidation. A war, under
any circumstances, is greatly to be deplored,
and the United States is the last nation to de
sire it; but if, as (he condition of peace, it be
required of us to forego the unquestionable
right of treating with an independent power,
of our own Continent, upon matters highly
interesting to both, and that upon a naked
and unsustained pretension of claim by a
third power, to control the free will of the
power with whom we treat—devoted as we
may be to pence, and anxious to cultivate
friendly relations with the whole world—the
Executive does not hesitate to say that the
People of the United States would he ready
to brave ai! consequences sooner than sub
mit to such condition. But no apprehension
ot war was entertained by the Executive; and
I must express frankly the opinion that, had
the Treat) - been ratified by the Senate, it
would have been followed by a prompt set
dement, to the entire satisfaction of Mexico,
of every matter of difference between the
two countries. Seeing then that new prepar
ations for hostile invasion of Texas were
about to be adopted by Mexico, and that
these were brought about because Texas has
adopted the suggestions of the Executive
upon the subject of Annexation, it could noi
passively have folded its arms and permittee
a war, threatened to be accompanied by every
art that could mark a barbarous age, to be
waged against her, because she had done so.
Other considerations of a controlling clta
j meter influenced the course of the Executive.
| The treaty which had thus been negotiated,
I had failed to receive the ratification of the
| Senate. One of the chief objections which
! were urged against it, was found to consist
j in the fact that the question of annexation
! had not been submitted to the ordeal of pub
lic opinion in the United States. Ifowcvcr
! untenable such an objection was esteemed to
i be, in view of the unquestionable power of
the Executive to negotiate the treaty, and the
1 great and lasting interests involved in the
(jueslion, 1 felt it to be my duty to submit
the whole subject to Congress as the best ex
pounders of public sentiment. No definitive
action having been taken on the subject by
Congress, the question referred itself directly
to the decision of the States and the People,
'f'lie great popular election which has just
terminated, afforded the best opportunity of
ascertaining the will of the States and Peo
ple upon it. Pending that issue, it became
the imperative duty of the Executive to in
form Mexico that the question of annexation
was still before the American People, and
that, until their decision was pronounced,
any serious invasion of Texas would be re
garded as an attempt to forestall their judg
ment, and could not be looked upon with in
difference. lam most happy to inform you
that no such invasion has taken place, and I
trust that, whenever your action may be
upon it, Mexico will see the importance of
deciding the matter by a resort to peaceful
expedients, in preference to those of arms.—
The decision of the People and the Stales, on
tins great arid interesting subject, has been
decisively manifested. The question has
been presented nakedly to their consideration.
By the treaty itself, all collateral and inci
dental issues, which were calculated to di
-1 vide and distract the public councils, were
[carefully avoided. These were left to the
wisdom of the future to determine. It pre
sented, I repeat, the isolated question of an
nexation; and in that form it lias been sub
mitted to the ordeal of public sentiment. A
controlling majority of the People, and a
large majority of the States, have declared
in favor of immediate annexation.
Instructions have thus come up to both
branches of Congress, from their respective
constituents in terms the most emphatic. It
is the will of both the people and the States,
that Texas shall be annexed to the Union
promptly and immediately. It may bo hoped
that, in carrying into execution the public
will, thus declared, all collateral issues may
he avoided. Future Legislatures can best
decide as to the number of States which
should he farmed out of the territory, when
the time has arrived for deciding that ques
tion. So with all others. By the treaty the
United States assumes the payment of the
debts of Texas, to an amount not exceeding
$10,000,000, to be paid, with the exception
of a sutn falling short of sloo,ooo,exclusive
ly out of the proceeds of the sales of her pub
lic lands. We could not, with honor, take
the lands,without assuming the full payment
of all incumbrances upon them.
Nothing has occurred since your last ses
sion, to induce a doubt that the dispositions
of Texas remain unaltered. No intimation
of an altered determination, on the part of
her Government and People, has been fur
nished to the Executive. She still desires to
throw herself under the protection of our
laws, and to partake of the blessings of our
federative system; while every American in
terest would seem to require it. The exten
sion of our cost wise and foreign trade, to an
amount almost incalculable—the enlarge
ment of the market for our manufactures—
a constantly growing market for our agri
cultural products—safety to our frontiers,
and additional strength and stability to
the Union—these are the results which
would rapidly develope themselves, upon the
consummation of the measure of annexation.
In such an event, I will not doubt but that
Mexico would find her true interest to con
sist in meeting the advances of this Govern
ment in a spirit of amity.
Nor do I apprehend any serious complaint
f;om any other quarter; no sufficient ground
exist for such complaint. We should interfere
in no respect, with the rights cf any other na
lion. 1 here cannot be gathered from the act,
any design on our part to do so with their pos
sessions on this continent We have interpos
ed no impediment in the way of such acquisi
tions of territory, large ai d extensive as many
cf them are, as the leading powers of Europe
have made, from time to time, in every pait < (
the world. We seek no conquest made by war
No intrigue will have been resorted to, or acts
ot diplomacy essayed, to accomplish the annex
ation of Texas. Free and independent he.rscll,
she asks to b ■ received into our Union. It is a
question for our own decision, whether she
shall be received or not.
The two Governments bavi> g already agreed
through ihcir respective organs, on the terms
of annexation, I would recommend their adop
tion by Congress in the form of a joint resolu
tion, or act, to be perfected and made binding
on tire two countries, when ad' pied in like
manner by the Government of Texas
In order that the subject may be fully pre
suited in oil its bearings, 'he eo responderici
which has taken place, in reference to i*, sine,
the adjournment of Congress, between the Iff!
ted States, Texas and Mexico, is hi row it:
transmitU d.
The amendments proposed by the Srnate t
the Convention concluded between the Unite.
PRICE ONE CENT
Slates and Mt xico on the 2Uth <>l Novtinner,
J '843, have been transmitted through our Mm
! i-tor. for the concurrence of the Mexican Gov
j eminent; but, although urged thereto, no ac
| lion has yet been had on the subjecl; nor lias a
ny answer been given which would authorize
a favorable conclusion in the future.
The I leeree of September, 1843, in relation
to the retail trade, the order ior the expulsion
lof foreigners,and that of a more recent date in
j regard to passports—all of which arc consider
j ed as in violation of the Treaty ol Amity and
i Commerce between the two count rits, have led
I t" a correspondence of considerable length be
'ween th Minister of Foreign Halations and
I oui Representative at Mexico, hut without any
I satisfactory result. '1 hey remain sti 1 unadjust
j ed; ar.d many and serious inconveniences have
I already resulted to our citizens in consequence
! of them.
Questions growing out of the act of disarm
ing of a body of Texan troops under the com
mand ol Major Snitely, by an officer in the
J service ol the United States, acting under the
! orders of c tir Government: and tin- forcible en
try into the Custom-house at Bryarly's I.and-
I irg.on Red River, by certain citizens of the
United States, and taking away therefrom lha
goods seized by the C.Vlect'r of the Customs,
as forfeited under the laws of Texas, have been
adjusted, so far as the powers of the Executive
extend. The correspondence ol the two Gov
ernments in n It rente to both subjects, will be
lound amongst the accompanying documents.
It contains a full statement ol all the facts and
circumstances, with the views taken uti both
sides, and the principles on which the questions
have been adjusted ft icrnaius for Congress tn
i make the necessary appropriation to carry the
arrangement into effect, which! respectfully
recommend.
The greatly improved condition of the Trea
sury, affords a subject for general congratula
tion. 't he paralysis which had fallen on trade
and commerce ai.d which subjected the Gov
ernment to the necessity of resorting to loans,
and the issue of Treasury notes to a large a
mount, has passed away;and after the payment
of upwards of §7,000,000, on account of the
in'stesf, and in redemption ol more than §5,-
COO 000 of the pubiic "debt, which falls due on
the Ist of January next, and setting apart up
wards of §2,000,000 for the payment of out
star ding Treasury notes, and meeting an in
stalment of the debts of the corporate cities of
the District of Columbia an estimated sur
plus of upwards of §7,000,000 over and above
the existing appropriations, will remain m the
Treasury a' the close of the fiscal yaar
Should the Treasury notes continue outstand
ing, as herttofore, the surplus will be consider
ably augmented. A though all interest has
ceased upon them, and the Government has in
vited their return to the Treasury, yet they re
main outstanding; affording great facilities to
commerce, and re-establishing the fact that,un
der a well regulated system of finance, the
Government has resources within itself, which
j render it independent in time of need, not only
I of private loans, but also of bank facilities.
The only remaining subject of regret is, that
the remaining stocks of the Government do
not iail due at an earlier day; since their re
demption would be entirely within its control.
As it i", it may be well worthy the considera
tion of Congress, whether the law establishing
the sinking fund —under the operation of which
debtsot the Rev ilution and last war with
Great Britain were, to a great extent, extin
guished - should not,with proper modifications,
(so as to prevent an accumulation of surpluses,
and limited in amount to a specific sum,) be re
enacted. Such provision, which would author
ize the Government to go into the market for a
purchase of its own stock, on fair terms, would
sctve to maintain its credit at the highest point
and prevent, to a great extent, those fluctua
tions in the price of its securities; which m ; ght,
under other circumstances, aflect its credit.—
No apprehension of this sort is,at this moment,
entertained; since the stocks of the Government
which but two years ago were offered for sale
to capitalists, at home and abroad, at a depre
ciati ,n, and could find no purchasers, are now
greatly above par in the bands of the holders;
but a wRe and prudent forecast admonishes us
to place beyond the reach of contingency the
public credit.
It must also be a matter of unminglcd gratifi
cation, that,under the cxistinz financial system
resting upon the act ot 1789, and tbe resolu
tion of 181(5, —the currency of the country has
attained a state of perfect soundness; and the
rates of exchange between different parts ol the
Union, which, in 1841, denoted, by their enor
mous amount, tbe great depreciation, and in
fact wort hlesincss of the currency in most of
the States—are now reduced to little, more than
the mere expense of transporting specie from
place to place, and the risk incidental to tha
operation. lu a new country like that ol the
United States—where so many inducements are
held out for speculation—the. depositories of the
surplus revenue, consisting of Banks of any
description, when It reaches any considerable
amount, require the closest vigilance on tbe
part of the Government. All banking insti
tutions, under whatever denomination they may
pass are governed by an almost exclusive re
gard to the interest of the stockholders.—
That interest consists in the augmentation of
profits, in the form of dividends and a large
surplus revenne entrusted to their custody is
but too apt to lead to excessive loans and to
extravagantly large issues of paper. As a ne
cessary consequence, prices are nominally in
crea-ed and the speculative mania everywhere
seizes upon the public, mind A fictitious state
of prosperity for a season exists; and, in tiie
language of the day, money becomes plenty.
Contracts are entered into by individuals, rest
ing on this unsubstantial stale of things,hut the
delusi' n speedily passes away, and the country
is overrun b) an indebledm ss so weighty as to
overwhelm many, and to visit every depart
ment of industry with great and ruinous em
barrassment. The greatest vigilance becomes
necessary on the par! ot Government to guard
against this state of things. —The depositories
must be given distinctly to understand that the
lavors of the Government will be altogether
withdrawn, or substantially diminished, if its
revenues shall be regarded as additions to their
banking capital, or as the foundation of an en
larged circulation. The Government, through
its revenue has, at ail times, an important part
to perform in connexion with thi currency;and
it greatly depends upen its vigilance and care,
whether the country be involved in embarrass
ments similar ttf those which it lias had iccently
to encounter; or, aided by the action of the
Treasury, shall be pirser> oil in a sound and
healthy condition.
'1 he dangers to be guarded against are gr< a. •
l\ augment, d by tco large a surplus uf revenue.
When that surplus greatly exceeds in amount
what shall he required by a wise and piudent
forecast to meet unforeseen contingencies, the
I.egislature itself may come *o he seized .ritli
t disposition to indulge in extravagant a| pru
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