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VOLUME. X 1 .—No. 133.
PRESIDENT'S MESSAGE. To the Senate and limine of Representatives of the Unieed Stales: We have continued cause for expressing our gratitude to the Supreme Ruter of the Universe J tor the benefits and blessings which our coun try, under his kind Providence, lias enjoyed during the past year. Notwithstanding the ex citing scenes through which we have passed, nothing has occurred to disturb the general peace, or to derange the harmony of our poli tical system. The great moral spectacle has been exhibited of a nation, approximating in number to 20,000,000 of people, having per formed the high and important funetion of electing their Chief Magistrate for the term of four years, without the commission of any acts of violence, or the manifestation of a spirit of insubordination to the laws. The great and inestimable right of suffrage, has been exercised by all who were invested with it, under the laws of the different States, in a spirit dictated alone by a desire, in the selection of the agent, to advance the interests of tiie country, and to ' place beyond jeopardy the institutions under which it is our happiness to live. That the deepest interest has boon manifested by all our countrymen in tho result of the election, is not less true, than highly creditable to them. Vast multitudes have assembled, from time to time, at various places, for the purpose of canvassing the merits and pretensions of those who were presented for their suffrages; but no armed sol diery lias been necessary to restrain, within proper limits, the popular zeal, or to prevent violent outbreaks. A principle much more con trolling was found in the love of order and obe dience to the laws, which, with mere individual exceptions, every where possesses the Ameri can mind, and controls with an influence far more powerful than hosts of armed men. We ' cannot dwell upon this picture without recog nising in it that deep and devoted attachment on the part of the People, to the institutions under which we live,which proclaims their per petuity. The great objection which has always prevailed against the election, by the people,of their Chief Executive officer, has been the ap prehension of tumults and disorders, which might involve in ruin the entire Government. A security against this, is found not only in the fact before alluded to, but in the additional fact that, wo live under a confederacy embracing already twenty-six States; no one of which has power to control the election. Tho popular vote in each State is taken at tiie time appoint ed by the laws, and such vote is announced by the Electorial College, without reference to the , decision of the other State. Tho right of suf frage, and tile mode of conducting the election, is regulated by the laws of each State; and the election is distinctly federative in all its promi nent features. Thus it is that, unlike what might he the results under a consolidated sys tem, riotous proceedings, should they prevail, could only affect tho elections in single States, without disturbing, to any dangerous extent, the tranquility of others. The great experiment of a political confede racy—each member of which is supreme—as to all matters appertaining to its local inter ests, and its internal peace and happiness— while by a voluntary compact with others, it: ) confides to the united power of all, the protec tion of its citizens, in matters not domestic— has been so far crowned with complete success. The world has witnessed its rapid growth in: wealth and population; and under the guide | and direction of a superintending Providence,: the developments of the past may be regarded hut as the shadowing forth of the mighty fu ture. In the bright prospects of that future, we shall find, us patriots and philanthropists, 1 the highest inducements to cultivate and cher ish a love of union, and to frown down every measure or effort which may he made to alien- i ate the States, or the People of the States, in sentiment and feeling, from each other. A ri- ! gid and close adherence to the terms of our political compact, and above all, a sacred ob- [ servance of the guaranties of the Constitution, j will preserve union on a foundation which can %/not he shaken; while personal liberty is placed beyond hazard or jeopardy. The guarantee of religious freedom, of the freedom of the press, of the liberty of speech, of the trial by jury, of the habeas corpus, and of the domestic in stitutions of each of the States—leaving the 1 private citizen in the full exercise of the high and ennobling attributes of his nature, and to each State the privilege which can only be ju diciously exerted by itself, of consulting the means best calculated to advance its own hap piness; these are the great and important guar antees of the Constitution, which the lovers of liberty must cherish, and tho advocates of ,union must ever cultivate. Preserving these, 1 t and avoiding all interpolations by forced con- j under the guise of an imagined ex pediency, upon tho Constitution, tho influence of our political system is destined to be as ac tively and as beneficially felt on the distant shores of the Pacific, as it is now on those of the Atlantic Ocean. The only formidable im pediments in the way of its successful expan sion (timo and space) are so far in the progress of modification, by the improvements of the age, as to render no longer speculative the abil ity of Representatives from that remote region to come up to tiie Capitol, so that their consti ' tuents shall participate in all the benefits of Federal legislation. Thus it is, that in the progress of time, the inestimable principles of civil liberty will be enjoyed by millions yet un ' born, and the great benefits of our system of Government be extended to now distant and uninhabited regions. In view of the vast wil derness yot to ho reclaimed, wo may well invite the lover of freedom, of every land, to take up his abode among us, and assist us in the gzeat work of advancing the standard of civilization, and giving a wider spread to the arts and refinements of cultivated life.— | Our prayers should evermore be offered up to i ,the Father of the Universe for his wisdom to 'direct us in the path of our duty, so as to ena ble us to consummate tlieso high purposes. One of the strongest objections which has been urged against confederacies, by writers on Government, in the liability of the members to be tampered with by foreign Governments, or I the People of foreign States, either in their local affaire, or in such as affected the peace of others, or endangered the safety of the whole Confederacy. We cannot hope to bo entirely exempt from such attempts on our peace and safety. The United States are becoming too important in population and rosources not to attract the observation of other nations. It, therefore, may, in the progress of time, occur that opinions entirely abstract in the States in AND BALTIMORE DAILY CLIPPER. PRINTED AND PI'BUSHKB EVERY MORNING, BY BITL.T, & TUTTIiE, No. 134 BALTIMORE STREET, BALTIMORE, Mil. which they may prevail, and in no degree af- j fecting their domestic institutions, may he art- j fully, hut secretly, encouraged with a view to j undermine the Union. Such opinions may ho- \ come the foundation of political parties, until i | at last, the conflict of opinion, producing an j alienation of friendly feeling among the People } of the different States, may involve in one j general destruction the happy institutions un- | der which wo live. It should ever be boron in I inind, that what is true ir regard to individuals j is equally so in regard to States. An inter- j ference of one in the affairs of another is the | fruitful source of family dissensions and neigh- j borhood disputes; and the same cause affects i the peace, happiness and prosperity of States. 1 It may be most devoutly hoped that the good ' j sense of the American People will ever be 1 j ready to repel all such attempts, should they . | ever be made. J There has boon no material change in our foreign relations since my last Annual Message j to Congress. With all the powers of Europe j we continue on the most friendly terms. In- ! deed, it affords me much satisfaction to state, ; that at no former period has the peace of that enlightened and important quarter of the globe ever been, apparently, more firmly established, j The conviction that peace is tho true policy of i nations, would seem to ho growing and bccoin- 1 ing deeper amongst tho enlightened every j where; and there is no people who have a t sponger interest in cherishing the sentiments, and adopting the means of preserving and giv ing it permanence, than those of tho United j States. Amongst these, the first and most ef fective are no doubt, the strict observance of justice, and the honest and punctual fulfilment of all engagements. But it is not to he forgot- ! ten that, in the present state of the world, it is ' no less necessary to be ready to enforce their j observance and fulfil them, on our part, in re- j gard to others. Since tho close of your last session, a nego- \ ciation, has been formally entered upon be- 1 tween the Secretary of State and Her Britan nic Majesty's .Minister Plenipotentiary and j Envoy Extraordinary residing at Washington, ■ relative to the rights of their respective nations ; in and over the Oregon territory. That nego- ! ciation is still pending. Should it, during your j session, bo brought to a definite conclusion, the j result will be promptly communicated to Con- j gross. 1 would, however, again call your at- 1 tention to the recommendations contained in j previous messages, designed to protect and fa- j cilitate emigration to that Territory. The es- ; tablishment of military posts at suitable points \ upon the extended line of land travel, would j enable our citizens to migrate in comparative safety to the fertile regions below the falls of | : tho Columbia, and make the provision of the existing convention for the joint occupation of | the Territory by subjects of Great Britain, and j I the citizens of the United States, more avail-j able than Heretofore to the latter. These posts j J would continue places of rest for tho weary I I emigrant, where he would he sheltered secure- j I ly against the danger of attack from tho In dians, and he enabled to recover from the ex- j liaustion of a long line of travel. Legislative enactments should also he made which should J spread over him the aegis of our laws, so as to : afford protection to his person and properly when he shall have reached his distant home, j In this latter respect, the British Government . has been much more careful of the interests of j such of her people as are to be found in that ! country, than the United States. She has made j necessary provision for their security and pro- j tection against tho acts of tho viciously dis- ! posed and lawless; and her emigrant reposes in safety under the panoply of her laws. What-.! ever may be the result of the pending negocia- j tion, such measures are necessary. It will af- j ford me the greatest pleasure to witness a hap- j py and favorable termination to the existing I negoeiation, upon terms compatible witli the j public honor; and the best efforts of the Gov- j eminent will continue to be directed to this end. It would have given me the highest gratifi cation, in this, my last annual communication to Congress, to have been able to announce to j you the complete and entire settlement and j adjustment of other matters in difference be- j tween the United States and the Government I of Iler Britannic Majesty, which were advert- j ed to in a previous message. It is so obviously j the interest of both countries, in respect to the i large and valuable oommereo which exists he- j tween them, that all causes of complaint, how- ' ever inconsiderable, should be, with the great- j est promptitude, removed—that it must bo rc- i garded as cause of regret, that any unnecessary j delays should bo permitted to intervene. It is true that, in a pecuniary point of view, tho matters alluded to, are, altogether, insignifi cant in amount, when compared with the am- j pie resources of that great nation; but they, nevertheless, more particularly that limited j class which arise under seizures and detentions of American ships on the coast of Africa, upon ! the mistaken supposition indulged in at the | time the wrong was committed, of their being engaged in tho slave-trade, deeply affect the sensibilities of this Government and people.— Great Britain having recognised her respon sibility to repair all such wrongs, by her action in other cases, leaves nothing to be regretted upon this subject, as to all cases prior to the Treaty of Washington, than the delay in mak ing suitable preparation in such of them as fall plainly within the principle of others, which she has long since adjusted. The injury inflict ed by delays in the settlement of these claims, fall with severity upon the individual claimants, and makes a strong appeal to her magnanimity and sense of justico for a speedy settlement.— Other matters, arising out of the construction of existing treaties, also remain unadjusted, and will continue to ho urged upon her attention. The labors of the joint comrnittoe appointed by the two Governments to run the dividing line, established by the Treaty of Washington, were, unfortunately, much delayed in the com mencement of the season, by the failure of Con gross, at the last session, to inako a timely ap propriation offunds to meet the expenses of the American party, and by other causes. The United Stales Commissioner, however, expres ses his expectation that, by increased diligence and energy, the party will be able to make up for lost time. Wo continue to receive assurances of the most friendly feelings on the part of all the oth er European powers; with each, and all of whom it is so obviously our interest to culti vate the most amicable relations. Nor can 1 anticipate tho occurrence of any event which would be likely, in any degree, to disturb those relations. Russia, the great northern power,! WEDNESDAY MORNING, DECEMBER 4, 1844. j under the judicious sway of her Emperor, is j constantly advancing in the road of science tfnd improvement; while France, guided by the i councils of her wise sovereign, pursues a course i calculated to consolidate the general peace.— | Spain has obtained a breathing spell of some } duration from the internal convulsions which ■ have, through so many years, marred her pros i pcrity; while Austria, the Netherlands, Prussia, i Belgium and the other powers of Europe, reap ; a rich harvest of blessings from tho prevailing j peace. I informed the two Houses of Congress in | my message of December last, that instruc j tions had been given to Mr. Wheaton, our I Minister at Berlin, to negociato a treaty with ! the Germanic States composing tho Zoll Vc -1 rien, if it could he done—stipulating, as fiir as j it was practicable to accomplish it, or a rwduc -1 tion of the heavy and onerous duties levied on j our tobacco, and their leading articles of agri | cultural production; and yielding, in return, on | our part, a reduction of duties on such articles ' ihe production of their industry, as should not come into competition, or but a limited one, with articles the product of our manufacturing industry. The Executive, in giving such in structions, considered itself as anting in strict conformity with the wishes of Congress, as made known through several measures which it had adopted; all directed to tho accomplish ment of this important result. The treaty was, therefore, negociated; by which essential reduc tions were secured in the duties levied by the Zoll Verein, on tobacco, rice and lard, accom panied by a stipulation fur the admission of raw cotton, free of duty. In exchange for which highly important concessions, a reduc tion of duties, imposed by tho laws of the Uni ted Stales on a variety ol articles, most of which were ad milted 11 ee of duty under the act of Congress commonly known as the Compro mise law, and hut few of which were produced in the United States, was stipulated lor on our part. This treaty was communicated to the j Senate at an early day of its last session, but I not acted upon until near its close; when, for ( the want, as 1 am hound to presume, of full 1 time to consider it, it was laid upon tho table. \ This procedure had tho effect of virtually ! rejecting it, in consequence of a stipulation j contained in the treaty, that its ratifications | should be exchanged on or before a day which ; has already passed. The Executive, acting upon the fair inference that tho Senate did not | intend its absolute rejection, gave instruction to our Minister at Berlin to re-open the negocia- j tion, so far as to obtain an extension of time for tho exchange of ratifications. I regret, however, to say that his efforts in this respect have been unsuccessful, iam nevertheless not. 1 without hope that the great advantages which , were intended to be secured by the treaty, j j may not bo realized. I am happy to inform you that Belgium has, j | by an "arete royalc," issued in July last, assi- ! I inflated the flag of the United States to tier ! i own, so far as the direct trade between the two j ! coilntiies is concerned. This measure will j prove of great service to our shipping interest; j the trade having heretofore been carried on chiefly in foreign bottoms. 1 flatter ni3'self that she will speedily resort to a modification j of her system relating to tho tobacco trade, [ which would decidedly benefit the agriculture I of the United States, and operate to the mu tual advantage of both countries. No definitive intelligence has yet, been re- | ceived from our Minister, of the conclusion of j a treaty with the Chinese Empire; but enough j is known to induce the strongest hopes that J the mission will he crowned with success. With Brazil our relations continue on the ; most friendly footing. Tho commercial inter- | course between that growing Empire and the United States, is becoming daily of greater im- j portance to both; and it is the interest of both j that the firmest relations of amity and good • will should continue to be cultivated between! them. Tho Republic of New Grenada still with- [ holds, notwithstanding the most persevering > efforts have been employed by our Charge I d'Affaires, Mr. Blackford, to produce a differ ent result, indemnity in the case of the brig : "Morris." And the Congress of Venezuela, I although an arrangement has been effected be tween our Minister and the Minister of Fo reign Affairs of that Government, for the pay ment of SIB,OOO, in discharge of its liabilities in tho same case, lias altogether neglected to make provision for its payment. It is to be hoped that a sense of justice will soon induce a settlement of these claims. Our late Minister to Chili, Mr. Pendleton, has returned to the United States, without hav ing effected an adjustment in the second claim of the Macedonian, which is delayed on grounds altogether frivolous and untenable.— Mr. Pendleton's successor has been directed to urge the claim in the strongest terms, and, in tho event of a failuro to obtain a permanent adjustment, to report the fact to the Execu tive at as early a day as possible, so that the whole matter may bo communicated to Con gress. At your last session, I submitted to the at tention of Congress, the Convention with tlio Republic ot Peru, of the nth of March, 1841, providing for tho adjustment of the claims of citizens of the United States against that Re public; but no definitive action was taken up on the subject. 1 again invite to it your atten tion and prompt action. In niy last Annual Message, 1 felt it to be my duty to make known to Congress, in terms both plain and emphatic, my opinion in regard to the war which has so long exist ed between Mexico and Texas, which since the battle of San Jacinto, has consisted alto gether of predatory incursions, attended by circumstances revolting to humanity. I re peat now, what I then said, that, alter eight years of feeble and ineffectual efforts to re cover Texas, it was time that the war .should have ceased. The United States had a di rect interest in the question. The contigui ty of the two nations to our territory was but too well calculated to involve our peace.— Unjust suspicions were engendered in the minds of the beligerents against us; and, as a necessary consequence, American interests were made to suffer, and our peace became daily endangered. In addition to which, it must have been obvious to all, that the exhaustion produced by the war, subjected both Mexico and Tex as to the interference of other powers: which, without the interposition of this Government, might result in the most serious injury to the U. States. This Government, from time to time, exerted its friendly offices to bring about a termination of hostilities upon terms hon orable alike to both the belligerents. Jts ef forts in this behalf proved unavailing. Mex ico seemed, almost without an object, to per severe in the war, and no other alternative was left the Executive but to take advantage of the well-known disposition of Texas, and to invite her to enter into a treaty for annex ing her territory to that of the U. States. •Since your last session, Mexico has threaten ed to renew the war, and has either made, or | proposes to make, formidable preparations for I invading Texas. She has issued decrees and | proclamations, preparatory to the commence, j menl cf hostilities, full of threats, revolting to humanity; and which if carried into effect, j would arouse the attention of all Christendom, j This new demonstration of feeling, there is too 1 much reason to believe, has been produced in consequence of the negoeiation of the late trea |tv of annexation with Texas. The Executive, therefore, could not he indifferent to such pro-' | lan dings; and it felt it to be due, as well to it- I self as to the honor of the country, that a ! strong representation should be made to the ' Mexican Government upon the subject. This was accordingly dune; as will be seen by the copy of the accompanying despatch lroin the Sect eta ry of State to the U.S. Envoy at Mcxi- I eo. Mexico has no right to jeopard the peace ! of the world by urging any longer, a useless: and fruitless contest. Such a condition of things ; would not be tolerated on tbc European conti -1 neiit. AVhy should it be on this ? A war of de solation, such as is now threatened bv Mexico, cannot be waged without involving our peace ; and tranquillity. It is idle to believe that. Mich \ : aw ar could be looked upon with indifference by our own citizens, inhabiting ndj' ining States; ! and our neutrality would be violated in despite i ! ol all efforts on trie part of the Government to : 1 prevent it. The country is settled by emigrants 1 j from the U. States, under invitations held out to them by .Spain and Mexico. Those cmi ! grants have left behind them friends and rrla- J I lives who would not fail to sympathise with | tlieru in their difficulties, and who would be led by those sympathies to participate in their I struggles, however energetic the action of Go- : v riiment to prevent it. Nor would the rinnic- ' rous and formidable bands of Indians, the most ! warlike to be found in any land, which occupy I the extensive regions contiguous to the Xiati s of Arkansas and Missouri, and who arc in posses- ' sion of large tracts of coun ry within the lim its of 'Texas, he likely to remain passive. The t inclination of these numerous tribes lead them invariably to war whenever pretexts exist. Mexico had no just ground of displeasure against this government or people for nego- j ciating the treaty. What interest of hers was j effected by the treaty? She was despoiled of! nothing, since Texas was forever lost to her. The independence of Texas was recognised by several of the leading powers of the earth. She was free to treat—free to adopt her own line of policy—free to take tho course which she believed was best calculated to secure 1 her happiness. Her government and people ! decided on annexation to the United States; j and the Executive saw, in the acquisition of I such a territory, the means of advancing their permanent happiness and glory. What principle of good faith then was violated? j What rule of political morals trampled un- j der foot? So far as Mexico herself was con cerned, the measure should have been regard ed by her as highly beneficial. Her tnabili- , ty to reconquer Texas bad been exhibited, I j repeat, by eight—now nine—years of fruit less and ruinous contest. In the meantime, Texas has been growing in population and resources. Emigration has flowed into her j territory, from all parts of the world, in a cur- i rent, which continues to increase in strength. Mexico requires a permanent boundary l:c-1 tween that young republic and herself. Tex-1 as, at no distant day, if she continues scpa- i rate and detached from the United States, j will inevitably seek to consolidate her strength by adding to her domain the contiguous pro vinces of Mexico. The spirit of revolt from ' the control of tiie Central Government has, heretofore, manifested itself in sonic of those provinces; and it is fair to infer that they would be inclined to take the first favorable opportunity to proclaim their independence, and to form close alliances with Texas. The war would thus be endless; or, if cessations of hostilities should occur, they would only endure for a season. The interests of Mexi co, therefore, could in nothing be better con sulted than in a peace with her neighbors, which would result in the establishment of a permanent boundary. Upon the ratification of the treaty, the Executive was prepared to treat with her on the most liberal basis— Hence the boundaries of Texas were left un defined bj r the treaty. The Executive pro posed to settle these upon terms that all the world should have pronounced just and rea sonable. No negotiation upon that point could have been undertaken between the United States and Mexico, in advance of the ratification of the treaty. We should have had no right—no power, no authority, to have conducted such a nego tiation; and to have undertaken it, would : have been an assumption equally revolting to the pride of Mexico and Texas, and subject- j ing us to the charge of arrogance: while to have proposed in advance of annexation, to satisfy Mexico for any contingent interests she might have in Texas, would have been to have treated Texas, net as an independent power, but as a mere dependency of Mexico. This assumption could not have been acted on by the Executive, without setting at defi ance j'our own solemn declaration that that Republic was an independent State. Mexico had, it is true, threatened war against the U. States, in the event the Treaty of Annexation was ratified. The Executive could not per mit itself to be influenced by this threat. It represented, in this, the spirit of our people, who are ready to sacrifice much for peace, but nothing to intimidation. A war, under any circumstances, is greatly to be deplored, and the United States is the last nation to de sire it; but if, as (he condition of peace, it be required of us to forego the unquestionable right of treating with an independent power, of our own Continent, upon matters highly interesting to both, and that upon a naked and unsustained pretension of claim by a third power, to control the free will of the power with whom we treat—devoted as we may be to pence, and anxious to cultivate friendly relations with the whole world—the Executive does not hesitate to say that the People of the United States would he ready to brave ai! consequences sooner than sub mit to such condition. But no apprehension ot war was entertained by the Executive; and I must express frankly the opinion that, had the Treat) - been ratified by the Senate, it would have been followed by a prompt set dement, to the entire satisfaction of Mexico, of every matter of difference between the two countries. Seeing then that new prepar ations for hostile invasion of Texas were about to be adopted by Mexico, and that these were brought about because Texas has adopted the suggestions of the Executive upon the subject of Annexation, it could noi passively have folded its arms and permittee a war, threatened to be accompanied by every art that could mark a barbarous age, to be waged against her, because she had done so. Other considerations of a controlling clta j meter influenced the course of the Executive. | The treaty which had thus been negotiated, I had failed to receive the ratification of the | Senate. One of the chief objections which ! were urged against it, was found to consist j in the fact that the question of annexation ! had not been submitted to the ordeal of pub lic opinion in the United States. Ifowcvcr ! untenable such an objection was esteemed to i be, in view of the unquestionable power of the Executive to negotiate the treaty, and the 1 great and lasting interests involved in the (jueslion, 1 felt it to be my duty to submit the whole subject to Congress as the best ex pounders of public sentiment. No definitive action having been taken on the subject by Congress, the question referred itself directly to the decision of the States and the People, 'f'lie great popular election which has just terminated, afforded the best opportunity of ascertaining the will of the States and Peo ple upon it. Pending that issue, it became the imperative duty of the Executive to in form Mexico that the question of annexation was still before the American People, and that, until their decision was pronounced, any serious invasion of Texas would be re garded as an attempt to forestall their judg ment, and could not be looked upon with in difference. lam most happy to inform you that no such invasion has taken place, and I trust that, whenever your action may be upon it, Mexico will see the importance of deciding the matter by a resort to peaceful expedients, in preference to those of arms.— The decision of the People and the Stales, on tins great arid interesting subject, has been decisively manifested. The question has been presented nakedly to their consideration. By the treaty itself, all collateral and inci dental issues, which were calculated to di -1 vide and distract the public councils, were [carefully avoided. These were left to the wisdom of the future to determine. It pre sented, I repeat, the isolated question of an nexation; and in that form it lias been sub mitted to the ordeal of public sentiment. A controlling majority of the People, and a large majority of the States, have declared in favor of immediate annexation. Instructions have thus come up to both branches of Congress, from their respective constituents in terms the most emphatic. It is the will of both the people and the States, that Texas shall be annexed to the Union promptly and immediately. It may bo hoped that, in carrying into execution the public will, thus declared, all collateral issues may he avoided. Future Legislatures can best decide as to the number of States which should he farmed out of the territory, when the time has arrived for deciding that ques tion. So with all others. By the treaty the United States assumes the payment of the debts of Texas, to an amount not exceeding $10,000,000, to be paid, with the exception of a sutn falling short of sloo,ooo,exclusive ly out of the proceeds of the sales of her pub lic lands. We could not, with honor, take the lands,without assuming the full payment of all incumbrances upon them. Nothing has occurred since your last ses sion, to induce a doubt that the dispositions of Texas remain unaltered. No intimation of an altered determination, on the part of her Government and People, has been fur nished to the Executive. She still desires to throw herself under the protection of our laws, and to partake of the blessings of our federative system; while every American in terest would seem to require it. The exten sion of our cost wise and foreign trade, to an amount almost incalculable—the enlarge ment of the market for our manufactures— a constantly growing market for our agri cultural products—safety to our frontiers, and additional strength and stability to the Union—these are the results which would rapidly develope themselves, upon the consummation of the measure of annexation. In such an event, I will not doubt but that Mexico would find her true interest to con sist in meeting the advances of this Govern ment in a spirit of amity. Nor do I apprehend any serious complaint f;om any other quarter; no sufficient ground exist for such complaint. We should interfere in no respect, with the rights cf any other na lion. 1 here cannot be gathered from the act, any design on our part to do so with their pos sessions on this continent We have interpos ed no impediment in the way of such acquisi tions of territory, large ai d extensive as many cf them are, as the leading powers of Europe have made, from time to time, in every pait < ( the world. We seek no conquest made by war No intrigue will have been resorted to, or acts ot diplomacy essayed, to accomplish the annex ation of Texas. Free and independent he.rscll, she asks to b ■ received into our Union. It is a question for our own decision, whether she shall be received or not. The two Governments bavi> g already agreed through ihcir respective organs, on the terms of annexation, I would recommend their adop tion by Congress in the form of a joint resolu tion, or act, to be perfected and made binding on tire two countries, when ad' pied in like manner by the Government of Texas In order that the subject may be fully pre suited in oil its bearings, 'he eo responderici which has taken place, in reference to i*, sine, the adjournment of Congress, between the Iff! ted States, Texas and Mexico, is hi row it: transmitU d. The amendments proposed by the Srnate t the Convention concluded between the Unite. PRICE ONE CENT Slates and Mt xico on the 2Uth <>l Novtinner, J '843, have been transmitted through our Mm ! i-tor. for the concurrence of the Mexican Gov j eminent; but, although urged thereto, no ac | lion has yet been had on the subjecl; nor lias a ny answer been given which would authorize a favorable conclusion in the future. The I leeree of September, 1843, in relation to the retail trade, the order ior the expulsion lof foreigners,and that of a more recent date in j regard to passports—all of which arc consider j ed as in violation of the Treaty ol Amity and i Commerce between the two count rits, have led I t" a correspondence of considerable length be 'ween th Minister of Foreign Halations and I oui Representative at Mexico, hut without any I satisfactory result. '1 hey remain sti 1 unadjust j ed; ar.d many and serious inconveniences have I already resulted to our citizens in consequence ! of them. Questions growing out of the act of disarm ing of a body of Texan troops under the com mand ol Major Snitely, by an officer in the J service ol the United States, acting under the ! orders of c tir Government: and tin- forcible en try into the Custom-house at Bryarly's I.and- I irg.on Red River, by certain citizens of the United States, and taking away therefrom lha goods seized by the C.Vlect'r of the Customs, as forfeited under the laws of Texas, have been adjusted, so far as the powers of the Executive extend. The correspondence ol the two Gov ernments in n It rente to both subjects, will be lound amongst the accompanying documents. It contains a full statement ol all the facts and circumstances, with the views taken uti both sides, and the principles on which the questions have been adjusted ft icrnaius for Congress tn i make the necessary appropriation to carry the arrangement into effect, which! respectfully recommend. The greatly improved condition of the Trea sury, affords a subject for general congratula tion. 't he paralysis which had fallen on trade and commerce ai.d which subjected the Gov ernment to the necessity of resorting to loans, and the issue of Treasury notes to a large a mount, has passed away;and after the payment of upwards of §7,000,000, on account of the in'stesf, and in redemption ol more than §5,- COO 000 of the pubiic "debt, which falls due on the Ist of January next, and setting apart up wards of §2,000,000 for the payment of out star ding Treasury notes, and meeting an in stalment of the debts of the corporate cities of the District of Columbia an estimated sur plus of upwards of §7,000,000 over and above the existing appropriations, will remain m the Treasury a' the close of the fiscal yaar Should the Treasury notes continue outstand ing, as herttofore, the surplus will be consider ably augmented. A though all interest has ceased upon them, and the Government has in vited their return to the Treasury, yet they re main outstanding; affording great facilities to commerce, and re-establishing the fact that,un der a well regulated system of finance, the Government has resources within itself, which j render it independent in time of need, not only I of private loans, but also of bank facilities. The only remaining subject of regret is, that the remaining stocks of the Government do not iail due at an earlier day; since their re demption would be entirely within its control. As it i", it may be well worthy the considera tion of Congress, whether the law establishing the sinking fund —under the operation of which debtsot the Rev ilution and last war with Great Britain were, to a great extent, extin guished - should not,with proper modifications, (so as to prevent an accumulation of surpluses, and limited in amount to a specific sum,) be re enacted. Such provision, which would author ize the Government to go into the market for a purchase of its own stock, on fair terms, would sctve to maintain its credit at the highest point and prevent, to a great extent, those fluctua tions in the price of its securities; which m ; ght, under other circumstances, aflect its credit.— No apprehension of this sort is,at this moment, entertained; since the stocks of the Government which but two years ago were offered for sale to capitalists, at home and abroad, at a depre ciati ,n, and could find no purchasers, are now greatly above par in the bands of the holders; but a wRe and prudent forecast admonishes us to place beyond the reach of contingency the public credit. It must also be a matter of unminglcd gratifi cation, that,under the cxistinz financial system resting upon the act ot 1789, and tbe resolu tion of 181(5, —the currency of the country has attained a state of perfect soundness; and the rates of exchange between different parts ol the Union, which, in 1841, denoted, by their enor mous amount, tbe great depreciation, and in fact wort hlesincss of the currency in most of the States—are now reduced to little, more than the mere expense of transporting specie from place to place, and the risk incidental to tha operation. lu a new country like that ol the United States—where so many inducements are held out for speculation—the. depositories of the surplus revenue, consisting of Banks of any description, when It reaches any considerable amount, require the closest vigilance on tbe part of the Government. All banking insti tutions, under whatever denomination they may pass are governed by an almost exclusive re gard to the interest of the stockholders.— That interest consists in the augmentation of profits, in the form of dividends and a large surplus revenne entrusted to their custody is but too apt to lead to excessive loans and to extravagantly large issues of paper. As a ne cessary consequence, prices are nominally in crea-ed and the speculative mania everywhere seizes upon the public, mind A fictitious state of prosperity for a season exists; and, in tiie language of the day, money becomes plenty. Contracts are entered into by individuals, rest ing on this unsubstantial stale of things,hut the delusi' n speedily passes away, and the country is overrun b) an indebledm ss so weighty as to overwhelm many, and to visit every depart ment of industry with great and ruinous em barrassment. The greatest vigilance becomes necessary on the par! ot Government to guard against this state of things. —The depositories must be given distinctly to understand that the lavors of the Government will be altogether withdrawn, or substantially diminished, if its revenues shall be regarded as additions to their banking capital, or as the foundation of an en larged circulation. The Government, through its revenue has, at ail times, an important part to perform in connexion with thi currency;and it greatly depends upen its vigilance and care, whether the country be involved in embarrass ments similar ttf those which it lias had iccently to encounter; or, aided by the action of the Treasury, shall be pirser> oil in a sound and healthy condition. '1 he dangers to be guarded against are gr< a. • l\ augment, d by tco large a surplus uf revenue. When that surplus greatly exceeds in amount what shall he required by a wise and piudent forecast to meet unforeseen contingencies, the I.egislature itself may come *o he seized .ritli t disposition to indulge in extravagant a| pru [Continucd oa fourth page ]