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"ETERNAL HOSTILITY TO EVERY FORM OF OPPRESSION OVER THE MIND OR BODY OF MAN." Jefferson.
LOUIS O. COWAN, VOLUME XYI. OFFICE IN HOOPER'S BRICK BLOCK, LIBERTY STREET. EDITOR AND PROPRIETOR. BIDDEFORD, ME., FRIDAY MORNING, AUG. 24, 1860. NUMBER 35. it ffinuro onrnal n rvBU»ao mr nuur ■ourtv*. Oflke- nMp«^ Brick Btock, np Mulra. TERMS: Two Dmuii Pn Aswca—or On IVtun tn Kirrr I'm*, if |»M wtUtta 3 m.nUu hvm Ujm ot •uh«fll-lnj. Single eoplM, 4 miU. A4ntiUU| Bam. 1«M>(3 iMMtioM) .... |l» I1IH f. «****■•»—•"WTBB. ■J— ——■ |)odr]j. TUX TIOXS. The nooi ii it her full, and, riding high, Flooda the calm ftelda villi light. The air* that how ia the lammer sky Are all aaleep to-night. Tbrre cornea no toice from th« grant woodla&J That murmured nil the day; [round Beneath the akndow of their bong ha, the ground la not mora atill than the jr. fiat ertr heart* and monna the reatlcaa Deep; Ria riaing IUm 1 hear. Afar I aee the glimmering billowa lenp; I aee then breaking near. Each ware apringa npward climbing toward the Pure light that aita on high; [Mr, Springa eagerly, and faintly ainkato where The mother water* lie. Upward again it ewella; the moonbeama show, Again, it* glimmering ereat; Again it fee la the fatal weight below. And ainka, but not to rest. A raid and yet again; until th« Deep Kecalla hi* brood of wavca; And. with a atillen moan, abashed, tbey crc«p l)»ck to hi« inner caw. Ilriof reapite! thry ahall ru*h from that mtM H lib noiae aaJ tumult mud, And fling themselves, with unavailing stress, (Jp toward the placid moon. Oh reatlea* Sea, that in thy prima here Dual struggle and complain; Thru* the alow eeotwric* yearning to be near To that fair orb la vain. The glorious orb of light and heat mutt warm Thy boaom with hia glow. And o* tbow aaoantiag wavea a nobler (orm And freer life bestow. Then only may they leave the waate of brine fn which they wallow here. And rise above the hilb of earth and ahioe In a aereaer sphere. Agricultural. Bpocial Directions for Putting up Fruit. Por straw herruw, blackberries and raapW riea, take the clean fruit, picked wlulo dry, avoid waahing, unleaa really necwaory. Put into a glazed vwael; one of l>nwt will do, but ia not ao good a* an enameled one. Pour over it a hot ijnip made of 1-2 lb. of rood white sugar to a pint nf wat> r. ( We Have uaed 1-2,3-4 and 1 'lb. with nearly «|ual aucceMa. A good rule ia to uae about a* much augar aa will bo n<quiri*J to tit tho fruit for ivracmberiug that rather more u re Swhen the nruit is to bo aiturated , than when it ia to be eaten A small amount of mtup will be needed to Blithe in teratice? between the fruit,and it need not come ouite to the top at first, aa the fruit will aink d>>wn into it when boiling. Care fully cook tho bcrriea in the ayrun for ten or twenty minutes, ao that all ahall bo acalded through. Too much cooking deatroya tho form of the iruit, and diMi|«t«w tho fine aro ma. iltnat it through, but do not atew it down. Uare the botilea r»«u«lv heated hy tho atovo, or in water, (setting them in it wheu it iacold, and beating it up.) and pour in the fruit with the ayrup. Thia can be done through a wide mvk<M tunnel, or from a piteher, to aruid getting tho arrup upon the top of tho bjttle, which would prwent the union of the wax with the gla.«—a very ruimn io error. Fill tho bottles not quite to the top of the nevk. l/'t Uiom «uua» tew minutes, occasionally giving them n j »r, to facilitate the escape ol an* air bubble* loll <ia pouring in the fruit. Thia with tho par tial cooling, will cause the fruit tu shrink a little. Now pour enough more syrup to fill the Untie as nigh aa where tho bottom of the fork will nink to. Carefully wipe off any chance drop* of syrup that may have carelessly been left on the neck or top of the bottle, aad preaa ia the corks. The cork* hh^uld be large, aad be »>ften<«l ia hot wa t«-r, *J that they will prvss in easily. I'reaa the corka down upoo the syrup, (f any syr up ooi-a through, carefully wipe it all off with a towel dipped in hot w.iter, so aa to loaro tbe (law rl<wn for the wax. As aoon na the wster «lri<« off. dip on tbe melted ce ment with a spoon, until the top i* well cor cred. l'<Hir a little of the cement into the " pattv pans," turn the wax neck into it, and aJd enough more ceiaeat to perfectly close tbe rim of the bottle neck. Hemern Her that water or grease on the neck of tbe bottle will prevent the firm uuion of the wax. For cement, the boat we have found ia one ounce of tallow to fourteen ounce* of common rosin. This is a cheap comptund, the resia eoatiag only four to six cents per lb. at retail. H'e make up a dozen Ihe, or •eat a lime, and keep it oo baud, melting it as often as needed. I r««eb«a, ebt-mea, plum*, apriroca, p^»n, quiacoa, He., may all be pal up in the aame tnan".rr »n l will, but rerj moderate cooking. Applee l»l quiacwe 0f cuurw require penr in< «•* «•*■>. They m»j be cut intopiivw of nny d«im» ai» «r f^„. If ia t,ty large piaoea, a little leagac boiling may be need<*l to hate then healed tWwh, but not cook ed i0« 00 the ou Utile. The pita should he reaaoted fro« the peachoa. (.V-rri^, a[j the beiter fur being firet atoned ao.1 mi>M 0f then can thus be got into bottle*. Applee taaj be atewed Into aauce rt%\j f„r the table, and then be bottled up for ua>>, without further cooking, three, lit, tiirv u« twelve noatha afterwards. We alwaya put up a lane quantity thus, at different p«n . oda ol the jear—in the winter taking caw that had previoaalj been uaad for the aamt purpoee or for other fruit*. Any kind af viewed aauce mar he aeaaon ad, then bottled and Mated, and be alwayl readj lor me. Tomntoei we put up Urguly every year and hare bow (in June) a lair aopplir, u good aa if juat gathered and cooked, the* we akin, cut and boil down one half, and than bold* up. Prepared in thia way thot **• ao convenient, and of ao rood ami freah quality, that w« make no apecial eflbrt to ae cure early good "°fl' "weoteiuxi aa for pie and then bottled, cu— out aica and fr^h ia aid-wiatar or eprutg. Urwn peaa, beana and aon *ay alao be a, but they aead to be thoroughly oookmi rw bottling, or they are liable to apoil !. Amertetm Ayru*/h,r<d»st. jy The apple crop in Kennebec prom Lea to bo bountiful. So eaje the Farmer. I HfisccllaitHms. Fur th« I'iIim Md JowmI. KAinmi.n, Warx* On., ) Kgvpt, III., Aug. 10th l!<60. j MvDkarSir:—You "would like to liw in the Wait," I hare no doubt of it, and es pecially do I believe jou would like to lire in K£jr[>t, notwithstanding tho hard name it lias recieved; for a finer section of oountrj I never mv in mv life. I think it far cur pomes Northern Illinois, Wisconsin, low* or Missouri in many respects; there is a sufficien cy of timber, the prairies of a rich, rvlling nature, and a fine fruit country; the pnurius look like a vast dower garden, and black herries between the woodland and prarie in their season are more numerous than the blue-herrit* on tho plains of Watorhoro' and M a iruu country u is wceui^i uj huhv , pmcbc* uv now at juur own price. Ik seemed a matter of surprise to mo that so beautiful a region should bo ao long over looked; but it is thu« explained; the first settlers were the "poor whit»w," from the Slave States, only a shaJe aboio the ne gro, anil they produced a very poor impres* •ion upon enterprising emigrant* ; but thej Invc given way before the intelligent Quaker from lYnn*)lvania, the phlegmatic New Yorker, and the restl«M Yankee, and those together with the excellent school laws of the Sute, give an entire different a*|>oct to the country, and now enterprise and thrift show their legitimate fruits in the noble farms and beautiful villages that gi-ni the land. The wheat and fruit will In a good average crop, but the dry weather of late is ruining the corn, and it must be light. I believe this is a wry healthy eonntry, and in my opinion tho greater |«art of the sicknem is produced by overeating. With rusjwet to ftoiilics, we are undergoing an en tire revolution; this you well know has always been tho Sebastopol of Democracy, but the scepter is fast deporting, and next November, Kgypt will roll up the Republican list as it was never done before; of course the Republicans will not out number the Demo crats, but they will give a vote for Lincoln and llatulin, sufficiently large to give them a handsome majority in this State, over both wiug* of the Democracy with the Bell party thrown in. Iu Kgvpt the Republican vote will b^ next November, ten fold greater than in '5<i, as a few facts will plainly show ; in this county where Fremont received 12C vufcw, by actual count, there arv now 4Htf, aud "still they come in an adjoining county which in 'M gurc Fremont five votes there are now .".00 Republicans tinu and true; and in a neighboring town wheru one year ago there were only three Republicans, there are now thirty-two, and this is about the way it will lie throughout Southern Illinois. I have met with only two of the Breckinridge Disunion Party in this region, ami tli<>y will not ihj iii Ihu |Kirtjr After they get the census tukon ; the llcpuhlicans are confid ?nt of succem, and the like in enthusiasm you never saw. I have attended several meeting ol both partiea, and their mode of ajiraking and discussion in as diflmnt as tho principle® for which they contend. At a Democratic meeting a short time ago, one of the upouken commenced by saying t'lat "the surest way (or tho Democ racy to remain triumphant win to demolish the pestdioles of Abolitionism, school houses, and clear out the young corporals, the school masters," this is a literal firt, and there was ntoro truth in the argument than they often get in one speech; but wo have no fears for suee»ws, lot tho Republicans do as well everywhere as tho Republicans of Kgypt, and tictory will perch upon tho banner of Liberty. That you may know something of tho effirU the Democracy are making to force niyyrntn* upon tho Republicans, I will show you die means to which they resort, Rre publicans were holding a meeting and somo ol tho Democrats in this county got an old cart, put some rails on it, attached a flag to it bearing the inscription, • IIV are nil ryual,' and then gate a negro four dollars to drive it into towu and cheer for Lincoln; it had a gwod effect for there were three Democrats, that there and then said they would no longer belong to a I*rty that was compelled to retort to so low trieks for succeM. In fact it would astonish you to mo the mea^um they adopt to make everybody Democrats, but their intuition are too hare-faced and tho bouest masses will endure it no longer, the Kepublisans in this State are vigorously at work, ami next November will show a glori ous reault. The general news yi»u get from thepapera, and these little incidents I have related because they tell though they wsca|s) publicity. D. 9. Kniuut. Noble Sontimonta. . Th« following noble eon I i men t* from a •pwch of Abraham Lincoln, should receive a from all republican*. They should 1 " iu tho oiomorj and intluencv the 1 action: "L,-t u* »Ui»a Ky our ,|utT fairKwIr and , f?Ct,Tft d^trd hv n\in« of thrm «n^.at»cal conuir.^. wher^rith W. an *> induatriouely plUl mivl beUhoml— contrivance* auch aa gn,ninK ,„r „(me miaa|e ground between the right and tll„ w vain as the *c*ivh for a man who would be neither a living man nor a deud man~*uch aa a policy of 'don't car*' on a «|u.wtinn about which all true men do care—auch a* Union appeal*, beaeoching true Union mon to jiclj to diaunioniat*. roeraing tho divine rule, and calling, not the ainnera, but the right*, oua to repentance; mch aa invocationa of Waahington, imploring sen »o unaav what Waahington aaiu, and undo what >\ aahing ton did. Neither let ua be alandeml from our duty bv (alee accuaation* againat ua, nor trightened'faMi it by menace* of destruction to the Government, nor of dnngaona to our Let ua have faith that right taahaa Blight; and in that faith, let ua to the end data to do our duty, aa we understand it." ^pflMcal fatter. Earnostnoss—Noiao—Effort. BT IIOKWE UREKI.KY. Man/ flippantly talk of tho Presidential canraw ot 1800 as apathetic because it is not noiay. Very few ilwrt their field* and workshop* to awcll the thousands who gnth rr at moan convention* a hundred utiles from their hotoea; few (yet atill too ninny) neglect their families to a|>end night after nijjht in heated, crowded grog-ahopn where politiciana moat do congregate, saving the country'a constitution by ruining their own; few are prompted to quarrel with their neighbors and defame their beat frienda on aeoount of po litical difference. Tho change from such contests aa that of 1840, or even that of 1830, is manifest and signal, but it u not deplorable. The 1'eoplo shout 1cm, it may be, than tlicy have done; but they do not read lem nor think lean. They are not the lens likely to render a just and mlutarr judge ment because they have not decided first and inrwtigated afterward. There may bo more light than usual,—even though there bo leas heat; and he who attends but one convention —or even none—may have informed himself quite an fully and accurately m to tho issues und candidate* presented, as ono who has been marching und ainging and shouting for the last aix month*. There will ]>e more legal vote* polled this year throughout tlie country than there ever were before; und, if fewer illegal one* with them, bo much tho eerier. As » matter of fact, though the People have been more excited in some former con tents. we douht that 01 icv were ever more widely and generally interested than now. In clone States, like Indiana, Illinois, and Missouri, they an* holding many and largely attended moating*—not of one |>artr only, but all; in localities like Vermont and South Carolina, there in little movement, because .-(Tort in known to Im unavailing; hut, on the whole, there never were no many States sharply contented, nor a content which more clearly pervaded tho whole L'nion, than in I860. And never wan there a letter or wider op portunity for nowing broadcast the seeds of jtolitienl and moral truth. Never could men oi principle, of integrity, and of profound, enlightened conviction, do more good by iu diciounly-jlirected effort than now. 'llie fountain* of the greut |xditical deep aro brt> ken up. Men who for thirty yearn have been impervious to conviction, are now hesitating ana inquiring. Where formerly tho votes of nine-tenths of the elector* were filed and unchangeable from the outset, now wo are within three months of the election, and hundred* of thousands an; yet undecided.— Men who huve never inquired further than ••Where (or which) is the Democratic tick et?" are now compelled to determine which of tho parties claiming to bo Democratic is best entitled t > that apjielation; and having begun ii> enquire, they are not likely to stop ■I tho threnhold. They may pntoeud to en quire what claim either ot the competitors has to the name thus struggled for, and what claim is given hy that name to the favor and support of men who love their Country and the Jtight. And thus many a rotor may bo led on to review the whole field of political controversy, and to revise opinions which ho never till now permitted himself to doubt. In such a time, a "word fitly spoken"—a gently and friendly remonstrance or admoni tion—the reading of an able and forcible ■pooch or may—may change tho current of individual thought and action fora life-time. Seldom havo op|>ortunitks bocn presented for doing so much good at so moderate a cost of eflort or of time. Above nil should attention lw given to the caso of Young Men. Somo hundred* of thousands of tlioso are n<>w to cast their first Toto for President. In every countr, almost every township, some of theso will bo found in 'the humbler walks of lifo who have enjoyed slender opportunities for ac quriug political knowledge, and who havo either not a* yet received a party bias, or are loosely attached tosouioparty through a very cruifo and imperfect acquaintance with it* principles tho israceof tho day.— There aro One Hundred Thousand of trieso who might Ito won by kind and friendly sowiduity to appreciate the cause of Justice. Humanity, Liberty, and who, once attached to it, would cling to it through lifo. May wo not bope that each reader will consider and determine whether there is not ono such within the sphere of his own activity, in the possibility of being won through his efforts? It is a just and stinging reproach to the good that they aro not as a clans, so generally zealous tin I effective in politics as tho bau. The keeper of a grog shop is worth more as a gcncrul rule, to tho party ho favors,than two average deacons, This need not and should not bo. A man truly religious mum uu-iy fore bo a better patriot—more devoted to hi* country's well being and willing to make sacrifices to promote or r-suro it than a looeo liver and scoffer. If hi* religion lends or in elin n liitu to look with indifforenco on |h> liticul struggle* mid stay uway from tho polls there must no a hole in it. lie forgets or disregards tlic Divine injunction, "Render unto Qosar the thing* that an* Cnjsar's." If then be anywhere a man w» pious that ho docs not cure to rote, ho certainly stands in need oi enlightenment if not of sterner disci pline. A religion that dooa not manifest itself in tho ui.irket, the field, the stroet, and at tho polls, Ik longs to a darker and more superstitious ago tliau that into which wo have been bom. It is very true that l>ad men sometimes connect themselves with tho best political cause, acting so a* to render it odious to tho su|«rficial and unthinking. But hero is just where the inter|«Mition of the good become* indispensable. It is their imperative duty to separate the good from the bad—the rignte ous cause from its unworthy cliaiupions, putting each in tho proper light, and invok nig a righteous iudgili<-nt on each. I**t tho bad bo confounded and luffled at tho prima ry meetings, in the nominating conventions, at the polls, in the halls of legislation, and wherever tbev may be found, ami let the moat heedlrm or prejudiced be made to real ise tliat the good cause has other than un worthy advocate*. If lud nominations are made,'let no man of Cliristian principle de sert the polls on that account, let him rath er attend them the more awidoualy, in order to vote and act against such candidates, and in favor of sulutitutes whom he knows to he true and worthy. Such a course, uniformly pursued hy conscicntioiiJ men, wuuld not merely mve our country from misrule and official corruption; it would command llelig i'»n as an activo , pervading, life-giving power, to thousands who now disregard and undervalue it. It would he practical obedi ence to tho Master's iojuactum, "Le4 your light so shine before men, that others, soe ing your good works, may glorify your Fath er aho is in heaven." II. G. Hickman and Douglas. In a recent speech at West Chester (his > hose) lion. John Hickman mad* some point 0(1 statements concerning Douglas, and their former relations with each other. He Mid: Particular pains had boon taken to say tiiat I had turned traitor to my former pro bations, and abandoned Stephen A. Douglas. I have never abandoned any of my political doctrines and I never was a Douglas tnan. I want men to know iust where I stand. I thus muke this declaration and repeat it—I hare nerer been a Douglas man, lor I always dw piajd his political principle#—if ever lio had nny. 1 say there is no man in the Democrat ie party of tho borough of West Chester, or in tho county of Chester, who has ever heard me say a word of praiso for the porson of Stephen A. Douglas. I havo privately and publicly deoounoed him: I have spoken against him consistently and persistently for ten vears, (or I know him well, having watched his courno closely. I have not been decei ved. I know that ho is not to be trusted, even when you have your oyos upon him. I think I havo gone as far in doing this as a man could do, having a personal regard for himself. I have said that I would rather vote for Breckinridge than for Stephen A. Douglas, for he is infinitely the better man. I nave never found Douglas true to his own princi ples, and 1 have said so at all times. 1 have Riid so to his intimate friends—to his private secretary. I have known him for years to bo a iMilitieul mountolwnk, a scheming trickister who recognises tho interests of but one person in the United States, and that one is Stephen A. Douglas himself. I propose to help n Isrger interest than that. 1 havo higher in terests than tho elevation of such a uiun to the^l'residency. Tho M8odition Law" of John Ad ams rovlvod by Douglas. ■ Tho "Sedition Act," passed by tlio Feder al Congress under tlio elder Adams, was de signed to coerce opinion, and to deny liberty of speech and of the press. Unpopularity and lusting defeat rewarded its i>rti|x>«'rs,atid history chronicle* it aa a law unwortl.y of tlio ago and country where it originated. Mr. Douglas, remarks tho Albany /.Y<n in>j Journal, is tho only statesman of mod ern times who has had tho hardihood to pro]K«c tho revival of this Statute, lie, last winter, in the Senate, brought up a new So dition Law scheino, closcljr resembling the old one. Yet, in one respect, kit imitation teas ert n icorsr than the original. Tho projwsers of tho first Law had at least tho excuse that they were, as they supposed, defending a Free Government bj harsh means. Mr. Douglas* Sedition Law, whilo equally harsh, hud no object but to defend and perpetuate the Institution of Slavery. Wo place an ox tract from Douglas' sjieccli side by iido with a portion of tho justly infamous Sedition Act thut ull may note tho striking similarity be twaon tho two: 8KDITI0N ACT. M And be it further enacted,That if any |*r son shall write,print,ut ter or publish, or shall cause ur procure to be written, printed uttered or published, or shall knowingly and willing ly assist or aid in writ ing, printing, uttering or publishing any false, scandalous and m%lic ious writing or writings against the Government of the United States or either House of the Congress of the United States, or the President of theU: with intent to defame the said Uo* ernmeut,or either House of the Congress, or the said President, > or to bring them, or either of thcni, into contempt or disrepute; or to txeilt againit them, or either or any qf them, the ha tred qjf the good people <lf the United Stutet; tottirvp tehtion with in the Unite! State$, or to estite any unlaw ful roml/inutiont there in, for oppoting or re filling any law qf the United Sl<itet, or any act of the President of the United States, done in pursuance of any such law, or of the |Ktwers in him nested by the Constitution of the United States; then such persons being thereof convicted before any Court of the United States having jurisdic tion thereol, shall b« punished by a line not exceeding two thousand dollars, and by iinpri»« onment not exceeding two years." MR. DOUGLAS. •' Sir. President, the mode of preserving penco in iilain. Thia •jitein or sectional warfare must cease. The Constitution has given the t>ower,and all we Mk of Congress in to give uh the means, and we, by indiehnenltand conrictiuni in Ihr/tlt ralcourti of the ttitr nl SInlis, trill make mth tjru mftlf* of the Itii'ltriu/lhtie contpir* neitt at will itr ike ler roriiito the krarlt qf the olktrt, ami there will be an end of thia crusade. The great principle that under lies t h e orpiniia tionofthe IU'puhlicun j»arty is violent, irre Roncilalde, eternal warfare unon the insti tution or American alavery, with a view to its ultimate extinc tion throughout the land. Sir, I confer I ho oljcct of the legis lation I contemplate is to PUT DOWN this Dittslde Interference ; if it to rtprett the 'irre. \trtuiblt conflict.' " Of coureo, in this procedure Mr. Doug las had liia party at his hack. In order to tost and limit, plainly, the intent of tho movement, Senator Harlan, of Iowa, offered as an amendment tho following proviso : " Itut tho free discussion of tho morality and expediency of Slavery should never Ko interferedNvlth by tho laws of any State, or tho United State* ; andthr freedom of speech and of the press, on this and every subject of domestic and national policy, should U main tain'd inviolate in all tlio States." This amendment was rejected—the Repub licans present all voting for it and all the Democrats present toting ayainst it! The party thus placed itself on reeord in the Sen ate as the opponent of Freedom of Speech ! Douglas and a Slavo Codo. Docous, in his letter of acceptance, speci fically endorses the Supplemental Resolution offered after the nomination, by Mr. Wick lifle, of I/ouisana. Tliat resolution reads as follows: HrsolvfJ, That in aooordanoe with the in terpretation ot the Cincinnati platform that duriny the existence of the Territorial Gar trnment the measures of restriction whatever it may be, employed by the Federal Consti tution on the power ol the Territorial Legis latures over the subject of the domestic ro tations, AS THE SAME HAS BEEN OR SHALL HEREAFTER BE FINALLY DE TERMINER BY THE SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES, should be re spected by all good citiaens and enforced with promptness and fidelity by every branch of the General Govern meat: Here ws hare a recognition of Federal or Congressional Intervention as that doctrine has ever been recognised any where or by anybody. It oooocdes all that the advocates | of a Slavo Code eter naked. Let oa aeo how il would work Slavery exists in New Mexieo. Snppnm the Territorial Legislature paaaon a law abol ishing it. Immediately the alavea take their Freedom and refuw to work. Tlw Territorial authorities justify them. Their ownera appeal to the General Government for aid to compel thorn to return to thoir allegiance, and oite the Deciaion of the Supreme Court to show that no Territorial Legislature haa nny power to abolish alavery. If Porous wcrA President, he would be obliged to aaj, unJcr thia resolution, that theae Masters were right; and, if ncceaaary, ho would bo coin polled to aend the ootiro military force of the oountry to protect them in thoir right to tha aerrioe of the alavea in apite of the action oftho Territorial I legislature. Could nRKCKtMRinax do any more ? What, then, would become of "Squatter Sovereignly ?" IIow would the people of tho Territories be ablo to resist this armed Inter vention? Would they not find themaolvea overruled und defeated by tho agency of tho very man who had taught thein that thoy were au[rcmo on all queation* relating to their own local institutiona? It is cm clear aasunlight, that this Plat form to which Dotaua is pledged, is as dis tinctly opposite to tho doctrino ol Non-inter vention as any Plutfonn jtoesibly can bo, and sotho IVoplo will think. Mr. Lincoln's mnjority In 1858. Tlicm is a very general disposition on tho part of tho Douglas politicians, not only to discredit, but to deride the fact that their chief w.is beaten l>cfore tlio peoplo of Illihois by Mr. Lincoln, in their famouscontest two ymrs ago. Kven Mr. Douglmi wliilo speak ing in this city,last week, in courtoouc terms of his rival, Mr. Lincoln, would have us bo lieve thut the mnjority of tho peoplo of his own State were always with him in a contest with old Abo. For tho information of thoso Douglai Democrats who seem to bo ignor ant of how this matter stands, wo publish what we find to bj tho result of tho official canvass ol tho election for niouilwrs of tho Illinois legislature, and lor State offioers, held on Tuesday, November 2d, 1858. The figures are an exact transcript of the abstract pub lished in the Chicago Timet and Tribune by authority ol tho IIouso of Representative in January, 1859. The footing of tho tablo for members of the legislature shows Mr. Lincoln to have received 128,275 vat's, against 121, 190 for Mr. Douglas—majority for Lincoln, 4,085. Tho Douglasitgs in Manchester, and Msowhere, who am protending to belie vo that their champion was not beaten in tho popular vote, will not deny that the State Treasurer, and Superintendent of Instruction, who run on thesamo ticket with Mr. Lincoln, were elected. Tho following is tho vorifro* static oiticers : **• i —j — — " " " Superintendent 2,143 We may ol* tvo hen; that no newspaper in Illinois has ever presumed to deny that Mr. Lincoln distanced his competitor in tho popu lar vote. Yet, Douglas wus elected Senator by the unjust legislative apportionment law, whereby a lesser number of pooplo in Domo cmt icdistricts was required than in republican districts, to clcct a inemlter of the legislature. For instance, the 33 districts carried by the Democrats, electing 40 members containing GOO,278 population, and tho 25 districts car ried by tho Republicans, and electing 35 members, contained 59'J,810 population, or 83,802 more than' tho districts car ried by tho Democrat*. But tho point which wa now place beyond tho possibility of ques tion or argument, is this;—that when "Mr. Douglas had a hand with Mr. Lincoln in 1858," Mr. Lincoln rtcrived more votrs than Mr. Douytiu. This will no longer bo gain sayed by any man who pretends to Ull the truth. 125,430 121,009 124,500 122,413 Rep. Dcm. Treasurer, Sup't l'ub. Ins. 124,i»0C Republican majority on Treasurer 3,821 Tho Slavo-Codo Goins that latoly Adorned Ephraim'a Brow. Nut oontcnt with rolling in tho mire of Locoinptoninn, iut haa been already ahown, Smart followed Mr. Buchanan in tho doc trine of denying all lorereignty to the people of tht Tarritorirt orrr the question of slavery, and thencc to the inevitable SLAVK-CODE theory, of which Breckinridgo and Iiane arc the exponent* to-day. When Mr. Buchanan entered upon hit office, Smart waa in ecata ciea over hia Inaugural Addreai. Hoar how Uivingly and with what affecting and filial Attachment he then apoko of the Preaidcnt! In publiahing that famoua Addrrm of tho "Old Public Functionary" in the Free Prcaa of March 13, 1857, Ephraim thua oulogiiod it: "After reading it, one feds as if he had been with a father, wuo iiad placid ma iuxn gently OS TIII HEAD or Ilia ?on, and spoken words of kindness, encouragement and protec tion. It ia truly an admirable paper in tone and apirit." Thia Inaugural waa the forerunner of the I)red Scott decision—and tho Dred Scott de rSalon ia the corner atono of the SUre-code atitnuoa comrra, •» ,—* delegate any such powers to • TtrrUonol gov rnment organized by it under the Constitu tion. Under the decision of the Court and the opinion ol the President, the people of e*rh Territory will In left free to admit or exclude slavery ithen they form a State government. The language of the Inaugural upon this puhjcrt hUOULD BK A tillDK AND A LIGHT TO US ALL. •It has Iwen (s*ys Mr. BuchanAn)my indi vidual opinion that under the Nebraska Kan ■as act, the appropriate noriod [to act upon tho slavery nuostion] will bo when the num ber ol actual residents in the Territory [Kan sas] shall justify the formation of a e'onthtm lion toith n vtnc to Its mdnussion at a Stale into the Union.'" After thus placing himself so distinctly and directly on tbe ground now oooapied by Rrccktnridga anif "Lane, Smart found no dif ficulty whatever in endorsing the remarkable letter of President Buchanan to Professor Sillitnan and forty-two others of Connecti cut, who had respectfully petitioned for Fair Play in Kansas. In that letter written in August, 1857, Mr. Buchanan stated tho fol lowing astounding doctrino: "Slavery existed at that period (18.51),1 and still exists in Kansas, under the Consti tution of the United States. This point lias at last boon finally settlod by tho highest tri bunal known to our laws. How it could have been seriously doubted is a my it try." This Judicial tlatx-code doctrine, tliua for mally announced, startled tho public and caused many Democrat* to halt and not a few to turn square round. Smart, however, mwallowed it without an effort. He pub lia'icd tho President'* letter in the Free Pre« of Sept. 18th, and accompanied it with tho following explicit approval of its abomina ble aentimenta': "The reply of tho President is admirably written, and ia a triumphant vindication of tho jiolicy of tho Prtwident against the as saults of thiMO whito neck-cloth gentlemen. No doubt they wcru sincere enough, but teal without knowledge is a very poor weapon of assault. Wo conceive tho reply a perfect answer to their complaints, and thorn which have found their way into the abolition pre***. It ii a carejul, considerate view of the subject, and trill find a hearty response from the American people. The Kansas shrickers may as well sait their breath to cool their porridge." Wishing still further to emphasise his ap proval of tbo Slave-code doctrine, as it is un derstood by tho Southern constructionists of the Kansas-Nebraska bill, Smart, in thoFrvo Press of Nov. 22, in giving a historical re sume of the slavery question under tho Picrco and Douglas regime, used the following lan guago: "The neat question which arose teas the construction of the Kansas-Nebrask a Bill.— Southern men contended that, after all, the Is£i*lntumi of th« Territories had no power to exclude slavery, and that tho bill in that sense was a fallacy. The Southern construc ---•» J a m a a • prciiiiicui It was conceded by all that when a State tra* ready to form a constitution, it had a right to settle tho slavery question fairly and by iui expression of the people." That is just what llreckinridge and Lano say today. They claim that tho "Southern construction of the KanKis-N'obraska Bill prevailed," and Smart wan morn than two yuan in advance of tlicm in making the dec laration. In the samo article he again inci dentally aminiM tho "Southern construe tion" an tho truo and undoubted one. lie said: "When tho compromise measure* pas?od, tho Republicans told us it was a cheat and nn act to propagate slavery. When the Mis souri Compromise was repealed, they told us it was another net to pnqMgato slavery.— n'Ar/i the Southern construction of the Kan sas hitl irns acpiiesred in wo were told it was for tho purpose of pro|iagating slavery." Thus we find Kphniim an advocate ol a Judicial Slavc-codo for tho Territories less than throo yean ago. No wonder tliat ho soon hecamo tho most forward and most shameless o( tho Ix>compton conspirators. Douglas on Henry Clay. There are notno who formerly pridod them selves on being Whig*, follower* of tho g.il lant Clay, who it is reported will now give their voto and influence to Douglas. To such wo commend tho following, which we copy from tho St. Louis Dcraocr.it: In 1844, when cunrawina for Congress with Hon. 1). M. Woodson, Mr. Douglas, at tho north-cust corner of tho Court House in Carrol I ton, aaid that "Ilcnry Clay was a Mack-hearted villain—tho firnt American that hid ever boon bought with British gold to sell his country." Yettin tho very face of this lio ho will put tho question, as ho d<tea in his letter of acceptance: "Where shall bo t< >1111.1 another Clay to pilot tlie ship of state over the hreakeni into a haven of pcaco and safety !" (iod forbid that such a liar should he allowed to utter tho name of Clay. Tliat he iist-d the language cannot ho denied; it can bo prmm by ono hundred living witness es, now in tireooo county. Upon this tho editor of the CWrrollton Prow remarks: That Stephen A. Douglas did apply the above languago to Henry Clay, ami mad* other chargr* against him equally aa base and malicious, 'the Democrats of this vicinity dare not deny, for the evidence is ready to prove it whenever it is demanded. Now we ask, how can any lover of Henry Clay, any one who supported his principles and measures, become so lost to wlf-respect and consistency as to vote for this arch sland erer of their, old friend? Surely they will not thus bolie theiusulvos and insult the mem ory of their chief, by voting for ono who limped vituperation on him while living.— Will they not rather aid in electing to the Presidency one who was the true friend of Clay—Abraham Lincoln. Practice n. Profbaiion. It i« only just and fiur to believ* that a large majority of Northern Democrats do sire that slavery sliould spread no further, and that they regard Its existence la any portion of our land as a great evil. Judg ing from their declarations, their views and feelings art not my different from those en tertained by Republicans on theae points. Northern men composing the different par ties, are, also, almost all agresd aa to the in terpretation we should give to the language of the DeclanUoo or inuejienaenee. invy Iuito no idea that the nuaen of that great charter of human freedom, used language of doubtful import. They believe then to have meant just what they aiy, when they deeian •• All men an created equal, and endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable rights, "■ ie.; they belike they meant all men. They hare never had my other idea of it. It «n*1 tern) into their lint conceptions of it,—ttwy cannot read ft without this idea being pre sented to their nlnds. Holding than nntimenU, ai we believe many of then do, wo ean not we how tbey can desin to plaee a man in the Presidential chair wheeeAvuVraf eentimcnt* on thaw pointa an so directly opposite to thein. Mr. Doug las does not belien slavery to be wrong ox copt when the laws make it so. lie beltovcs that a slave is as much the popeity of his inaxtcr as his hone is, and that be has as much right to carry him Into a territory of the United States as he has any other prop erty. He believes tho Declantion to mean only white men, when it says " all men an created equal." He does not believe tho no gro is, or should be, a citiien of the United State*. pui-ulasVmitiox ox thi utrnr qnarioK AS DENSER Br llIX«Kt.r. Inhisapeech delivered in New Orleana, December Oth, 1858, 1m urn the following language: •• They, (the Anti-Slavery men of the North,) bring forward the Declaration of Independence, and read froin it thia |>aaeagc: •• We hold tlicae truth* to bo self-evident, that all in on are created equal, and endowed by their Croator with certain inalienable righto." Then they aton and My, • Dooan't that Declaration tell ua that all men are cre ated ri|ual ? Ia not a negro a man, and ia he not therefore tho equal of tho whito man? Wa* ho not made equal bjr hia Creator, and ia not hia equality therefore inalienable by Divino law ? Then how can you reduce him toun inferior position hy any human law?' " Jlv this apocioua, but eophifttical argu ment, they have aucceedod in impoeing on aomo weak-minded men, and some old wo* men and childreu, until they have oducated a generation who really Lelievo the no gn> ia their brother. And I muat be Knuittod to tell you that many, ereo of your uthcrn men, have yielded under that argu ment, and failed to meet it. Mv anawcr ia thia : When the framera of the Declaration declared that all men were equal, they had no reference whatever to the negro. They weru apeaking of while men—men of Euro pean birth an J descent, and had no referenoe to the nryro or to any othtr inferior and de oendmt race. Thia covernmont wo* made by whito uion, for the uencfit of whito men, and none others." In a epeoch which he delivered in Balti inorofton Die evening of January 5th, 1859, the aamo sootimenta ore advanced in aim oat tho same language: " I know that there are thoee who believe that slavery in a crime. I hold that it is the right of tho people to decide fur themselves whether it is a crime or not. Thoso who hold that it in, tell us that the Declumtion of Indc|>ondcnco declares all men to have tieen created equal, ami avumiiig that thin declaration included the negro, demand that he shall bo placed on an equality with tho whito man. My answer to tho argument is this: Tho signers of tho Declaration had no rttrrrnce xehatn'rr to the nryro, when they declared all men t • havo h*rn created t-uual. The* were speaking of white men ; of men of huropean birth and descent, and no one else, when tlwy declared tho equality of all men. This government was founded on a white basis; it was made l»v white men, for the Itenefit of white men. "the negro is no component part of this government; he is not a citiicn, and ought ntrcr to be a cth ten." ins views os tiir dikd scorr dktiiiox. " Ilut an objection is raised by some of our S-hithern friends, and I have hiecn asked here and at home, wlut I moan by the doc trine of popular sovereignty in the Territo ries, and whether we abido hy tho Dred Scott division. The Democracy of Illinois accept tho decision of the Supreme Court of tho U. S. in the cam of Dred Soott, as an authoritative interpretation of the Constitu tion. In aocordanco with that decision, irr hold that tlacrt arc property, and hence are on an equality icilh all othrr kinds of prop- J crty, and that the owner of a slave has the $ame right to remove into a territory and carry hit tin re property i nth him, as tho owner of any other pro|>erty has tj go there and cirry his property."—N. O. Spocch, pag-7. These doctrines are as opposite to those which the great mass of Northern Demo* crats profess to hold, as light p to darkness, or ai liberty is to slavery. And how is it possible that they ean give their in* flumee and votes to elect a man to the IVesi doney whose sentiment* on these important questions are so far at war with their own? Doing so, how can tl»ey reeiocile their prmt* tire with their proftwont f nouncoa hia connection with the Democracy. Kcor». of other, following hin la Port land nn<l nil orer ( nnbi-rland Coiitf, Itenj. Kingrtmry, Emj., of Portland, Um well known member of the law firm of Mo Cobb t Kingabury, and long one of the moat prominent and rnpccted member* of the Democratic party in that part of the State, haa diaaolrcd all connection with that effete and corrupt organisation, and announooa liiiu» lf a Republican. A few evening since th« Portland » Wldn-Awakee" being out in proeeaaion, called on Mr. Kingsbury at hi* residence, and alter *rraadiag him re wired tlie following reapmae: Fxllow Ciruers—or, rather, for the flrat time in his life ho could aay, frUow Rrpub heaiu—After full and mature deliberation, and, aa lie believed, under the moat eooacieo tious ronrietiona of daty, and with no par* aonal aapirationa, be had decided to leave hie old party aaaoeiatione, and connect himeelf with tb« Republican organisation. The Dem ocratic party, once hietorioally glorioua, bad cloaed ita record, and the laat page waa writ* ten. It haa ateadily aurged aouthward, on* til from a powerful and controling national I organisation, it had beoone diamembored and broken, ita aereral fragmenU at iaaue with each other and at iaaa with the common in ternets of the nation. The Republican par ty ia the only filiating national organisation, j f <$ob |rndw0 OP ALL KINDS. —««0« i|*> P*inyhU(a,T0«mB«parta,l«hoolB«9Crt«, frostsre and WandMlla fctTVuli itfe osrts, *«., Waddtat (Mi, (Ml, Bnstness Offdl, Dusbflls, Blank BMtivKliBk Ohseks. Labels of mrr d—arlpUon, In snrsaos BoUetss, Forwardlac Osrds, Bills of £edaa.*enft«, printed In Oal. or* or with Brenss,—«mM »t this OOm WITI RBATRin 1KB Wtf ATC1, And on tho moot Beaaonabls Term*. iy Ouiu roe r*nm*o art mpestfell/ so. Ikltei, M iruy attention win be paid I* mist Us rub ud «<An of CntoMni It has risen a) moot from the my and ashee of tho old Democratic party, vi talised with a new life, and as ho bettered, destined by Providence to restore this gor emmeut to its true functions, to build an im pasrible barrier to tho further accroaaioat of the alara power, and to give lira aad rigor once more to thuso nobis sentiments of oil old and honored friend Robert Rantoal, ooco the accsptcd doctrine of the united party, but now spit upon, or bnathed only in hesi tating whiipcn,—Sunar SacTiovAU, Lta* urrr Xaviosul! The Rspabliean party is devoted to the great cause of human freedom. Human Jrrtdwm ! Time was Tears ago, when, upon a disaeasatio platform, hs could boblly use this term, sod boldly ipwk of ths thing U •ignified. But now, to utter it, and aavo* cete It, in its broadest and noblmt sertss, bo bad been eompcllcd to seek another and freer platform, lie thanked God that hs had had the courage, and no email amount of cour age was necesmry, as ho had found—to shake <>ff the inanaclee of a dismembered party from his limhs; and that he then stood, once again, thorough!? a frtt man—frtt to speak, frrt to think, ana frtt to act. Thanking them for the honor of calling upon him, he bid them all a good night." First of August. The anniversary of emancipation in th« British Wert Indie* wax eelel>rut«d in vari ous |Jac«s. In Massachusetts the principal meetings were at New Bedford and Abingtoo. The latter waa held in the beautiAil grove in that town, under the auapioea of the Maam chuaetta AntJ-Slavery Society, but waa at tended by other*, who desired to join in com* memorating so momentous an event as the redemption of eight hundred thousand hu man beings from the condition of cliattels to that of freemen. SpAches were made bj Her. M. D. Conway, lata of Washington City, lion. Cliarlea Q. Davis of Plymouth, Hon. N. II. Whiting of Manhfleld, Hon. P. W. Bird of Walpolo, and others. tatters were received from Hon. Charles Sumner, Hon. C. F. Adams, John A. Andrew, Esq., and Mr. Garrison. Most of theao wo find in the Boston Atlas and Bee. They chiefly re late to the working of emancipation in tha free colonies, where, it has been aaid, the ex periment has proved a failure. We can only give a glimpse of some of tho main point* presented. Mr. Sumner maintaina that all tcatimony, whether from official docuiucnU, or from trav ellers, ahowa, boyond question, that in all thoao iManda tho condition of th« negro liaa been improved by emancipation. Aa might well bo presumed, thia improvement ia moat atrongly manifeat in tlioaa who bare boen born in freedom. Even Jamaica, which ia moat oomtnonly referred to by croakers aa il luatrating a failure, ia not exoeptod in Mr. So inner'a general view of result*. And Ida opinion ia fortified by recentassurance* made ' to him by two different governors of the ial The riewa offered by Mr. Adama in bia let ter are ao forcible and pertinent that wo aak attention to a liberal estreat: • • • • Weat India emancipation ia gravely pronounced a failure. I haut heard it ao dcacrUwd on tho floor of the llouao of Itcpnwentativoa. The only rermon Riven ia that tho liritiah ialanda do not produce ao many pound* of sugar and coffeo aa they did " " i them out of tho ooaua It waa Siaraondi, I think, who first pro toated against the fallacy of all liritiah writ era on political oconoiny who moaaur* the happiness of a people by tlmgroM amount of their material products. A far greater tjues-. tion muat alwaya lie, Who ia overworked ? Who auO'er wrongfully ? Who ia dcpriml of hia bard earnings for tho Kmefit of bia neighbor? Who looka up to tho llae of hia country and aoe* in it no ahelter for liiuiaelf, hia wile, or hia little onea? These questiona will be Iwldly answered now in tho firitiah Weat Indies. If any caaea couM Iw nointad out in tolerable number*, we ahoofd have been very auro to have betid of them. 'But all that wo do hear ia about the aWnon of coffeo and augar. Now mankind may by poa nihility l» tolerably well off and yet to en tirely without coffe* and aogar. llut how can they be happy without security for tlieir right to aeek happiness in their own way? and. Yet they tell ua that, Itccauae coffee and aujrar fail, thorn la no good in mancipation. If by reaaon of thia failure itoould beabown that there ni miaery and famine in thoUnd, that eUrvatioa waa in a fair way to turn tho garden into a wilderncea, I ahould be ready to oonorde aomcthinjr (0 tho argument. But I hear of no *uch thing aa that. I only bear that the poonle decline to work more than enough to kiv« them an oaay aubaiatcuoe.— Content with little under a genial clime,they prvfcr Indolence to labor. And ia thU r» nect wherein do they differ from their former inaaten, the plantare ? Did you ever bear of any of Umm wbo liked to work ? To be aura i/uy were nerer content to lire on little, bat they always preferred that what they did live on ahould be got from the labor of soma other peraona than themaalrea. The preeaat complaint ia briefly that thia pro ami cannot be carried on beyond the will of the laborer. Perhapa thoae may aympathlse with U wbo deplore the loaa of augar and ooflae. Foray part, I aympathiie more with the gain of tdleoeaa to the laborer, if it ba hit pleasure to bo idle, and no aufferin* follow from it to himaclf or hia family. Nobody admires In* doatry more than 1 do, but it moat be of that aort which ia not wrong from the on willing by foroe and without compeoeatioo. Mr. Aixlrow'a letter u a bou and manlj om. He reganle the queetion of emancipa Uoa ia our own oountrj m not, ia aaj prop er mom, a Motional one, bat ntim M alloc t iag tho right! of the laboring man ererj when, lie ia perauaded that "had the the* ortM of maajr diatingniahad men, bow prev alent, been the doetriaMof thoM wboebaped oar institatiooe daring the laat quart* of the laat century, there woald, I varilj balieva, have been a 'Drad Soott decUioo' for whites as wall aa far blacki." Again— Powerful nen in large noniberebold Uark men and oppreai wbita onae In the fifteen alaveholding States. Powwful n»en lu large number* in the eighteen free Statre are *qu*l ly inaeneiblo to tho righte and wrfmga of these white and blade u*n. Thar affvt to treat with iadiffrrmoe the righta of labor crery where, and the wronga which it mJkn now at the handa of the n ilif>n «rv1 with the aggravation of which it I# threaten'I I t the future. If alavery.cmhpldcoed bv tiie I>rel Scott doc&oo,' thall bJ iu.-*ua of tho *L«uf