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The Union and journal. [volume] (Biddeford, Me.) 1858-1882, August 24, 1860, Image 1

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"ETERNAL HOSTILITY TO EVERY FORM OF OPPRESSION OVER THE MIND OR BODY OF MAN." Jefferson.
LOUIS O. COWAN,
VOLUME XYI.
OFFICE IN HOOPER'S BRICK BLOCK, LIBERTY STREET.
EDITOR AND PROPRIETOR.
BIDDEFORD, ME., FRIDAY MORNING, AUG. 24, 1860.
NUMBER 35.
it ffinuro
onrnal
n rvBU»ao mr nuur ■ourtv*.
Oflke- nMp«^ Brick Btock, np Mulra.
TERMS:
Two Dmuii Pn Aswca—or On IVtun tn
Kirrr I'm*, if |»M wtUtta 3 m.nUu hvm Ujm ot
•uh«fll-lnj. Single eoplM, 4 miU.
A4ntiUU| Bam.
1«M>(3 iMMtioM) .... |l»
I1IH f. «****■•»—•"WTBB.
■J— ——■
|)odr]j.
TUX TIOXS.
The nooi ii it her full, and, riding high,
Flooda the calm ftelda villi light.
The air* that how ia the lammer sky
Are all aaleep to-night.
Tbrre cornea no toice from th« grant woodla&J
That murmured nil the day; [round
Beneath the akndow of their bong ha, the ground
la not mora atill than the jr.
fiat ertr heart* and monna the reatlcaa Deep;
Ria riaing IUm 1 hear.
Afar I aee the glimmering billowa lenp;
I aee then breaking near.
Each ware apringa npward climbing toward the
Pure light that aita on high; [Mr,
Springa eagerly, and faintly ainkato where
The mother water* lie.
Upward again it ewella; the moonbeama show,
Again, it* glimmering ereat;
Again it fee la the fatal weight below.
And ainka, but not to rest.
A raid and yet again; until th« Deep
Kecalla hi* brood of wavca;
And. with a atillen moan, abashed, tbey crc«p
l)»ck to hi« inner caw.
Ilriof reapite! thry ahall ru*h from that mtM
H lib noiae aaJ tumult mud,
And fling themselves, with unavailing stress,
(Jp toward the placid moon.
Oh reatlea* Sea, that in thy prima here
Dual struggle and complain;
Thru* the alow eeotwric* yearning to be near
To that fair orb la vain.
The glorious orb of light and heat mutt warm
Thy boaom with hia glow.
And o* tbow aaoantiag wavea a nobler (orm
And freer life bestow.
Then only may they leave the waate of brine
fn which they wallow here.
And rise above the hilb of earth and ahioe
In a aereaer sphere.
Agricultural.
Bpocial Directions for Putting up
Fruit.
Por straw herruw, blackberries and raapW
riea, take the clean fruit, picked wlulo dry,
avoid waahing, unleaa really necwaory. Put
into a glazed vwael; one of l>nwt will do,
but ia not ao good a* an enameled one. Pour
over it a hot ijnip made of 1-2 lb. of rood
white sugar to a pint nf wat> r. ( We Have
uaed 1-2,3-4 and 1 'lb. with nearly «|ual
aucceMa. A good rule ia to uae about a* much
augar aa will bo n<quiri*J to tit tho fruit for
ivracmberiug that rather more u re
Swhen the nruit is to bo aiturated
, than when it ia to be eaten
A small amount of mtup will be needed to
Blithe in teratice? between the fruit,and it need
not come ouite to the top at first, aa the fruit
will aink d>>wn into it when boiling. Care
fully cook tho bcrriea in the ayrun for ten or
twenty minutes, ao that all ahall bo acalded
through. Too much cooking deatroya tho
form of the iruit, and diMi|«t«w tho fine aro
ma. iltnat it through, but do not atew it
down. Uare the botilea r»«u«lv heated hy
tho atovo, or in water, (setting them in it
wheu it iacold, and beating it up.) and pour
in the fruit with the ayrup. Thia can be
done through a wide mvk<M tunnel, or from
a piteher, to aruid getting tho arrup upon
the top of tho bjttle, which would prwent
the union of the wax with the gla.«—a very
ruimn io error. Fill tho bottles not quite to
the top of the nevk. l/'t Uiom «uua» tew
minutes, occasionally giving them n j »r, to
facilitate the escape ol an* air bubble* loll
<ia pouring in the fruit. Thia with tho par
tial cooling, will cause the fruit tu shrink a
little. Now pour enough more syrup to fill
the Untie as nigh aa where tho bottom of
the fork will nink to. Carefully wipe off
any chance drop* of syrup that may have
carelessly been left on the neck or top of the
bottle, aad preaa ia the corks. The cork*
hh^uld be large, aad be »>ften<«l ia hot wa
t«-r, *J that they will prvss in easily. I'reaa
the corka down upoo the syrup, (f any syr
up ooi-a through, carefully wipe it all off
with a towel dipped in hot w.iter, so aa to
loaro tbe (law rl<wn for the wax. As aoon
na the wster «lri<« off. dip on tbe melted ce
ment with a spoon, until the top i* well cor
cred. l'<Hir a little of the cement into the
" pattv pans," turn the wax neck into it,
and aJd enough more ceiaeat to perfectly
close tbe rim of the bottle neck. Hemern
Her that water or grease on the neck of tbe
bottle will prevent the firm uuion of the
wax. For cement, the boat we have found ia
one ounce of tallow to fourteen ounce* of
common rosin. This is a cheap comptund,
the resia eoatiag only four to six cents per
lb. at retail. H'e make up a dozen Ihe, or
•eat a lime, and keep it oo baud, melting it
as often as needed. I
r««eb«a, ebt-mea, plum*, apriroca, p^»n,
quiacoa, He., may all be pal up in the aame
tnan".rr »n l will, but rerj moderate cooking.
Applee l»l quiacwe 0f cuurw require penr
in< «•* «•*■>. They m»j be cut intopiivw
of nny d«im» ai» «r f^„. If ia t,ty large
piaoea, a little leagac boiling may be need<*l
to hate then healed tWwh, but not cook
ed i0« 00 the ou Utile. The pita should he
reaaoted fro« the peachoa. (.V-rri^, a[j
the beiter fur being firet atoned ao.1 mi>M 0f
then can thus be got into bottle*.
Applee taaj be atewed Into aauce rt%\j f„r
the table, and then be bottled up for ua>>,
without further cooking, three, lit, tiirv u«
twelve noatha afterwards. We alwaya put
up a lane quantity thus, at different p«n
. oda ol the jear—in the winter taking caw
that had previoaalj been uaad for the aamt
purpoee or for other fruit*.
Any kind af viewed aauce mar he aeaaon
ad, then bottled and Mated, and be alwayl
readj lor me.
Tomntoei we put up Urguly every year
and hare bow (in June) a lair aopplir, u
good aa if juat gathered and cooked, the*
we akin, cut and boil down one half, and
than bold* up. Prepared in thia way thot
**• ao convenient, and of ao rood ami freah
quality, that w« make no apecial eflbrt to ae
cure early good
"°fl' "weoteiuxi aa for pie
and then bottled, cu— out aica and fr^h
ia aid-wiatar or eprutg.
Urwn peaa, beana and aon *ay alao be
a, but they aead to be thoroughly oookmi
rw bottling, or they are liable to apoil !.
Amertetm Ayru*/h,r<d»st.
jy The apple crop in Kennebec prom Lea
to bo bountiful. So eaje the Farmer.
I
HfisccllaitHms.
Fur th« I'iIim Md JowmI.
KAinmi.n, Warx* On., )
Kgvpt, III., Aug. 10th l!<60. j
MvDkarSir:—You "would like to liw
in the Wait," I hare no doubt of it, and es
pecially do I believe jou would like to lire
in K£jr[>t, notwithstanding tho hard name it
lias recieved; for a finer section of oountrj
I never mv in mv life. I think it far cur
pomes Northern Illinois, Wisconsin, low* or
Missouri in many respects; there is a sufficien
cy of timber, the prairies of a rich, rvlling
nature, and a fine fruit country; the pnurius
look like a vast dower garden, and black
herries between the woodland and prarie in
their season are more numerous than the
blue-herrit* on tho plains of Watorhoro' and
M a iruu country u is wceui^i uj huhv ,
pmcbc* uv now at juur own price. Ik
seemed a matter of surprise to mo that so
beautiful a region should bo ao long over
looked; but it is thu« explained; the first
settlers were the "poor whit»w," from the
Slave States, only a shaJe aboio the ne
gro, anil they produced a very poor impres*
•ion upon enterprising emigrant* ; but thej
Invc given way before the intelligent Quaker
from lYnn*)lvania, the phlegmatic New
Yorker, and the restl«M Yankee, and those
together with the excellent school laws of the
Sute, give an entire different a*|>oct to the
country, and now enterprise and thrift show
their legitimate fruits in the noble farms and
beautiful villages that gi-ni the land. The
wheat and fruit will In a good average crop,
but the dry weather of late is ruining the
corn, and it must be light.
I believe this is a wry healthy eonntry,
and in my opinion tho greater |«art of the
sicknem is produced by overeating. With
rusjwet to ftoiilics, we are undergoing an en
tire revolution; this you well know has
always been tho Sebastopol of Democracy,
but the scepter is fast deporting, and next
November, Kgypt will roll up the Republican
list as it was never done before; of course the
Republicans will not out number the Demo
crats, but they will give a vote for Lincoln
and llatulin, sufficiently large to give them a
handsome majority in this State, over both
wiug* of the Democracy with the Bell party
thrown in. Iu Kgvpt the Republican vote
will b^ next November, ten fold greater than
in '5<i, as a few facts will plainly show ; in
this county where Fremont received 12C
vufcw, by actual count, there arv now 4Htf,
aud "still they come in an adjoining county
which in 'M gurc Fremont five votes there are
now .".00 Republicans tinu and true; and in
a neighboring town wheru one year ago there
were only three Republicans, there are now
thirty-two, and this is about the way it will
lie throughout Southern Illinois. I have met
with only two of the Breckinridge Disunion
Party in this region, ami tli<>y will not ihj iii
Ihu |Kirtjr After they get the census tukon ;
the llcpuhlicans are confid ?nt of succem, and
the like in enthusiasm you never saw. I have
attended several meeting ol both partiea,
and their mode of ajiraking and discussion in
as diflmnt as tho principle® for which they
contend. At a Democratic meeting a short
time ago, one of the upouken commenced by
saying t'lat "the surest way (or tho Democ
racy to remain triumphant win to demolish
the pestdioles of Abolitionism, school houses,
and clear out the young corporals, the school
masters," this is a literal firt, and there
was ntoro truth in the argument than
they often get in one speech; but wo
have no fears for suee»ws, lot tho Republicans
do as well everywhere as tho Republicans of
Kgypt, and tictory will perch upon tho
banner of Liberty.
That you may know something of tho
effirU the Democracy are making to force
niyyrntn* upon tho Republicans, I will show
you die means to which they resort, Rre
publicans were holding a meeting and somo
ol tho Democrats in this county got an old
cart, put some rails on it, attached a flag to
it bearing the inscription, • IIV are nil ryual,'
and then gate a negro four dollars to drive it
into towu and cheer for Lincoln; it had a
gwod effect for there were three Democrats,
that there and then said they would no
longer belong to a I*rty that was compelled
to retort to so low trieks for succeM. In fact
it would astonish you to mo the mea^um
they adopt to make everybody Democrats, but
their intuition are too hare-faced and tho
bouest masses will endure it no longer, the
Kepublisans in this State are vigorously at
work, ami next November will show a glori
ous reault. The general news yi»u get from
thepapera, and these little incidents I have
related because they tell though they wsca|s)
publicity. D. 9. Kniuut.
Noble Sontimonta.
. Th« following noble eon I i men t* from a
•pwch of Abraham Lincoln, should receive a
from all republican*. They should
1 " iu tho oiomorj and intluencv the
1 action:
"L,-t u* »Ui»a Ky our ,|utT fairKwIr and
, f?Ct,Tft d^trd hv n\in« of
thrm «n^.at»cal conuir.^. wher^rith W.
an *> induatriouely plUl mivl beUhoml—
contrivance* auch aa gn,ninK ,„r „(me miaa|e
ground between the right and tll„ w
vain as the *c*ivh for a man who would be
neither a living man nor a deud man~*uch
aa a policy of 'don't car*' on a «|u.wtinn about
which all true men do care—auch a* Union
appeal*, beaeoching true Union mon to jiclj
to diaunioniat*. roeraing tho divine rule,
and calling, not the ainnera, but the right*,
oua to repentance; mch aa invocationa of
Waahington, imploring sen »o unaav what
Waahington aaiu, and undo what >\ aahing
ton did. Neither let ua be alandeml from
our duty bv (alee accuaation* againat ua, nor
trightened'faMi it by menace* of destruction
to the Government, nor of dnngaona to our
Let ua have faith that right taahaa
Blight; and in that faith, let ua to the end
data to do our duty, aa we understand it."
^pflMcal fatter.
Earnostnoss—Noiao—Effort.
BT IIOKWE UREKI.KY.
Man/ flippantly talk of tho Presidential
canraw ot 1800 as apathetic because it is
not noiay. Very few ilwrt their field* and
workshop* to awcll the thousands who gnth
rr at moan convention* a hundred utiles from
their hotoea; few (yet atill too ninny) neglect
their families to a|>end night after nijjht in
heated, crowded grog-ahopn where politiciana
moat do congregate, saving the country'a
constitution by ruining their own; few are
prompted to quarrel with their neighbors and
defame their beat frienda on aeoount of po
litical difference. Tho change from such
contests aa that of 1840, or even that of
1830, is manifest and signal, but it u not
deplorable. The 1'eoplo shout 1cm, it may
be, than tlicy have done; but they do not
read lem nor think lean. They are not the
lens likely to render a just and mlutarr judge
ment because they have not decided first and
inrwtigated afterward. There may bo more
light than usual,—even though there bo leas
heat; and he who attends but one convention
—or even none—may have informed himself
quite an fully and accurately m to tho issues
und candidate* presented, as ono who has
been marching und ainging and shouting for
the last aix month*. There will ]>e more
legal vote* polled this year throughout tlie
country than there ever were before; und, if
fewer illegal one* with them, bo much tho
eerier.
As » matter of fact, though the People
have been more excited in some former con
tents. we douht that 01 icv were ever more
widely and generally interested than now.
In clone States, like Indiana, Illinois, and
Missouri, they an* holding many and largely
attended moating*—not of one |>artr only,
but all; in localities like Vermont and South
Carolina, there in little movement, because
.-(Tort in known to Im unavailing; hut, on the
whole, there never were no many States
sharply contented, nor a content which more
clearly pervaded tho whole L'nion, than in
I860.
And never wan there a letter or wider op
portunity for nowing broadcast the seeds of
jtolitienl and moral truth. Never could men
oi principle, of integrity, and of profound,
enlightened conviction, do more good by iu
diciounly-jlirected effort than now. 'llie
fountain* of the greut |xditical deep aro brt>
ken up. Men who for thirty yearn have been
impervious to conviction, are now hesitating
ana inquiring. Where formerly tho votes of
nine-tenths of the elector* were filed and
unchangeable from the outset, now wo are
within three months of the election, and
hundred* of thousands an; yet undecided.—
Men who huve never inquired further than
••Where (or which) is the Democratic tick
et?" are now compelled to determine which
of tho parties claiming to bo Democratic is
best entitled t > that apjielation; and having
begun ii> enquire, they are not likely to stop
■I tho threnhold. They may pntoeud to en
quire what claim either ot the competitors
has to the name thus struggled for, and what
claim is given hy that name to the favor and
support of men who love their Country and
the Jtight. And thus many a rotor may bo
led on to review the whole field of political
controversy, and to revise opinions which ho
never till now permitted himself to doubt.
In such a time, a "word fitly spoken"—a
gently and friendly remonstrance or admoni
tion—the reading of an able and forcible
■pooch or may—may change tho current of
individual thought and action fora life-time.
Seldom havo op|>ortunitks bocn presented for
doing so much good at so moderate a cost of
eflort or of time.
Above nil should attention lw given to the
caso of Young Men. Somo hundred* of
thousands of tlioso are n<>w to cast their first
Toto for President. In every countr, almost
every township, some of theso will bo found
in 'the humbler walks of lifo who
have enjoyed slender opportunities for ac
quriug political knowledge, and who havo
either not a* yet received a party bias,
or are loosely attached tosouioparty through
a very cruifo and imperfect acquaintance
with it* principles tho israceof tho day.—
There aro One Hundred Thousand of trieso
who might Ito won by kind and friendly
sowiduity to appreciate the cause of Justice.
Humanity, Liberty, and who, once attached
to it, would cling to it through lifo. May
wo not bope that each reader will consider
and determine whether there is not ono such
within the sphere of his own activity, in the
possibility of being won through his efforts?
It is a just and stinging reproach to the
good that they aro not as a clans, so generally
zealous tin I effective in politics as tho bau.
The keeper of a grog shop is worth more as a
gcncrul rule, to tho party ho favors,than two
average deacons, This need not and should
not bo. A man truly religious mum uu-iy
fore bo a better patriot—more devoted to hi*
country's well being and willing to make
sacrifices to promote or r-suro it than a looeo
liver and scoffer. If hi* religion lends or in
elin n liitu to look with indifforenco on |h>
liticul struggle* mid stay uway from tho polls
there must no a hole in it. lie forgets or
disregards tlic Divine injunction, "Render
unto Qosar the thing* that an* Cnjsar's."
If then be anywhere a man w» pious that ho
docs not cure to rote, ho certainly stands in
need oi enlightenment if not of sterner disci
pline. A religion that dooa not manifest
itself in tho ui.irket, the field, the stroet, and
at tho polls, Ik longs to a darker and more
superstitious ago tliau that into which wo
have been bom.
It is very true that l>ad men sometimes
connect themselves with tho best political
cause, acting so a* to render it odious to tho
su|«rficial and unthinking. But hero is just
where the inter|«Mition of the good become*
indispensable. It is their imperative duty to
separate the good from the bad—the rignte
ous cause from its unworthy cliaiupions,
putting each in tho proper light, and invok
nig a righteous iudgili<-nt on each. I**t tho
bad bo confounded and luffled at tho prima
ry meetings, in the nominating conventions,
at the polls, in the halls of legislation, and
wherever tbev may be found, ami let the
moat heedlrm or prejudiced be made to real
ise tliat the good cause has other than un
worthy advocate*. If lud nominations are
made,'let no man of Cliristian principle de
sert the polls on that account, let him rath
er attend them the more awidoualy, in order
to vote and act against such candidates, and
in favor of sulutitutes whom he knows to he
true and worthy. Such a course, uniformly
pursued hy conscicntioiiJ men, wuuld not
merely mve our country from misrule and
official corruption; it would command llelig
i'»n as an activo , pervading, life-giving
power, to thousands who now disregard and
undervalue it. It would he practical obedi
ence to tho Master's iojuactum, "Le4 your
light so shine before men, that others, soe
ing your good works, may glorify your Fath
er aho is in heaven." II. G.
Hickman and Douglas.
In a recent speech at West Chester (his
> hose) lion. John Hickman mad* some point
0(1 statements concerning Douglas, and their
former relations with each other. He Mid:
Particular pains had boon taken to say
tiiat I had turned traitor to my former pro
bations, and abandoned Stephen A. Douglas.
I have never abandoned any of my political
doctrines and I never was a Douglas tnan. I
want men to know iust where I stand. I thus
muke this declaration and repeat it—I hare
nerer been a Douglas man, lor I always dw
piajd his political principle#—if ever lio had
nny. 1 say there is no man in the Democrat
ie party of tho borough of West Chester, or
in tho county of Chester, who has ever heard
me say a word of praiso for the porson of
Stephen A. Douglas. I havo privately and
publicly deoounoed him: I have spoken
against him consistently and persistently for
ten vears, (or I know him well, having
watched his courno closely. I have not been
decei ved. I know that ho is not to be trusted,
even when you have your oyos upon him. I
think I havo gone as far in doing this as a
man could do, having a personal regard for
himself.
I have said that I would rather vote for
Breckinridge than for Stephen A. Douglas,
for he is infinitely the better man. I nave
never found Douglas true to his own princi
ples, and 1 have said so at all times. 1 have
Riid so to his intimate friends—to his private
secretary. I have known him for years to bo
a iMilitieul mountolwnk, a scheming trickister
who recognises tho interests of but one person
in the United States, and that one is Stephen
A. Douglas himself. I propose to help n
Isrger interest than that. 1 havo higher in
terests than tho elevation of such a uiun to
the^l'residency.
Tho M8odition Law" of John Ad
ams rovlvod by Douglas.

Tho "Sedition Act," passed by tlio Feder
al Congress under tlio elder Adams, was de
signed to coerce opinion, and to deny liberty
of speech and of the press. Unpopularity
and lusting defeat rewarded its i>rti|x>«'rs,atid
history chronicle* it aa a law unwortl.y of
tlio ago and country where it originated.
Mr. Douglas, remarks tho Albany /.Y<n
in>j Journal, is tho only statesman of mod
ern times who has had tho hardihood to
pro]K«c tho revival of this Statute, lie, last
winter, in the Senate, brought up a new So
dition Law scheino, closcljr resembling the old
one. Yet, in one respect, kit imitation teas
ert n icorsr than the original. Tho projwsers
of tho first Law had at least tho excuse that
they were, as they supposed, defending a
Free Government bj harsh means. Mr.
Douglas* Sedition Law, whilo equally harsh,
hud no object but to defend and perpetuate
the Institution of Slavery. Wo place an ox
tract from Douglas' sjieccli side by iido with
a portion of tho justly infamous Sedition Act
thut ull may note tho striking similarity be
twaon tho two:
8KDITI0N ACT.
M And be it further
enacted,That if any |*r
son shall write,print,ut
ter or publish, or shall
cause ur procure to be
written, printed uttered
or published, or shall
knowingly and willing
ly assist or aid in writ
ing, printing, uttering
or publishing any false,
scandalous and m%lic
ious writing or writings
against the Government
of the United States
or either House of the
Congress of the United
States, or the President
of theU: with intent
to defame the said Uo*
ernmeut,or either House
of the Congress, or the
said President, > or to
bring them, or either of
thcni, into contempt or
disrepute; or to txeilt
againit them, or either
or any qf them, the ha
tred qjf the good people
<lf the United Stutet;
tottirvp tehtion with
in the Unite! State$,
or to estite any unlaw
ful roml/inutiont there
in, for oppoting or re
filling any law qf the
United Sl<itet, or any
act of the President of
the United States, done
in pursuance of any
such law, or of the
|Ktwers in him nested by
the Constitution of the
United States; then such
persons being thereof
convicted before any
Court of the United
States having jurisdic
tion thereol, shall b«
punished by a line not
exceeding two thousand
dollars, and by iinpri»«
onment not exceeding
two years."
MR. DOUGLAS.
•' Sir. President, the
mode of preserving
penco in iilain. Thia
•jitein or sectional
warfare must cease.
The Constitution has
given the t>ower,and all
we Mk of Congress in to
give uh the means, and
we, by indiehnenltand
conrictiuni in Ihr/tlt
ralcourti of the ttitr
nl SInlis, trill make
mth tjru mftlf* of the
Itii'ltriu/lhtie contpir*
neitt at will itr ike ler
roriiito the krarlt qf
the olktrt, ami there
will be an end of thia
crusade. The great
principle that under
lies t h e orpiniia
tionofthe IU'puhlicun
j»arty is violent, irre
Roncilalde, eternal
warfare unon the insti
tution or American
alavery, with a view
to its ultimate extinc
tion throughout the
land. Sir, I confer
I ho oljcct of the legis
lation I contemplate is
to PUT DOWN this
Dittslde Interference ;
if it to rtprett the 'irre.
\trtuiblt conflict.' "
Of coureo, in this procedure Mr. Doug
las had liia party at his hack. In order to
tost and limit, plainly, the intent of tho
movement, Senator Harlan, of Iowa, offered
as an amendment tho following proviso :
" Itut tho free discussion of tho morality
and expediency of Slavery should never Ko
interferedNvlth by tho laws of any State, or
tho United State* ; andthr freedom of speech
and of the press, on this and every subject of
domestic and national policy, should U main
tain'd inviolate in all tlio States."
This amendment was rejected—the Repub
licans present all voting for it and all the
Democrats present toting ayainst it! The
party thus placed itself on reeord in the Sen
ate as the opponent of Freedom of Speech !
Douglas and a Slavo Codo.
Docous, in his letter of acceptance, speci
fically endorses the Supplemental Resolution
offered after the nomination, by Mr. Wick
lifle, of I/ouisana. Tliat resolution reads as
follows:
HrsolvfJ, That in aooordanoe with the in
terpretation ot the Cincinnati platform that
duriny the existence of the Territorial Gar
trnment the measures of restriction whatever
it may be, employed by the Federal Consti
tution on the power ol the Territorial Legis
latures over the subject of the domestic ro
tations, AS THE SAME HAS BEEN OR
SHALL HEREAFTER BE FINALLY DE
TERMINER BY THE SUPREME COURT
OF THE UNITED STATES, should be re
spected by all good citiaens and enforced with
promptness and fidelity by every branch of
the General Govern meat:
Here ws hare a recognition of Federal or
Congressional Intervention as that doctrine
has ever been recognised any where or by
anybody. It oooocdes all that the advocates |
of a Slavo Code eter naked. Let oa aeo how
il would work
Slavery exists in New Mexieo. Snppnm
the Territorial Legislature paaaon a law abol
ishing it. Immediately the alavea take their
Freedom and refuw to work. Tlw Territorial
authorities justify them. Their ownera
appeal to the General Government for aid to
compel thorn to return to thoir allegiance,
and oite the Deciaion of the Supreme Court
to show that no Territorial Legislature haa
nny power to abolish alavery. If Porous
wcrA President, he would be obliged to aaj,
unJcr thia resolution, that theae Masters
were right; and, if ncceaaary, ho would bo
coin polled to aend the ootiro military force
of the oountry to protect them in thoir right
to tha aerrioe of the alavea in apite of the
action oftho Territorial I legislature.
Could nRKCKtMRinax do any more ?
What, then, would become of "Squatter
Sovereignly ?" IIow would the people of tho
Territories be ablo to resist this armed Inter
vention? Would they not find themaolvea
overruled und defeated by tho agency of tho
very man who had taught thein that thoy
were au[rcmo on all queation* relating to
their own local institutiona?
It is cm clear aasunlight, that this Plat
form to which Dotaua is pledged, is as dis
tinctly opposite to tho doctrino ol Non-inter
vention as any Plutfonn jtoesibly can bo, and
sotho IVoplo will think.
Mr. Lincoln's mnjority In 1858.
Tlicm is a very general disposition on tho
part of tho Douglas politicians, not only to
discredit, but to deride the fact that their
chief w.is beaten l>cfore tlio peoplo of Illihois
by Mr. Lincoln, in their famouscontest two
ymrs ago. Kven Mr. Douglmi wliilo speak
ing in this city,last week, in courtoouc terms
of his rival, Mr. Lincoln, would have us bo
lieve thut the mnjority of tho peoplo of his
own State were always with him in a contest
with old Abo. For tho information of thoso
Douglai Democrats who seem to bo ignor
ant of how this matter stands, wo publish
what we find to bj tho result of tho official
canvass ol tho election for niouilwrs of tho
Illinois legislature, and lor State offioers, held
on Tuesday, November 2d, 1858. The figures
are an exact transcript of the abstract pub
lished in the Chicago Timet and Tribune by
authority ol tho IIouso of Representative in
January, 1859. The footing of tho tablo for
members of the legislature shows Mr. Lincoln
to have received 128,275 vat's, against 121,
190 for Mr. Douglas—majority for Lincoln,
4,085. Tho Douglasitgs in Manchester,
and Msowhere, who am protending to belie vo
that their champion was not beaten in tho
popular vote, will not deny that the State
Treasurer, and Superintendent of Instruction,
who run on thesamo ticket with Mr. Lincoln,
were elected. Tho following is tho vorifro*
static oiticers :
**• i —j — —
" " " Superintendent 2,143
We may ol* tvo hen; that no newspaper in
Illinois has ever presumed to deny that Mr.
Lincoln distanced his competitor in tho popu
lar vote. Yet, Douglas wus elected Senator
by the unjust legislative apportionment law,
whereby a lesser number of pooplo in Domo
cmt icdistricts was required than in republican
districts, to clcct a inemlter of the legislature.
For instance, the 33 districts carried by the
Democrats, electing 40 members containing
GOO,278 population, and tho 25 districts car
ried by tho Republicans, and electing 35
members, contained 59'J,810 population,
or 83,802 more than' tho districts car
ried by tho Democrat*. But tho point which
wa now place beyond tho possibility of ques
tion or argument, is this;—that when "Mr.
Douglas had a hand with Mr. Lincoln in
1858," Mr. Lincoln rtcrived more votrs than
Mr. Douytiu. This will no longer bo gain
sayed by any man who pretends to Ull the
truth.
125,430 121,009
124,500 122,413
Rep. Dcm.
Treasurer,
Sup't l'ub. Ins. 124,i»0C
Republican majority on Treasurer
3,821
Tho Slavo-Codo Goins that latoly
Adorned Ephraim'a Brow.
Nut oontcnt with rolling in tho mire of
Locoinptoninn, iut haa been already ahown,
Smart followed Mr. Buchanan in tho doc
trine of denying all lorereignty to the people
of tht Tarritorirt orrr the question of slavery,
and thencc to the inevitable SLAVK-CODE
theory, of which Breckinridgo and Iiane arc
the exponent* to-day. When Mr. Buchanan
entered upon hit office, Smart waa in ecata
ciea over hia Inaugural Addreai. Hoar how
Uivingly and with what affecting and filial
Attachment he then apoko of the Preaidcnt!
In publiahing that famoua Addrrm of tho
"Old Public Functionary" in the Free Prcaa
of March 13, 1857, Ephraim thua oulogiiod
it:
"After reading it, one feds as if he had
been with a father, wuo iiad placid ma iuxn
gently OS TIII HEAD or Ilia ?on, and spoken
words of kindness, encouragement and protec
tion. It ia truly an admirable paper in tone
and apirit."
Thia Inaugural waa the forerunner of the
I)red Scott decision—and tho Dred Scott de
rSalon ia the corner atono of the SUre-code
atitnuoa comrra, •» ,—*
delegate any such powers to • TtrrUonol gov
rnment organized by it under the Constitu
tion.
Under the decision of the Court and the
opinion ol the President, the people of e*rh
Territory will In left free to admit or exclude
slavery ithen they form a State government.
The language of the Inaugural upon this
puhjcrt hUOULD BK A tillDK AND A
LIGHT TO US ALL.
•It has Iwen (s*ys Mr. BuchanAn)my indi
vidual opinion that under the Nebraska Kan
■as act, the appropriate noriod [to act upon
tho slavery nuostion] will bo when the num
ber ol actual residents in the Territory [Kan
sas] shall justify the formation of a e'onthtm
lion toith n vtnc to Its mdnussion at a Stale
into the Union.'"
After thus placing himself so distinctly
and directly on tbe ground now oooapied by
Rrccktnridga anif "Lane, Smart found no dif
ficulty whatever in endorsing the remarkable
letter of President Buchanan to Professor
Sillitnan and forty-two others of Connecti
cut, who had respectfully petitioned for Fair
Play in Kansas. In that letter written in
August, 1857, Mr. Buchanan stated tho fol
lowing astounding doctrino:
"Slavery existed at that period (18.51),1
and still exists in Kansas, under the Consti
tution of the United States. This point lias
at last boon finally settlod by tho highest tri
bunal known to our laws. How it could
have been seriously doubted is a my it try."
This Judicial tlatx-code doctrine, tliua for
mally announced, startled tho public and
caused many Democrat* to halt and not a
few to turn square round. Smart, however,
mwallowed it without an effort. He pub
lia'icd tho President'* letter in the Free Pre«
of Sept. 18th, and accompanied it with tho
following explicit approval of its abomina
ble aentimenta':
"The reply of tho President is admirably
written, and ia a triumphant vindication of
tho jiolicy of tho Prtwident against the as
saults of thiMO whito neck-cloth gentlemen.
No doubt they wcru sincere enough, but teal
without knowledge is a very poor weapon of
assault. Wo conceive tho reply a perfect
answer to their complaints, and thorn which
have found their way into the abolition
pre***. It ii a carejul, considerate view of
the subject, and trill find a hearty response
from the American people. The Kansas
shrickers may as well sait their breath to cool
their porridge."
Wishing still further to emphasise his ap
proval of tbo Slave-code doctrine, as it is un
derstood by tho Southern constructionists of
the Kansas-Nebraska bill, Smart, in thoFrvo
Press of Nov. 22, in giving a historical re
sume of the slavery question under tho Picrco
and Douglas regime, used the following lan
guago:
"The neat question which arose teas the
construction of the Kansas-Nebrask a Bill.—
Southern men contended that, after all, the
Is£i*lntumi of th« Territories had no power
to exclude slavery, and that tho bill in that
sense was a fallacy. The Southern construc
---•» J a m a a •
prciiiiicui
It was conceded by all that when a State
tra* ready to form a constitution, it had a
right to settle tho slavery question fairly and
by iui expression of the people."
That is just what llreckinridge and Lano
say today. They claim that tho "Southern
construction of the KanKis-N'obraska Bill
prevailed," and Smart wan morn than two
yuan in advance of tlicm in making the dec
laration. In the samo article he again inci
dentally aminiM tho "Southern construe
tion" an tho truo and undoubted one. lie
said:
"When tho compromise measure* pas?od,
tho Republicans told us it was a cheat and
nn act to propagate slavery. When the Mis
souri Compromise was repealed, they told us
it was another net to pnqMgato slavery.—
n'Ar/i the Southern construction of the Kan
sas hitl irns acpiiesred in wo were told it was
for tho purpose of pro|iagating slavery."
Thus we find Kphniim an advocate ol a
Judicial Slavc-codo for tho Territories less
than throo yean ago. No wonder tliat ho
soon hecamo tho most forward and most
shameless o( tho Ix>compton conspirators.
Douglas on Henry Clay.
There are notno who formerly pridod them
selves on being Whig*, follower* of tho g.il
lant Clay, who it is reported will now give
their voto and influence to Douglas. To
such wo commend tho following, which we
copy from tho St. Louis Dcraocr.it:
In 1844, when cunrawina for Congress
with Hon. 1). M. Woodson, Mr. Douglas, at
tho north-cust corner of tho Court House in
Carrol I ton, aaid that "Ilcnry Clay was a
Mack-hearted villain—tho firnt American that
hid ever boon bought with British gold to
sell his country." Yettin tho very face of
this lio ho will put tho question, as ho d<tea
in his letter of acceptance: "Where shall bo
t< >1111.1 another Clay to pilot tlie ship of state
over the hreakeni into a haven of pcaco and
safety !" (iod forbid that such a liar should
he allowed to utter tho name of Clay. Tliat
he iist-d the language cannot ho denied; it
can bo prmm by ono hundred living witness
es, now in tireooo county.
Upon this tho editor of the CWrrollton
Prow remarks:
That Stephen A. Douglas did apply the
above languago to Henry Clay, ami mad*
other chargr* against him equally aa base and
malicious, 'the Democrats of this vicinity
dare not deny, for the evidence is ready to
prove it whenever it is demanded.
Now we ask, how can any lover of Henry
Clay, any one who supported his principles
and measures, become so lost to wlf-respect
and consistency as to vote for this arch sland
erer of their, old friend? Surely they will
not thus bolie theiusulvos and insult the mem
ory of their chief, by voting for ono who
limped vituperation on him while living.—
Will they not rather aid in electing to the
Presidency one who was the true friend of
Clay—Abraham Lincoln.
Practice n. Profbaiion.
It i« only just and fiur to believ* that a
large majority of Northern Democrats do
sire that slavery sliould spread no further,
and that they regard Its existence la any
portion of our land as a great evil. Judg
ing from their declarations, their views and
feelings art not my different from those en
tertained by Republicans on theae points.
Northern men composing the different par
ties, are, also, almost all agresd aa to the in
terpretation we should give to the language
of the DeclanUoo or inuejienaenee. invy
Iuito no idea that the nuaen of that great
charter of human freedom, used language of
doubtful import. They believe then to have
meant just what they aiy, when they deeian
•• All men an created equal, and endowed by
their Creator with certain inalienable rights, "■
ie.; they belike they meant all men. They
hare never had my other idea of it. It «n*1
tern) into their lint conceptions of it,—ttwy
cannot read ft without this idea being pre
sented to their nlnds.
Holding than nntimenU, ai we believe
many of then do, wo ean not we how tbey
can desin to plaee a man in the Presidential
chair wheeeAvuVraf eentimcnt* on thaw pointa
an so directly opposite to thein. Mr. Doug
las does not belien slavery to be wrong ox
copt when the laws make it so. lie beltovcs
that a slave is as much the popeity of his
inaxtcr as his hone is, and that be has as
much right to carry him Into a territory of
the United States as he has any other prop
erty. He believes tho Declantion to mean
only white men, when it says " all men an
created equal." He does not believe tho no
gro is, or should be, a citiien of the United
State*.
pui-ulasVmitiox ox thi utrnr qnarioK
AS DENSER Br llIX«Kt.r.
Inhisapeech delivered in New Orleana,
December Oth, 1858, 1m urn the following
language:
•• They, (the Anti-Slavery men of the
North,) bring forward the Declaration of
Independence, and read froin it thia |>aaeagc:
•• We hold tlicae truth* to bo self-evident,
that all in on are created equal, and endowed
by their Croator with certain inalienable
righto." Then they aton and My, • Dooan't
that Declaration tell ua that all men are cre
ated ri|ual ? Ia not a negro a man, and ia he
not therefore tho equal of tho whito man?
Wa* ho not made equal bjr hia Creator, and
ia not hia equality therefore inalienable by
Divino law ? Then how can you reduce him
toun inferior position hy any human law?'
" Jlv this apocioua, but eophifttical argu
ment, they have aucceedod in impoeing on
aomo weak-minded men, and some old wo*
men and childreu, until they have oducated
a generation who really Lelievo the no
gn> ia their brother. And I muat be
Knuittod to tell you that many, ereo of your
uthcrn men, have yielded under that argu
ment, and failed to meet it. Mv anawcr ia
thia : When the framera of the Declaration
declared that all men were equal, they had
no reference whatever to the negro. They
weru apeaking of while men—men of Euro
pean birth an J descent, and had no referenoe
to the nryro or to any othtr inferior and de
oendmt race. Thia covernmont wo* made
by whito uion, for the uencfit of whito men,
and none others."
In a epeoch which he delivered in Balti
inorofton Die evening of January 5th, 1859,
the aamo sootimenta ore advanced in aim oat
tho same language:
" I know that there are thoee who believe
that slavery in a crime. I hold that it is the
right of tho people to decide fur themselves
whether it is a crime or not. Thoso who
hold that it in, tell us that the Declumtion
of Indc|>ondcnco declares all men to have
tieen created equal, ami avumiiig that thin
declaration included the negro, demand that
he shall bo placed on an equality with tho
whito man. My answer to tho argument is
this: Tho signers of tho Declaration had
no rttrrrnce xehatn'rr to the nryro, when
they declared all men t • havo h*rn created
t-uual. The* were speaking of white men ;
of men of huropean birth and descent, and
no one else, when tlwy declared tho equality
of all men. This government was founded
on a white basis; it was made l»v white men,
for the Itenefit of white men. "the negro is
no component part of this government; he
is not a citiicn, and ought ntrcr to be a cth
ten."
ins views os tiir dikd scorr dktiiiox.
" Ilut an objection is raised by some of
our S-hithern friends, and I have hiecn asked
here and at home, wlut I moan by the doc
trine of popular sovereignty in the Territo
ries, and whether we abido hy tho Dred
Scott division. The Democracy of Illinois
accept tho decision of the Supreme Court of
tho U. S. in the cam of Dred Soott, as an
authoritative interpretation of the Constitu
tion. In aocordanco with that decision, irr
hold that tlacrt arc property, and hence are
on an equality icilh all othrr kinds of prop- J
crty, and that the owner of a slave has the
$ame right to remove into a territory and
carry hit tin re property i nth him, as tho
owner of any other pro|>erty has tj go there
and cirry his property."—N. O. Spocch,
pag-7.
These doctrines are as opposite to those
which the great mass of Northern Demo*
crats profess to hold, as light p to
darkness, or ai liberty is to slavery. And
how is it possible that they ean give their in*
flumee and votes to elect a man to the IVesi
doney whose sentiment* on these important
questions are so far at war with their own?
Doing so, how can tl»ey reeiocile their prmt*
tire with their proftwont f
nouncoa hia connection with the
Democracy.
Kcor». of other, following hin la Port
land nn<l nil orer ( nnbi-rland Coiitf,
Itenj. Kingrtmry, Emj., of Portland, Um
well known member of the law firm of Mo
Cobb t Kingabury, and long one of the moat
prominent and rnpccted member* of the
Democratic party in that part of the State,
haa diaaolrcd all connection with that effete
and corrupt organisation, and announooa
liiiu» lf a Republican. A few evening since
th« Portland » Wldn-Awakee" being out
in proeeaaion, called on Mr. Kingsbury at
hi* residence, and alter *rraadiag him re
wired tlie following reapmae:
Fxllow Ciruers—or, rather, for the flrat
time in his life ho could aay, frUow Rrpub
heaiu—After full and mature deliberation,
and, aa lie believed, under the moat eooacieo
tious ronrietiona of daty, and with no par*
aonal aapirationa, be had decided to leave hie
old party aaaoeiatione, and connect himeelf
with tb« Republican organisation. The Dem
ocratic party, once hietorioally glorioua, bad
cloaed ita record, and the laat page waa writ*
ten. It haa ateadily aurged aouthward, on*
til from a powerful and controling national I
organisation, it had beoone diamembored and
broken, ita aereral fragmenU at iaaue with
each other and at iaaa with the common in
ternets of the nation. The Republican par
ty ia the only filiating national organisation, j
f <$ob |rndw0
OP ALL KINDS.
—««0« i|*>
P*inyhU(a,T0«mB«parta,l«hoolB«9Crt«,
frostsre and WandMlla fctTVuli itfe
osrts, *«., Waddtat (Mi,
(Ml, Bnstness Offdl, Dusbflls,
Blank BMtivKliBk Ohseks.
Labels of mrr d—arlpUon, In
snrsaos BoUetss, Forwardlac Osrds,
Bills of £edaa.*enft«, printed In Oal.
or* or with Brenss,—«mM »t this OOm
WITI RBATRin 1KB Wtf ATC1,
And on tho moot Beaaonabls Term*.
iy Ouiu roe r*nm*o art mpestfell/ so.
Ikltei, M iruy attention win be paid I* mist Us
rub ud «<An of CntoMni
It has risen a) moot from the my
and ashee of tho old Democratic party, vi
talised with a new life, and as ho bettered,
destined by Providence to restore this gor
emmeut to its true functions, to build an im
pasrible barrier to tho further accroaaioat of
the alara power, and to give lira aad rigor
once more to thuso nobis sentiments of oil
old and honored friend Robert Rantoal, ooco
the accsptcd doctrine of the united party,
but now spit upon, or bnathed only in hesi
tating whiipcn,—Sunar SacTiovAU, Lta*
urrr Xaviosul!
The Rspabliean party is devoted to the
great cause of human freedom. Human
Jrrtdwm ! Time was Tears ago, when, upon
a disaeasatio platform, hs could boblly use
this term, sod boldly ipwk of ths thing U
•ignified. But now, to utter it, and aavo*
cete It, in its broadest and noblmt sertss, bo
bad been eompcllcd to seek another and freer
platform, lie thanked God that hs had had
the courage, and no email amount of cour
age was necesmry, as ho had found—to shake
<>ff the inanaclee of a dismembered party
from his limhs; and that he then stood, once
again, thorough!? a frtt man—frtt to speak,
frrt to think, ana frtt to act.
Thanking them for the honor of calling
upon him, he bid them all a good night."
First of August.
The anniversary of emancipation in th«
British Wert Indie* wax eelel>rut«d in vari
ous |Jac«s. In Massachusetts the principal
meetings were at New Bedford and Abingtoo.
The latter waa held in the beautiAil grove in
that town, under the auapioea of the Maam
chuaetta AntJ-Slavery Society, but waa at
tended by other*, who desired to join in com*
memorating so momentous an event as the
redemption of eight hundred thousand hu
man beings from the condition of cliattels to
that of freemen. SpAches were made bj
Her. M. D. Conway, lata of Washington
City, lion. Cliarlea Q. Davis of Plymouth,
Hon. N. II. Whiting of Manhfleld, Hon. P.
W. Bird of Walpolo, and others. tatters
were received from Hon. Charles Sumner,
Hon. C. F. Adams, John A. Andrew, Esq.,
and Mr. Garrison. Most of theao wo find in
the Boston Atlas and Bee. They chiefly re
late to the working of emancipation in tha
free colonies, where, it has been aaid, the ex
periment has proved a failure. We can only
give a glimpse of some of tho main point*
presented.
Mr. Sumner maintaina that all tcatimony,
whether from official docuiucnU, or from trav
ellers, ahowa, boyond question, that in all
thoao iManda tho condition of th« negro liaa
been improved by emancipation. Aa might
well bo presumed, thia improvement ia moat
atrongly manifeat in tlioaa who bare boen
born in freedom. Even Jamaica, which ia
moat oomtnonly referred to by croakers aa il
luatrating a failure, ia not exoeptod in Mr.
So inner'a general view of result*. And Ida
opinion ia fortified by recentassurance* made
' to him by two different governors of the ial
The riewa offered by Mr. Adama in bia let
ter are ao forcible and pertinent that wo aak
attention to a liberal estreat:
• • • • Weat India emancipation ia
gravely pronounced a failure. I haut heard
it ao dcacrUwd on tho floor of the llouao of
Itcpnwentativoa. The only rermon Riven ia
that tho liritiah ialanda do not produce ao
many pound* of sugar and coffeo aa they did
" " i them out of tho ooaua
It waa Siaraondi, I think, who first pro
toated against the fallacy of all liritiah writ
era on political oconoiny who moaaur* the
happiness of a people by tlmgroM amount of
their material products. A far greater tjues-.
tion muat alwaya lie, Who ia overworked ?
Who auO'er wrongfully ? Who ia dcpriml
of hia bard earnings for tho Kmefit of bia
neighbor? Who looka up to tho llae of hia
country and aoe* in it no ahelter for liiuiaelf,
hia wile, or hia little onea? These questiona
will be Iwldly answered now in tho firitiah
Weat Indies. If any caaea couM Iw nointad
out in tolerable number*, we ahoofd have
been very auro to have betid of them. 'But
all that wo do hear ia about the aWnon of
coffeo and augar. Now mankind may by poa
nihility l» tolerably well off and yet to en
tirely without coffe* and aogar. llut how
can they be happy without security for tlieir
right to aeek happiness in their own way?
and.
Yet they tell ua that, Itccauae coffee and
aujrar fail, thorn la no good in mancipation.
If by reaaon of thia failure itoould beabown
that there ni miaery and famine in thoUnd,
that eUrvatioa waa in a fair way to turn tho
garden into a wilderncea, I ahould be ready
to oonorde aomcthinjr (0 tho argument. But
I hear of no *uch thing aa that. I only bear
that the poonle decline to work more than
enough to kiv« them an oaay aubaiatcuoe.—
Content with little under a genial clime,they
prvfcr Indolence to labor. And ia thU r»
nect wherein do they differ from their former
inaaten, the plantare ? Did you ever bear of
any of Umm wbo liked to work ? To be aura
i/uy were nerer content to lire on little, bat
they always preferred that what they did
live on ahould be got from the labor of soma
other peraona than themaalrea. The preeaat
complaint ia briefly that thia pro ami cannot
be carried on beyond the will of the laborer.
Perhapa thoae may aympathlse with U wbo
deplore the loaa of augar and ooflae. Foray
part, I aympathiie more with the gain of
tdleoeaa to the laborer, if it ba hit pleasure
to bo idle, and no aufferin* follow from it to
himaclf or hia family. Nobody admires In*
doatry more than 1 do, but it moat be of that
aort which ia not wrong from the on willing
by foroe and without compeoeatioo.
Mr. Aixlrow'a letter u a bou and manlj
om. He reganle the queetion of emancipa
Uoa ia our own oountrj m not, ia aaj prop
er mom, a Motional one, bat ntim M alloc t
iag tho right! of the laboring man ererj
when, lie ia perauaded that "had the the*
ortM of maajr diatingniahad men, bow prev
alent, been the doetriaMof thoM wboebaped
oar institatiooe daring the laat quart* of
the laat century, there woald, I varilj balieva,
have been a 'Drad Soott decUioo' for whites
as wall aa far blacki."
Again—
Powerful nen in large noniberebold Uark
men and oppreai wbita onae In the fifteen
alaveholding States. Powwful n»en lu large
number* in the eighteen free Statre are *qu*l
ly inaeneiblo to tho righte and wrfmga of
these white and blade u*n. Thar affvt to
treat with iadiffrrmoe the righta of labor
crery where, and the wronga which it mJkn
now at the handa of the n ilif>n «rv1 with the
aggravation of which it I# threaten'I I t the
future. If alavery.cmhpldcoed bv tiie I>rel
Scott doc&oo,' thall bJ iu.-*ua of tho *L«uf

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