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Montgomery County sentinel. [volume] (Rockville, Md.) 1855-1974, March 22, 1856, Image 1

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liontpmern tfountn Sentinel
By M. Fields.
]) o l i t xj: a l.
LETTER OP SAM’L CAKUTHKRS
TO HIS CONSTITUENTS,
Explaining his Past action, defining ills pres
ent posuioa and the position of parties.
To mv constituents : During my short
Congressional career 1 have never before
had occasion to especially address you by
letter. I have hitherto been content to
rest upon the reasons for my action, de
clared en the floor of the House, or stand
silently upon the record I had made by'
my votes.
The reasons for doing so now arise
from the breaking down of the old wall
which divided parties—the new elements
which have been mingled into our nation
al politics—the alarming isms now dis
tinctly formed in the country —the peril
that threatens the very existence of our
institutions, and that solemn duty which
rests upon every representative who j
would deal fairly with his people to de
clare frankly his present positions and
his future intentions. I should he un
worthy of the high trusts you have con
tided to my keeping—unworthy of the
kindness and confidence you have so gen
erously lavished upon me—unworthy of
my native State—unworthy of the regard
of good men—if I should shrink from
the performance of this duty now.
We have had a most exciting and
protracted struggle in the organization
of the House. 1 have voted uniformly j
for the Democratic nominees for the
Speakership. For this L am charged
with the betrayal of the Whig party,
and with an abandonment of the princi
ples upon which 1 was elected. And
who is it that makes these charges? Is
it the old-line Whigs? L have not;
heard of an old-line Whig either in my
district or elsewhere, who docs noten-j
dorse my course. These charges are j
made by the Know-nothing press of my
State, and by anonymous Know-nothing
scribblers, the latter of whom, never
having had an hotiest'motirc themselves,
have no conception of the tiling in others.
They charge me i rith betraying the 11’ g
jxiity They who decoyed it into their
councils, and assassinated it in the dark
i ' —they who come forth from their con
claves with their hands dripping with its
blood —tiny who met at Philadelphia in
convention, and vauntiugly proclaimed
its death —with a pharisuical affectation
of party, declare that they are not “re
sponsilJe for its obnoxious arts and vio
lated f Jed yes that it “ has eh rated scr
tionid hostility into a posit ice element of
political poicer, and hrouyht ovr institu
tions into jterH.” Yes; while 1 stand a
mourner at the grave of the Whig party,
they are rejoicing at its death and calum
niating its life! Yet these men have
the unblushing hardihood to twit me
with abandonment of that once noble
party! Was ever impudence more gi
gantic and more absurd ?
But it is sometimes softly and gently
whispered that the American party is
the Whig party in disguise. If this is
so, they have solemnly declared a lie in
their conventions, and it is a cheat and
a fraud upon the Democrats in the order.
So they have either abandoned tlieic party.
and have no right to abuse me, or are
engaged in a fraud which makes their
abuse a com/Jiment. ] tell these gentle
men that they have slain my first hue.
and left me a political widower ; and I
have a perfect right to marry another
party if I sec proper!
I am charged with having abandoned
the principles upon which 1 was elected.
Does not every man in my district know
that the Kiinsas-Nebraska question was
the controlling issue in my last canvass ?
Docs not every man know that it was
my position on this issue that gave me
iny large majority in a Democratic
district? Does not every man know
that I obtained as many Democratic votes
as I did Whig votes? Does not every
man know that 1 declared my principles
in a speech delivered in the House of
Representatives, on the 7th of April,
1 854 ? To stop the mouths of my accu
sers I will give an extract from that
speech. T said then, speaking of the
Kansas-Nebraska bill, that—
“ I will not pause long to dwell upon
its party effect; for, in my judgment,
the questions involved override all party
considerations. It is true this bill is
presented to us as an administration mea
sure. It is true that I am here as a
Whig; but I am not here to give this
administration a factious opposition.—
Tam not here to oppose any measure
brought forward by it, merely because it
is brought forward by it. I am here,
uncommitted to a blind opposition or a
blind support, to follow to the end the
dictates of my own judgment and con
science, and the will of those who sent
me.
“In this instance I believe that the
administration has taken high national
ground ; that it has planted itself upon a
great American principle—the principle
of self-government.—a principle involved
in none of our party issues—a principle
dearer than any party considerations—a
principle upon which all sound national
men of all parties may meet and stand,
as upon ground alike cherished and alike
dear. It was this principle engrafted in
the compromises of 1850 that commend
ed them so warmly to the American
heart; it was this principle which was
ratified by both parties in their conven
tions at Baltimore, and it is for this
principle I speak to-day.
“ Sir, this is no war between the ad
ministration and its opponents no war
between Whigs and Democrat* as snch:
but, disguise it as you may, it is a war
between free-soilism on the one hand, t
and the right of the people to self-gov- 1 i
eminent on the other.”
Upon these declarations I went into t
the canvass. I was elected then, deck- /
ring that the principles of the Kansas-
Nebraska bill “were dearer than any
/tarty considerations'’ —“a principle upon t
which all good men of all parties might ;
meet and stand, as upon ground alike (
cherished and alike dear;” that they 1
“overrode all party considerations.”— i
Being thus elected, when I came to cast
my first vote for Speaker, I found that 1
neither the “South Americans” nor the <■
Black Republicans had laid down any
platform—they were fighting shy, run- ]
ning with a margin. The Democrats t
had a platform, and it was this : t
‘ ‘ Resolved, That the Democratic mem- <
hers of the House of Representatives, ’
though in a temporary minority in this
body, deem this a fit occasion to tender
to their fellow-citizens of the whole I
Union their heartfelt congratulations on
the triumph in the recent elections in ,
several of the northern, eastern, and 1
western, as well as southern States, of i
the principles of the Kansas-Nebraska 1
bill, and the doctrines of civil and relig- 1
ious liberty, which have been so violently
assailed by a secret political order known i
as the Know-nothing party. And though
in a minority, we hold it to be our high- 1
est duty to preserve our organization,
and continue our efforts in the mainte- :
i nance and defence of those principles,
and the constitutional rights of every 1
: section and every class of citizens, against i
their opponents of every description,
whether the so-called Republicans, Know
nothings, or fusion ists ; and, to this end, i
we look with confidence to the support
and approbation of all good and true
| men—friends of the Constitution and !,
j Union throughout the country.”
It will he seen that there are only two .
planks in this platform ; the one, in favor j
i of the principles of Kansas-Nebraska hill
-the very principles upon which I was j
re-elec tod; and the other, against the j
proscriptiveness of Know-nothingisra.—
Bear in mind tha fact that, when T was 1
; elected, there were no Know-nothings!
in my district that I was not one. And
now may I not ask if there is a single
honest and intelligent man in my district j
who believes that 1 have “abandoned
tlic principles upon which 1 was elected?”
i or if, in view of these facts, there is at)}’
one hut an intentional calumniator who
■ will ever again assert it ?
Again: It is said that I should have
1 voted for Henry M. Fuller for Speaker
■ —that he was a good enough pro-slavery
i man; for Knnnett, Lindlcy, and Porter
, voted for him, and, therefore, “some
■ wise political teachers” argue that he is
• sound enough for me ! It is a sufficient
■ answer to this argument, (if argument it
■ may be called) that Kennctt, Bindley,
■ and Porter act upon their oirn judgments,
i under their own responsibilities. I act
upon my judgment, under my responsi
■ j L..—j .
In a speech delivered by me, on the j
i oth day of January last, in the House, I j
1 took up the record of this Mr. Fuller.
I showed that ho had voted for Mr. Pen
nington, who had favored a motion to
; suspend the rules of the House to allow
,• Mr. Elliott to introduce a hill to repeal
-1 the fugitive slave law, and who had voted j
. for both Mr. Campbell, of Ohio, and Mr. !
I Banks, of Massachusetts, for Speaker of j
r the present Congress. I called attention
to tin: fact that lie had, ill reply to a
1! question put by Mr. Sage, of New York, ;
said that “ if the Missouri Compromise |
r can be restored, I would most ckiitain- j
J LV HE IN FAVOR OF ITS RESTORATION ; but,
; in view of the difficulties which surround
. j that iptcstiou and must defeat your efforts.
• I say that 1 am opposed to the agitation
• of that question.”
i : It was upon this declaration ho stood
s when 1 made that speech. I give you
f the extract, in his own words, to show
s that I did him no in justice. On the 17th
f day of January he had occasion to define
, , his position again , and, in the mean
- j time, his “ hark -bone" having been
t strengthened by the influence of some of
c his southern supporters, lie was worked
up to the point of declaring that “Con
i gross has no constitutional power either
, to legislate slavery into, or exclude it
f from a Territory.”
h ! On one day, during the present ses
sion, he tells us, “ it the Missouri. Com
i promise, line can be restored, he. would
s most certainly Ite in favor of its restora
- | lion and on another day, during the
same session, he tells us that the whole'
t thing is unconstitutional!—that Congress
has “no junrrrto rrrUtde slavery !" Still,
-i if lie coubl he vault I restore this uncon
c stitutional restriction ! I leave it to his
- admirers and supporters to reconcile and
I harmonize these declarations. I freely
admit my incapacity.
But he gets further down South than
1 F go, (for he is a fast traveller when he
i does start.) He says: “ Neither has the
> territorial legislature, in my judgment,
I any right to legislate upon that subject,
• except so far as may be necessary to pro
i! tect the citizens of the Territory in the
1 enjoyment of their property.” This is
the extreme ground of the fire-eaters. I
. believe that under the powers conferred
i by the organic act of Kansas and Nt
- hraska, “ to regulate their own domestic
i concerns,” they may either establish or
i prohibit slavery, just as they think
■ proper.
! Again :he says, in his last speech, in
answer to the interrogatory—whether he
- believed the Wilmot proviso constitu
• tiona! ?
“1 was not a member of the Congress
ri of 185 fl, and have uever Irion called on
ROCKVILLE, SATURDAY MORNING, MARCH 22, 1856.
to either affirm or deny the constitutional
ity of the Wilmot proviso." * * * J i
" My political existence commenced since [ 1
that food ; and haring never taken any’ i
public position, I am willing, in all frank
ness and candor, to do so now.”
1 will show you that his memory is as i
oblivious as his sudden conversion is 1
marvellous. This same Henry M. Fuller, j
on the 18th of August, 18411, wrote a ;
letter to B. /'. Saxton —a letter from
which the following are extracts:
‘ 1 You state in your letter that the I
FUKH-SOILKIIS will hold a convention
at Hyde Darke on the 30th instant. <
There is a pretty strong priJiabiUty that
I will be in the Sold for canal commis
sioner, and it would certainly aid mv
PROSPECTS VERY MATERIALLY to re
ceive a NOMINATION FROM YOUR PAR
TY.”
He had not then ttiis holy horror of a
“ wild hunt after office” denounced by
his brethren in Philadelphia. Oh, no!
It would “ very materially aid bis pros
pects" to get a nomination from a regu
lar frec-soil contention ; and, as it would
aid those prospects, he wanted it; and
had good reasons to give why lie should
have it. Hear him:
“ lam in favor of FREE SOIL, free
speech, free labor, and free men; BEINti
A WILMOT-PHOVISO MAN UP TO
THE HUB. AND UTTERLY OP
POSED TO THE EXTENSION OF
SLAYERY!!!”
He was up to the HUB IN FREE
SOIL when he wanteda freo-soil nomi
nation ; anil I have never heard of his
PRIZING OUT until he wanted the ;
votes of sound national men for the
speakership, lie goes on:
“ The matter will require prudent
\ manage mint, and T know of no man who
j ran accomplish it better thou yourself. It
i would be had /mlicy to attempt it without
' a certainty of success. Consult with our
mutual friends, Uackley and Johnson,
and write me soon, Yours, truly,
HENRY M. FULLER.”
Thus it appears that on the 18th day
; of August, 18 lit, he was a “ WILMOT
PROVISO M AN UP TO THE HUB,”
and on the 17tli day of January, 185(1,
lie declares “ that he never took any ftub
; lie position on the subject of slavery" —-
that his “ political existence coinmencctl
\ since that jbnul! /” 1 will comment no
further on this letter !
Mr. Fuller became a candidate for j
canal commissioner, and, while a candi
date, made speeches—among others, one
in Alleghany city, reported in the Pitts- j
burg Gazette, then a whig paper, anil
then supporting 51 r. Fuller. In that j
speech, published at at the time, and un
contradicted, Mr. Fuller says :
“ Let the people of the South talk as
they please, slavery was a dork ami
damning stain upon their escutcheon" *
“Let us say to the proud waves of slav
ery, as they beat against the barriers of
freedom, “thus far slialt thou go, and
no further.” Let us give our lands free, j
j in every sense of the word, to our citizens,
and to tile poor Olid oppressed of other
j nations.” * * * “ .Vs birds of free
dom, vve had a duty to perform to the;
South. Let us do it, with a proper re
gard to our friends there, but let us IN
SIST ON THE EARLIEST PRAC-J
TICAL ABOLITION OF SLAVE-!
j RY !!!”
Ay, “ THE EARLIEST PRACTI
)CAL ABOLITION OF SLAVERY.”
i Look at it! For “ free-soil” —“oppos-
ed to the extension of slavery” in favor
of its “earliest practical abolition"-—in
-1 triguing for the nomination of a frec
l soil convention ; and in addition to all
this, when the final vote for Speaker
; came—the last vote—the vote which
“tried the souls of men”—the vote!
which was to determine whether Banks, j
Ihe political abolitionist —the black re- j
publican—the northern Know-nothing
j —the “ Union sliding”—the “ absorp
tion” Banks—should he elected Speaker
of the American House of Representa
tives, or that accomplished gentleman
and sound, national, and conservative 1
man. Governor W.u. Aiken —he, under
the flimsy and miserable pretext of liav
; ing paired off with a man who was pres- j
out, being present himself, dodged, and
did not vote ut all 1
And now, with his record fairly be
fore you—elected upon the principles
on which I was clcctod--I submit it to
your candor if I would not have exposed
i myself to the just scorn and contempt of
! every good man of my district, of any
I tarty, if I had voted for Ib ury M. Pul
\lert I voted for Win. A. Richardson,
of Illinois. I knar him. I had served ;
with him in the last Congress. I knew
him to ho the very soul of honor- a man
whose “ word was as good as tiis bond ;”
a man whose large heart could take all!
the Union into its affections; a man who
was all seamed with soars received in
battles for the rights of the Mouth : a man
who had been passed around by the abo
litionists (within black lines) in what
they eall their “ roll of infamy” because
of bis gallant bearing in those battles :
a man who Ins stood unmoved while mad
fanaticism poured its vials of wrath upon
his head; a man who breasted the ■■
storm in “ its wildest rngings” after the ,
passage of the Kansas-Nebraska bill;,
the man who bid them a proud and hold
defiance; the statesman who was our
champion and leader through all the
great struggle upon that hill ; the states
man who had counselled his friends in
the North to “stand and brave the (ire
without flinching ;” the inan who, full of
courage and patriotism, dares to do what
ever his large heart approves and his
comprehensive mind suggests; and a man
too, who is of the West, western —wfio
is of vs and with us. I would not, l!c
| should not, 1 could nut, I did not, liesi- |i
tate for a moment which to choose—this j 'I
man or Henry M Puller. WAS I NOT I I
RIGHT? 1
I had seen Judge Douglas, of Illinois, i
after anxious deliberation, introduce that! t
bill, and stake his political life upon the t
justice of its principles; I had seen the j1
administration commit its fortunes to it.
I hod seen the groat body of the national s
wliigs in the Senate, in the House, in ; t
the country, come up to its support; I ;j
had seen the democracy adopt it as an | <
article in their creed of faith ; 1 had seen t
the people of my district, as almost one
man, endorse the principles of that hill, s
and was I to desert the gallant ship, I
with her tried and trusty crow, as she /
(Houghed her majestic way, unmoved by '
the storm and unshaken by the billows, I
to go out in a miserable yawl, under the ]
command of such a “straggler” of a I
captain, such a “Latter-Day Saint,” as <
this Henry M. Puller I <
Built is said that Mr. Fuller is a i
Know-nothing, and therefore I should !
have given him my vote. The contest
for the speakership developed the fact i
that there are now three parties in the I
country—the northern Know-nothing i
and abolition party fused under the name i
of Black Republican, the (so-called) ''na- i
tional Americans,” and the Democratic i
party. This Know-nothing party was i
I Kirn amidst the factitious excitement 1 1
manufactured by abolitionists and dis
unionists out of the passage of the Kan
sas-Nebraska bill. It sprung at once, !,
| “ like Minerva from the brain of Jove,” j
full armed, and entered the political a- ;
! vena. In the morning of its existence it was
full of promise. It declared that it would
say to the angry waves, “Peace, lie still!"
that it was the only broad, national, con-'
sensitive party ; t hat its great, paramount
mission was to save the Union, which
was imperiled by agitation. Relying
upon these promises, confiding in these
assurances, many good men everywhere
-—many in my district—went into this
organization. 1 went twice (and but
twice) into their councils. T “saw Mam.”
It took two visits to see him all over.—
I made them ; I saw enough , anil deter
mined never to look on his face again!
in dealing frankly with you, it is due :
that I should make this acknowledge- j
ment. I would not have the vote of an
; anti-Know-nothing in my district with
out his knowledge that I had been in
their councils; nor would 1 have the
! vote of a Know-nothing without his know
j ing that lam not of his order. 1 may j
prove wanting in ability to serve; I shall
never prove wanting in candor towards !
you. It has been the habit of my life
to defend my course against all odds
when I believe it is right, and to acknowl
edge my errors when I believe I have
done wrong. I freely admit to you that
1 ought never to have gone into a secret
i political society of any kind whatever;
I that they are wrong in principle, against
| I'm: very genius of our institutions, dan- j
gorouH in practice, and should he avoid- J
ed by all men of all parties. ] iJijirtril ,
then, and object now, to the whole inn- 1
j ehincry of its organization ; I objected j
then, anil object now, to an indiscrimi- :
note proscription of naturalized eitizcnsl
from office; I objected then, and object
now, to anything that even looks like i
making a religious test. A Protestant
by birth, a Protestant by education, by I
prejudice, by reason, by faith; a Protes
tant in all, (I regret to say except the]
practice,) was a Catholic organization I
formed to brand mo as unworthy of pub-1
lie trust because of my religious opinions, j
I would call upon every honest Catholic |
in the land to aid me in striking itdown. j
As I would “have them do unto me I :
! will do unto them.”
The Catholic and Protestant have
fought side by side on those battle-fields
where our liberties were won; and when
“pestilence has stalked at noon-day” j
through our cities, leaving a track of!
desolation ami death, we have seen the j
Protestant and Catholic ministry again
laboring side by side to stay its awful
ravages—to administer halm to the sick,
consolation to the dying, and decent in
terment to the dead! If we kneel not
at the same altars, under the same forms,
we worship the same God; we are point-|
oil to the same accountability for sin, and
to the same Heaven as a reward for;
piety ! Why should not we leave con
troverted points of theology to the min
istry of the churches? Why should not
we laymen go on-—ns we should go on—
in brotherly love and confidence? As 1
have opposed the dragging of politics up
into the pulpit, I oppose drawing relig- j
ion down into polities. All thinking
! men agree that the only real danger to
! our institutions arises from making the
subject of slavery a sectional question.
May 1 not rospeetfully ask the Protestant!
ministry of the South to pause and reflect
that, if they bring the doings of churches
into political discussion, they might in
jure Protestantism. May not the Cath
olic turn upon you with the fact, that,
of three thousand preachers who de
nounced the judgements of God upon
! our devoted heads who voted for the j
Kansas-Nebraska bill, there was not up
on the paper the name of a single Cath
olic minister ? -'lay ho not show that
none of his clergymen are in the halls of
Congress, while we have twenty-mhl {
! preachers ? May he not show that hr
lias never refused to tukc the “ holy com
munion” with a slave-holder—that his
church in the North are not stirring the
water* of sectional strife—'that they nev
er do, and uever have, interfered with
the delicate question of slavery ? and by I
showing these things, drawing thefc.i
contrasts, may they not commend their ; ’
church to the South, and weaken yours?
These are questions for you to consider.
It is hut just to a large and rcpsectable i
Protestant denomination—l allude to the i
regular old llaptists—-to say that they I
have never, at any time, under any cir- ■
eumstanees, either North or Mouth, in
terfered in political affairs. 11
Why should Protestants agitate this i 1
subject ? Why should they endeavor to j i
to build up a political party upon a sub- i
jecton which they can have no political j \
action t You are forbidden to act by ; i
the constitution of the United States.— j;
The constitution says that “Congress
shall make no law respecting the estab
lishment of religion, or prohibiting the
free exercise thereof Take this case:
Muppose a President, having sworn in i
Know-nothing councils that lie will ap-1
point no Roman Catholic to office, is e- |
lected. He takes an oath to support the
constitution of the United States. That
constitution says that “ no religious test
shall evor bo required as a qualification
to any office or public trust under the
United States.” Muppose, then, a man
is presented for office: does lie not have
to inquire, under his first oath, if the
man is a Catholic ? If he is, then he
must refuse him on that account. If lie
does so refuse him, he violates his last
rmth, because lie then swore he would
make no “ religious test.” Is comment
necessary?
But I have been asked if I would
vote for a man who owes temporal alle
giance to a foreign power ? I answer,
| No. I would not vote for any man, of
| any religion, for any office, who is hound
by such ail allegiance.
As to a spiritual allegiance, my under
standing is, that we all owe that alio- 1
: gianee to a Power whose throne is out-
I side of the United States—to Gon in
Heaven 1
But in all these views, perhaps no
Catholic or Protestant disagrees with mo,
and I will not elaborate them further.
I stated to you that the great reason
for my having ever gone into a council ;
was, I was assured that the preservation :
of the Union was the “rock on which
they built their church”—-that men who
joined it in the North, as well as the ;
! Mouth, made a “ burnt offering” of their
prejudices, and joined, with hands locked
in hands, in a living chain uroiind, the
constitution, in a common brotlurhoinl,
and. in a common defence. 1 was told, j
too, that I could withdraw if 1 was not
pleased.
I ask every Know-nothing who reads
j this, if such was not tiis understanding
' of the objects of the American order ?—.
Then, I ask them to lay aside their par-
I tialitics and prejudices, and tliiiikingiy
as patriots, to look hack at its history.
It met in convention at Philadelphia
in June last; it laid down a platform;!
it put forth the celebrated twelfth sec
tion. Here it is:
“ Resolved, That the American party,
j having risen upon the ruins, and in
j spite of the opposition, of the whig and
! democratic parties, cannot ho held in
' any manner responsible for the obnoxious
! acts or violated pledges of either; that
the systematic agitation of the slavery
question by those parties has elevated;
sectional hostility into a positive element
of political power, and brought our in-'
stitulinns into peril; it has. therefore, i
; become % imperative duty of the Amer- [
| iean party to interpose for the purpose
|of giving peace to the country and per
! petuity to the Union ; that, as experience
I lias shown it impossible to reconcile opin
i ions so extreme aH those that separate
i the disputants, and as there can he no
; dishonor in submitting to the laws, the ua
j tional council has deemed it the best
! guarantee of common justice and future ' t
pence to abide by and maintain the ex- .
I isting laws upon the subject of slavery
as a final and conclusive settlement of
; that subject, in spirit and in substance.
“ And regarding it the highest duty
to avow their opinions upon a subject so
! important, in distinct and unequivocal
terms, it is ligrcby declared, as the sense,
of this national council, that Gongress
possesses no power under the constitution
to legislate upon the subject of slavery
in the .States where it does or may exist,
or to exclude any Mtato from admission
into the Union because its constitution
does or does not recognise the institution
of sluvory ns a part of its social system ;
and expressly pretermitting any express
ion of opinion upon the power of Con
gress to establish or prohibit slavery
In any Territory, it is the sense of the
national council that Congress ought not
| to legislate upon the subject of slavery
within the Territories of the United
Mtates, and that any interference by Con
gress with slavery as it exists in the Dis
trict of Columbia would he a violation of
the spirit and intention of the compact by i
• which the .State of Maryland ceded the
District to the United Mtates,and a breach
of the national faith.”
There is a platform on the subject of
slavery (with the exception of a little
/Determining) sound—one upon which the ;
| Mouth could stand. They were eonser- <
l vative and just; hutwhatdid the north
t ern, and the largest portion of this so
eminently national, party do? They repu
diated this section; they spit upon it;
they met together in their Mtato councils, '
i r.nd there these ronsermtive Union-savers
were not satisfied with a simple repudia
tion of this twelfth section, but go on to
announce doctrines as sJie doctrines of i
the party which, if carried out, leads,
in the strong language of Mr. Clay,
(when speaking of refusing to admit a
State because of a constitution tolerating
slavery,) “to a DISSOLUTION Of
THE UNION THROUGH A BLOODY '
AND PERILOUS ROAD,”
“ 1 give you a resolution passed by a |
Know-nothing convention at Cincinnati, ;
in November last, composed of delegates
from seven of the Northern and North
western Mtntes. They declare—
“ That the repeal of the Missouri Cotn
i promise was an mfraotion of the plighted I
faith of the nation, and that it should be j
restored; and, if efforts to that end
: should fail. Congress should refuse to
j admit into the Union any State tolerating j
j slavery, which shall be formed out of
; any portion of the territory from which !
; that institution was excluded by that
j compromise.”
Yes, they will not admit Kansas if she 1
j applies for admission as a slave State;
I thus, according to the language of Mr.
Clay, and thus, as every intelligent man
j knows, leading to the “dissolution of the
Union by a bloody road .” You see by
this resolution how tho Know-nothings i
in the north western Mtates stand. 1 will 1
show you how they stand in tho middle
States. lii the legislature of Pennsyl
vania, the Know-nothings and tho Rlaek
Republicans, true to their instim ts and '
actions, FUSED, and they declared, on
the 12th of January, 1856, in the fol
lowing form, to wit:
“ Unsolved, That we are opposed to the
admission of any more slave States into
this Union; therefore,
“ Resolved, That Kansas and Nebras
ka should only be ADMITTED into the
sisterhood as frisk States. ”
“Opposed to the admission of any
more slave. States into this Union ;” the
rankest and the most damnable free
soilism, as well as the most direct road
to dissolution !
In New York—in the Empire State
tlie State which owes its greatness to the
commerce of the Union ns it is—in that
State, so hound to us and so dependent
upon us by commercial ties, the Know
nothings met there in Mtato convention
at Binghampton, and they, too, join in
the swelling chorusof abolitionism, and
j resolve as follows :
“ Resolved, That the national admin
istration, by its general, course of official
conduit, together with an attempt to de
stroy the repose, harmony, and fraternal
! relations of the country, in the repeal of
the Missouri Compromise and tho en
couragement of aggressions upon the
government of the territorial inhabitants
of Kansas, deserves, and should receive,
the unhid condemnation if the American
\ people, and that the institution of sla
very should receive no extension from
siteli repeal.”
The meaning of which is. that Kansas,
if applying as a slave Mtate, should he
rejected. This is the platform upon
which they went into their last fight! -
This is the platform upon which they
' gained their victory ! a victory which
lias been so much rejoiced over! -avic
tory which would lead to the dissolution
of the Union ! Tims stand thu Know
nothings of New York ! Let ns go to
the northeastern—tho New England—
States. Maine, Connecticut, New Hamp
shire, Massachusetts, all declare that
“ Whereas tho aggressive policy which
Ims been uniformly pursued by tile slave
power, from tho commencement of our
iintiinial existence down to the abrogation
of the Missouri compact, evinces a de-
I termination to ‘crush out’ tho spirit ns
l well as the forms of liberty from among
us, mill to subject the free States to a re
lentless despotism ; and whereas the sue- j
cess of the Southern delegates to the
national council, recently held in Phila
delphia, in making abject and uncom
plaining submission to pro-slavery legis
lation a fundamental article in the creed
of tho national American party, renders
it imperative on us to express our views
upon the great question of the country .
and the age: Therefore, we declare
“ That the great harrier to slavery,
ruthlessly broken by the repeal of tic
Missouri prohibition, ought to Do speedily
' restored; and tliut, in uuy event, no
State erected from any part of the terri
tory covered by that compromise ought ,
ever to be admitted into tlie I ’uiotl as a ,
slave Mtate!”
Though I have their at hand, I will
not weary and (Tagus' i with any more j
. of these northern Know-nothit.g plat
forms. I nave taken the northwest, the
centre, and the northeast. I have shown!
you, so that no lioncst man will ever de- :
uy it who reads these platforms, that
they have gone, utterly gone, into prac
tical abolitionism ; that no representative
—no man who values the rights of the
South—can act with them.
Do you want moreproof? I refer you
to the record of the present Congress.
I assert to you that three-fourths of the
men who elected Banks were Know
nothings. I assert to you that not a |
single northern member of that party
voted for Cover ir Aiken for Speaker !
That, after all their “loud-mouthed” i
professions of nationality, Fuller dodged;
his precious little band of six throwaway j
their votes upon their immortal leader,
and thus allowed Banks, who was only
elected by three votes - who would sink
the Union— who would “absorb” with
the negroes- who has notyutdetermined
whether lie in hotter thuu a negro or not
—-yes, these northern Know-nothings
threw away their votes, and allowed this
man Banks to bo elected Speaker !
Will any man of common decency
will any man in Missouri of ordinary
self-respect—ever again abuse me for
not having acted with tho northern Ful
ler party?
Instead of getting national Know
nothings from the North for our national
man, (4ov. Aikw,)ws really lost two
Volume I.—Ho. 33.
“Mouth Americans”—Mr, Cullen, of
Delaware, and Mr Ibury Winter Haris,
] from Maryland 1 Mo you will see that,
; instead of tho tendencies of the Ameri
can order being to liberalize the North,
its practical operation is to frce-soilizu
the Mouth !
Do you wantmorc proof ? T will give
it. Tlie Know-nothing convention held
jilt Philadelphia on tho 22d of February,
1856, (the birth-day of Washington
what a desecration !) repudiate and abol
ish this twelfth section, on a separate
and distinct vote, and by an overwbel
! tiling majority; and in its stead place a
plank which means all things to all men,
and of which a member of tho conven
\ tion, from Indiana, uml a supporter of
it, (Mr. Sheets,) said in that conven
tion—
“ He would assure tho Mouth that (lie
twelfth section must be got lid of. He
was willing to accept a compromise, but
the section must ho got rid of; lie was
1 willing to accept tho Washington plat
form ; for, if there was anything in it,
it was so covered up with verbiage that
a President would he eloctoil before the
people would find out what it wus all
i about.” [Tumultuous langhtor.]
Yes, this infamous sentiment, instead
of being recoivod with patriotic indig
■ nation, wns received with “tumultuous
i laughter !” and the “Washington plat
form,” presented by one Parson French
■ M. Evans—the defeated Black Repuldi
! can candidate for Mergoant-at-arms of the
present House--was adopted by that
I convention !
Do you want more proof? I think
every intelligent, honest man in my ilis-
I tric-t who is not an aspirant for office,
will exclaim, "hold, enough!” But,
for the benefit of the Know-nothing us
-1 pirants for my place in the district, I
will give two more facts: That tlie north
ern portion of that convention telegraph
to the Black Republican Pittsburg con
vention, sitting at thu sumo time, tliut
the—
“ American party is no longer united.
Raise the Republican banner. LET
THERE BE NO FURTHER EXTKN
! MION OF SLAVERY. THE AMER
ICANS ARE WITH YOU.”
1 And the still further significant fact
that, after the express repudiation of tho
■ twelfth section, they denounce in their
■ platform the repeal of the Missouri Com
i promise line.
And now —I do not ask the aspirants
-for my place—l do not ask those who
want to go ns Know-nothings to tho
legislature- those who want to he sher
iffs, county judges, squires, or constables,
Ac.—but I ask the true men of my dis
trict- tlie real people, where i have al
ways found my friends -the men who
have no object but the good of their
country at heart -to do ns I have done—
abandon this organization ! if -it has not
failed, utterly, completely, entirely fail
ed, as a sound, national, conservative
party? if every intelligent man does
not know that it lias so foiled?-—and if
every honest man will not acknowledge
the fact?
As to the great catch-words, “ Amer
icans shall rule America!” I am in favor
■ of Americans ruling America. They do,
1 they always have, and they always will
i rule America.
Rut who are Americans? Your laws
i declare that when n man lias been hero
live years when he will, under oath,
renounce all allegiance to any foreign
j prince, potentate, or power- when ho
will prove that he is of good moral char
acter attached to the institutions of tho
United Mtates- -lie may be declared an
American, and yimr law makes bim a
citizen. It is a fraud upon him if you
do not givo him ull the rights of citizcu
( ship.
Think of it! The poor old Pope of
Rome, unable even to defend his life
jto protect himself has his throne sup
ported and upheld by French bayonets!
We have twelve native to one foreign
i vote in the I iiitoil Mtates! Why should
we fear the Pope? And cannot twelve
Americans manage one Irishman? In
. the Congress of tlie United Mtates them
is hut one foreigner! In the last legis
lature of our Mtate -elected, as the mein
■: hers were, before the Know-nothing flood
there was but one ; und lie was a icad
■ ing I might say, without being invid
; ious, the leading member of the .Senate
; I allude to Col. C. Zeigler, who catno
or was brought to this country when an
infant eighteen months old. lie is one
of the first intellects of our State, or any
i Mtate. Ile has boon my political friend
—my personal friend my supporter in
i every aspiration. 1 submit it to you if
there is not somelliing radically wrong
in an organization which would prohibit
me from voting for him merely becauso
I he was born outside of tho United States,
though brought hero when u merit child.
I have used his name without his author
ity. 1 know In; will pardon me, when ho
sees that I have only us'd it to illustrate
more strongly to our people than I could
by a hundred arguments the absurdity of
this indiscriminate proscription of for
eign-horn men from office.
If the despotisms of the Old World
j should ever attempt to destroy our gov
ernment by sending their population
i here, I will not, as your representative,
' pause to talk or argue about our natural
ization laws. I shall speak and vote for
prohibiting nny foreigner from trending
i Ilia foot upon our soil! I shall strike at
r the root not waste ray time and eticr
- gics in lopping off the branches.
I have always understood that three
- grand leading ideas run through our insti-
I tntlons,giving them all their vitality,their
#. (fourtgMOjr nr rovu ixi.s )

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