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People's party paper. [volume] (Atlanta, Ga.) 1891-1898, October 14, 1892, Image 1

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J?A.RTY P A PER
VOLUME 11.
WATSON AT CEDARTOWN.
WHAT THE DEMOCRATS DID WHEN
THEY HAD A CHANCE.
The Seventh District Well Represented
in the Audience, but no Demo
cratic Speakers Present.
Cedartown, the county seat of
Polk county, is a beautiful little city,
situated midway between Cartersville
and Rome, on the East and West
Railroad of Alabama.
What promised to be a discussion
of unusual interest between the lion.
Thomas E. Watson and Judge Mad
dox, turned out to be an address by
the former gentleman to the people
of the Seventh District. Why?
Simply because the wary Judge
chose to let his friends,
Go seek for some abler defender of wrong,
He’d array himself not against reason
and right;
At least when the foe was a champion
so strong,
’Twas the part of discretion to shun such
a fight.
Os course, the learned Judge did
not word his declination in the
words above. I believe that he
posed on a point of etiquette. Fling
ing the gauntlet at his feet did not
warrant his Judgeship in throwing
his own targe upon the ground-
His esthetical taste called for such a
challenge as the following:
Hon. Thomas E. Watson presents his
most respectful compliments to his
Mighty Highness, Judge Maddox, R. C.
D. P., and requests his presence at Cedars
town, September 21, 1892, at 10 o’clock
a. m., to engage in an animated chinning
bee.
Well, well, I congratulate the
Judge on his discretion. I believe
the common sense definition of the
word conservative is, let well enough
alone. The Judge is, I believe, a
conservative. If he should be
elected he would, doubtless, assume
the conservative course in the inter
est of his masters, the monopolists.
**-**'" KN .route,
courage >
-^tlan 4 *’ to Cedar-
4own was
‘ was on the train that ’ your
repeater. To the ordinary looker-on
in Venice, there was considerable in
terest token in the coming elections
and the great issues now engaging
public attention. To him who had
passed through the fiery ordeal of a
Tenth District campaign, with its
baggago-car bar-rooms and movable
gangs of thugs, it was common-place
enough. Some gentlemen approach
ed the train at Cartersville and asked
for Mr. Watson. The train pulled
out, however, before an opportunity
was given to see him. On our
arrival in Cedartown we were taken
in hand by Mr. Miller Wright and
right royally entertained at his beau
tiful residence, across from the court
house, which may be very aptly
called “the white gables.” The
genial hospitality of the host, the
gentle amiability of his wife and the
graceful loveliness of his daughter
leave a lasting impression upon the
guests.
Morning’s dawn disclosed the fact
that rain had fallen copiously during
the night. Roads were heavy and
clouds lowering. It would seem
that the hand of Providence, and
J udge Maddox, had thrown a wet
blanket over the arrangements for
the day. At eight o’clock, however,
the sun showed his face and the day
was still young. At nine the streets
began to show quite an animated ap
pearance. At 9:35 we took up the
line of march to the place of meet
ing.
ON THE GROUND.
The railroad at the depot runs
through a beautiful grove. The
railroad authorities, more generous
than the Georgia road, tendered the
use of a flat car, which they run in
on a side track, for a stand. It was
at least substantial. No danger of
this breaking down, like the stand at
Crawfordsville. The grove extend
ed to the side of the road, and the
audience were sheltered from the
rays of the burning sun.
Not so, however, ths speaker,
the reporters, and the emi
nent citizens on the platform; but
then who would not suffer for the
honer of being a speaker, a reporter,
or a distinguished citizen ?
When everything was in readiness
or the speech to commence, it was
“Equal Rights to A.ll Special Privileges to None."
found that there were about two
thousand present, and during the
first fifteen minutes, it swelled to
about twenty-five thousand. Every
meeting has its own characteristics.
This had three.
1. It can be safely said that there
were not more than twenty-five or
thirty Democrats present. Whether
Judge Maddox’s slump bad anything
to do with producing this result, I
know not.
2. The earnest attention of the
audience at large, and the respectful
manner in which the few Demo
crots interrogated the speaker, in
contradistinction from the brutal
idiocy of the clacquers of Atlanta,
Augusta and Hancock county.
3. The conspicuous absence of
the young men of the press, who let
out for hire their words, their
sarcasms, and their falsehoods.
FLITTING.
The meeting had not progressed
more than ten minutes when it was
discovered that a mistake had been
made. A railroad employee came
up and gave notice that some men,
who had taken seats on two passen
ger cars adjoining, would have to
vacate, as they were going to move
them. An engine approached, too,
and the noise was so great that it
was deemed advisable to adjourn
down in the grove. A wagon was
improvised for a stand, the trees
were soon filled with agile youths,
and the meeting proceeded uninter
ruptedly.
Mr. Watson, as on most other oc
casions,began without any formal in
troduction:
Mr. Watson. Fellow citizens, in
this campaign I have endeavored to
discuss the issues, and not the per
sons concerned. I have endeavored
to make it a campaign of measures,
and not of men. I think that is best
for myself and best for you; because
the character of any person can only
be a matter of temporary intesest, at
best. Measures, however, affect the
future as well as the present, affect
the happiness of generations yet un
born as weH as th# 1 happiness of peo
o i... ti been almost
impossible, aayw n r '
the enemy, to discuss these 4
without indulging m perßonalj
and that abuse has been specially
aimed at myself everywhere. If the
Democratic party can show that I
am a bad man, they chiefly upon
that proof to perpetuate their power,
no matter what they may be. If
they can show that I am a bad man,
they chiefly rely upon that to block
tne progress of the People’s party,
no matter how sound the platform or
how pure the leaders may be. Now,
a compaign like that is absurd, is it
not ? It treats you not as intelligent
reasoning beings, but as instruments
of passion or prejudice, not to be
controlled by facts, by reason, by any
appeals made to you as sensible
creatures—as cautious, calculating
members of society.
Men with whom, in Washington
city, I was on the kindest terms of
personal intimacy, commenced vilify
ing me the moment their feet hit the
soil of Georgia ; and yet, there is not
a thing they know about me to-day
they did not know then. Visitors at
my house, receivers of the hospitality
of my home—men who gave me
every reason to suppose that they
were my friends, so far as personal
relations were concerned, have stop
ped at no abuse however vile. No
limit to their vituperation except their
own command of language.
Now, if there was any man I had
kind relations with, it was my friend,
R. W. Everett, who was frequently
at my house, and a recipient of the
hospitality of my home. If there
was any one man whom I supposed
could discuss the issues of the hour
without abuse of myself, it was my
friend, R. W. Everett. (Reads.)
Hon. R. W. Everett said in a speech at
Lime Branch, Ga., September 22d, that
Tom Watson was a smart man—a very
smart man—and that he knew better
than to deceive the people, as he was do
ing : but that Watson would deceive any
man ; that he would deceive the devil.
Now, were any of you there ? Is
that a correct statement of what my
friend said at Lime Branch ?
A voice. Here is one that was
there.
Mr. Watson. There are two re
sponsible names on the back of this;
names that I will furnish, if neces
sary.
I have sent an open challenge to
every Congressman of every district
in Georgia to meet me at these ap
pointments. If I have deceived the
people so badly, am I not giving them
a good chance to show it?
Voices. You certainly are. (Ap
plause.)
Mr. Watson. Ain’t I facing the
music in coming here to the people
whom he told I was deceiving, and
would “deceive the divil?” When I
AlD' GA., FRIDAY, OCTOBER 14, 1892.
come to the home of that man, does
not it seem that what I say, I believe
to be true, and give them a fair op
portunity to Reply to it, to expose
me before the people. If R. W.
Everett thinks that I would deceive
the devil, he owes it to you as a truth
ful, fair man to come and show it.
A voice. Ido not reckon he knows
where he is at. (Laughter.)
Mr. Watson. I say here and now
that the man who is a Congressman
from this district, and who will remain
a Congressman until the 4th of March,
who is within a few miles of this
city, if unfortunate circumstances
prevented him from being here,
should have at least asked Judge
Maddox to be here and show me to
be* the infamous deceiver I am, ac
cording to his statement. Judge
Maddox is not sick. Mr. Hargrave
saw him yesterday evening. I be
lieve that there is no claim that he is
sick, or that there is any providential
hindrance to prevent him from being
here. He is a man of great ability ;
so much so, that he was judge of this
district for a number of years. If I
am as bad a man as that, why cannot
Judge Maddox come here and show
that to be a fact, and if he cannot,
that I may show that I am slandered ?
A voice. He cannot show it.
Mr. Watson. No, and none of
them can do it.
There is only one theory on which
I can excuse Judge Maddox’s ab
sence, and that is, that my scalp has
been taken so often according to
Democratic reports there is not
enough left for him. Mr. Black
took it five difierent times. Judge
Lawson took it one time, and Judge
livingston one time, so as a matter of
course, Judge Maddox thinks there
is not enough left to bother wuth.
(Laughter.)
Let me tell you one thing that is a
fact, my friends, there are facts in
this record that these men dare not
face. I will tell you all the scalping
in these debates. I have never had
a chance to reply to these Congress
men. The man they were to down
has been met by an organized effort
to prevent him from replying. What
sort of an opinion have you of a
party that doos not dare to have its
issues discussed? What sort of an
opinion have you of a case in court
which does not allow the lawyer on
the other side to be heard. Suppose
you were a juror in such a case,
what would you think? Would you
not think the re was a good sized
nioroor in tha’ww’ where?
-K!
(It before m
Now, ou* the demonetization/ ,
silver. We are going to the
record. The Atlanta Constitution
wrote to each member of the Geor
gia delegation, wanting to know the
views of each on that subject. It is
interesting to know what Mr. Liv
ingston said. Let me read a lit
tle.
“In the Bankers’s Magazine,
1873 we find the following on this
subject, viz: The demonitization of
silver.
“A capital of five hundred thous
and dollars was raised, and Ernest
Seyd, of the city of London, was sent
to this country with this fund, as
agent of the foreign bondholders
and capitalists, to affect the same
object, i. e., the demonitization of
silver, which was accomplished.”
Mr. Ernest Seyd, of London, a
distinguished writer and bullionist,
who has given great attention to the
subject of mintage and coinage,
having examined the first drafts of
this bill, made various suggestions
which the committee adopted and
incorporated in the bill.”
So says Mr. Hooper, who at the
time was chairman of the committee
on coinage. Thus you see that the
British capitalists sent here a man
to make laws for the American peo
ple. (Murmurs of indignation.)
That is what Mr. Livingston charged,
not Watson. I charge it now.
The demonetization of silver in
1873, added to the value of gold in
New York, and contracted the vol
ume of currency in the interest of
the capitalists and gold bugs. That
is a formidable indictment against
the Republicans. It is partially true
in regard to the Democrats. Ought
they not to be judged by what the
record shows? They tell you that
the record is silent in regard to
the demonetization of silver. The
record ought not to be silent. You
there to break the silence
when it is necessary to pro
test against the schemes of
these London bankers. You sent
men there to contest every inch of
the ground in your behalf, when the
bondholders seek to contract the cur
rency and hold the power over the
commodities of labor. That silence
itself condemns the Democratic party.
What were they doing when you were
seeking information as to the cause of
depression ? The record shows that
these men were acting together in
Congress; that the demonetization of
silver was accomplished by the act
of the two parties, acting together,
under the influence of that half mil
lion dollars which the London bank
ers sent over with Mr. Seyd, accord
so Col. Livingston and the Congres-
tional Record. Perhaps that is one
of the things I have been deceiving
the people about. (Laughter and
applause.) Perhaps that is one of
the things Judge Maddox could ex
pose if he was here. (Renewed
laughter.) No party can pass a law,
in secret, without the concurrence of
the other. If either one said that
the other slipped an unjust law
through without its knowledge, it
would be putting itself in the position
of a sentinel whom you put on duty
to watch the movements of the army
of invasion and came back with the
confession that he was asleep on his
post of duty and the enemy came
upon your slumbering companions
without warning. These men, at the
very best, show that they were slip
ped up on. lam going to show you
that they were not slipped up on. I
am going to show you that it was
done deliberately, and partly by the
Democratic party.
How was the demonetization of
silver accomplished? You will re
member that up to 18771 silver had
been coined freely and without limit,
just as gold had been coined, until
there was $140,000,000 of full legal
tender silver, exchanging the pro
ducts of labor, doing the service of
money, and allowing the people to
exchange their commodities for fair
prices. Well,|the bondholders and
gold bugs wanted to strike it down.
Why? The less money you have
the more power the combination of
men who have that money. Why ?
You have to swap the products of
your labor for that money, and the
less money there is in circulation the
more of your labor or your products
it will buy—the more of your pro
ducts or labor it will take to get it,
and when you do get it it does not
pay any more of your debts. There
fore, the man who holds the larger
amount of your obligations has a
larger amount of your wheat, of
your corn, of your cotton, and
it takes two bales of cotton to pay
a debt that before could be paid
with one. Who has stolen that bale
of cotton —not one year but every
year, reaping where they did not sow?
Why, it was the bondholders and
goldbugs who struck down your cur
rency, and besides getting under their
control every branch .of industry and
every field of labor. Now, they
struck down the silver dollar, how ?
By the act of 1873, saying that no
more standard silver dollars should
be coined. The next year they did
wlinf-- They took the legal tender
Z from $14O,0iOO;OOO, and
as the second and closing act
rain a and the crime was com
pt. . If tneic Is the
Democrats charged the Republicans
more strongly with t,han -another, it
was the demonetization of silver.
If there ever was anything that the
Democrats promised Jto; right more
than another, it was the wrong of
1873. What are the facts about that
crime of 1873 ? When the bill de
monetizing silver was on its passage,
the House disagreed to it, and thus
there was a deadlock between the
two houses—the Senate on the one
side saying that the coinage of < silver
should be stopped, and the House on
the other side saying that it should
not be stopped. The two houses had
to get together. To do that they ap
pointed a conference committee, and
that committee reported to the Senate
on the one hand, and to the House on
the other. Now, when you get a law
in that fix, neither can dodge the is
sue. Why? Because both parties |
are put on notice. The highest con
tract which the nation knows is when
the Democrats appoint their man on
the one side, and the Republicans the
other, and when the Demo erats ap
pointed their man to represent them,
they were bound by his action. The
same is true of the Republicans.
Now, fellow citizens, U liold in my
hand the record which: shows that
the Democrats and Republicans ap
pointed a committee of conference,
John Sherman acting for tbelßepub
licans and Thomas FI Baysrrd (who
became Cleveland’s >-Secretary of
State), acting for theeiDemocrats.
The House appointed., a I committee
man representing the Democrats and
a committeeman representing the
Republicans, also, and these commit
tees from the two houses formed the
conference committee. 1 This confer
ence committee, charged with the re
sponsibility of adjusting the difficul
ties between the two houses, agreed
among themselves that the standard
silver dollar should be stricken down
knowing that it was a crime against
the people. Here is the record. I
will give you the page, and date and
I respectfully my 1 friend,
Judge Maddox, to deny it in this dis
trict.—[Congressional Globe of the
Session of 1872-3. Part % 3d Ses
sion, page 1150.~iJ
The House disagreed to amend
ment No. 16, proposed by the Senate.
This amendment proposed strik
ing down of the standard silver dol
lar. The conferees, both Demorates
and Republicans, agreed that this
amendment should be adopted.
The amendment, No. 16, -was the
dagger, according to the Democrats,
that struck home to the vitals of the
[At this point an attache of the
railroad came up and announced that
they were going to move the cars off
on the adjoining track, and ordered
the men off them. An engine was
puffing and blowing, too, ■which added
to the annoyance.]
Mr. Watson stjid: My friends, let
us go down in the grove, where we
will be free from the noise and con
fusion of the moving trains.
This suggestion was carried out,
and a wagon was improvised for a
stand, when Mr. Watson proceeded.
Mr. Watson. Now, fellow-citizens,
I have shown you that the Demo
crats and Republicans demonetized
silver. I have given the Democrats
the benefit of the page and the date
where the proof is contained, and I
challenge anybody, now or hereafter,
to dispute this proposition, that the
Democrats were represented on the
conference committee when the two
houses had disagreed, the Senate hav
ing agreed to demonetize silver and
the House disagreeing. I have shown
you that John Sherman acted for the
Republicans, and that Mr. Bayard
(Cleveland’s Secretary of State in his
subsequent administration), acted for
the Democrats, and that Mr. Hooper
acted for the Republicans in the
House, and Mr. Stockton for the
Democrats, and that report was con
curred in by both houses. The proof
will found in the Congressional Globe,
part 2,3 d session, 42d Congress,
1872 and 1873, page 1150. Let
Democrats go there and see if the
proof does not convict them. If so,
let the People’s party hurl the charge
at both the old parties and say, “A
plague o’ both your houses, you are
both guilty of this crime against the
people.”
A voice. They are going to do
that, sure.
Mr. Watson. The functions of gov
ernment ought to interest every
citizen. Your material welfare de
pends upon your understanding the
principles of government, the influ
ences controlling legislation, the laws
and the whys and wherefores, and
the effect of the laws after they are
made. You have been studying these
questions. You understand them
better every year. You have had
information and it opened your eyes.
You are dissatisfied with the way
your representatives have managed
your affairs, as those representatives
have gone away and neglected your
business and then come back and
told you lies about it. Misrepresen
tations have been made and they say,
“We are not guilty as charged in the
indictment,” In the South the Dem
ocrats say that it is a conspiracy to
break up the Democratic party. In
the North the Republican party say
that it is a conspiracy to break up
the dear old Republican party. Down
here the Democrats say to the far
mers, “We can’t help you; we have
not had a chance.” In the North
west, where the farms are all plas
tered all over with mortgages, the
farmers are told by the Republicans,
“We cannot relieve you; we have
not had a chance ; we have not had
control of the finances of the govern
ment.” Down South, when the
Democrats talk to the farmers, they
say that every act which burdens
them is the act of Republicans; or
else, as my friend Major Black says,
they are greatly exaggerated. These
are the answers you get to your
complaints of the burdens which
bring bankruptcy to your doors and
misery to your homes. I propose to
show that the Democratic platform
offers you no relief, and takes no
recognition of your troubles; while
the People’s party platform honestly
and plainly deals with every phase
of these evils, and pledges you its
honor to remove them. If I can
show you that, then without favorit
ism, without fear and without affec
tation, you ought to do your duty as
citizens by upholding that party
which recognizes that you are in
trouble brought on you by bad laws,
and which proposes to repeal those
bad laws. You ought to support it
out of selfish interests if not from
patriotic motives; because the wel
fare of your homes, the welfare of
your wives, the welfare of your
children depends on whether those
bad laws are repealed or not and
good laws enacted in their place. Os
late years it is the rarest thing that
both parties have had control of both
houses. The Democrats had charge
of both houses in 1879-80 and they
did not repeal the national bank act.
They did not reduce taxation. They
did not give us an income tax. They
did not add to the volume of cur
rency. In nearly every session since
1873 the Republicans have had one
branch and the Democrats another.
Therefore, what ? Each has been
in a position to say, “I have not had
a chance, because the enemy have
had the other branch.” And in this
last year, in this Congress to which
Mr. Everett and myself went—ele
vated by this great reform move
ment—the Democrats had a majority
of 148. They were able to do any
thing they chose to do. They went
there pledged to economise. They
went there pledged to give you more
currency. They went there pledged
to right the wrong in reference to
free silver. That Congress has ad-
NUMBER 3
journed, and I say here and now
without fear of contradiction from
any man that the session just closed
has spent more money than any
Congress that ever sat in the United
States. I know they say that 879,-
000,000 ought to be credited to them
because the Republicans put it on
them. What -were the items the
Republicans put on them? Have
they made any effort to remove those
items? Not one of them, and they
every one stand there binding the
people in the future. Then have we
any right to complain of these bur
dens which w r e did not remove ?
Surely not. Forty-eight million dol
lars, which the Democrats say they
ought to have credit for, were put
there by the Republicans for pen
sions. Did the Democrats repeal
them, or pass them over to the next
Congress ? They passed them over
to the next, and the next Congress
has the same right to say that we
passed the burden over to them.
What else ? The sugar bounty of
$10,000,000. What is the sugar
bounty ? A tax of two cents levied
on the cotton laborers, on the wheat
raisers, on the corn raisers, and on
the laborers of the country and put
into the pockets of the men who
raise the sugar. What does he do
to get it ? He simply makes sugar
as you make cotton. Who are the
sugar planters ? The millionaires of
the Louisiana and Texas valleys and
the Florida Everglades. Are you
going to indorse by your silence this
fraud and pay ten millions of dollars
just in order that the others may
have encouragement to make sugar ?
Now, ain’t that a sweet thing ?
A voice. We all get the price off;
we all eat sugar. It’s very cheap.
Mr. Watson. Well, how does
anybody get the price off by eating
it ? If sugar is cheap it is for the
lack of something to buy it with.
Do you not know, my friend, that
you would get it for two cents less
but for this tax ? In other words,
the man who raises it would get two
cents less of your money. Then, if
it is cheap would it not be two cents
cheaper ? (Laughter and applause.)
Any one who wants to see it can see
it, but we have a class of people in
the country who make up their
minjgjiot to see anything. (Laugh
ter.) And it takes that kind of a
man to make a real old genuine moss
back Democrat. (Renewed laugh
ter.)
What else do the Democ??ats say
that they should charge the Republi
cans with ? Why, the appropriation
for the Chicago fair. Because the
last Republican session of Congress
passed a bill and gave the managers
a million and a half, they say they
are warranted and excused for giving
two millions and a half. Did not
they have as goed a chance to give
it to you as to the managers of the
Chicago fair ? Did not they have
as good a chance to work for you as
for the Louisiana sugar raisers ?
When they say they had no chance,
ask them what chance they had to
give your tax money to the Chicago
fair. Ask them what chance they
had to tax you two cents on every
pound of sugar for the benefit of the
sugar raisers. Why can not you
treat us as fairly as you did the oth
ers —no fairer, but just as fairly ?
That is not all. We passed the
river and harbor bill of $21,000,000.
We entered into a contract to the
extent of $31,000,000 more, there
fore that ought to be charged up
against us to rebut the $79,900,000
which they say the Republicans put
on us.
Then there were $5,000,000 for a
war ship which was ordered and not
paid for. Add up all these items
and you will see that the $79,000,000
is outbalanced by these enormous
sums of money which will have to
go on the next Congress. Therefore,
I say that this Congress, pledged to
economy, did not economize. Where
is the Democrat who can success
fully deny it ?
Voices. It is a plain case; they
can not do it.
Mr. Watson. Let us discuss the
currency again. I have shown that
the Democrats struck down free
silver as well as the Republicans.
Let us consider in the light of reason.
I appeal to your judgment, not to
your prejudice or passions. I appeal
to sound logic and facts that can not
be disputed. Some people think
that money was born mysteriously,
or born of God ; that it happened so
at some time by some miraculous
power. There never was a greater
mistake. Just as the wagon was
made as a better way to carry cotton
than in hampers, so money was made
for the purpose sf exchanging one
commodity for another. You may
say that God made this wagon. He
did not do so. God made the materials
and man made the wagon. God did
not make the money; he made the
materials just like he made the ma
terials that go into the wagon or the
hat or the pair of shoes. Man made
the money for his convenience; for
certain purposes. Now that is a
thing everybody ought to under
hand. I think that public speakers
frequently fly above the heads of
their audiences. There may be

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