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i POETRY OLD TIP. dear to my sou! are the days of our glory. The time-honored days of our national pride, "When heroes aud statesmen enobied our story, And boldly the foes of our country defied. When victory hung o'er our flag proudly waving, And the bailie wa* (ought by the valiant and true, For our homes and our loved ones the enemy braving, Oh then stood the soldier of Tippecanoe. The iron armed soldier, the true-hearted soldier, The gallaut old soldier of Tippecanoe. "When dark was the tempest, and hoveriug o'er us, The cloui s of destruction seemed gathering fast, like a ray of bright sunshine he stood out before us, And the clouds passed away with the hurrying blast, When the Indir.nN loud yell, ami his tomahawk (lashing, Spread terror around vs, and hope was with few, OB then, through the ranks of the enemy dashing, Sprang forth to the rescue ->lii Tippc?anoe. The iron armed soldier, the true-hearted soldier, The gallant old soldier of Tippecanoe. When cannons were pealing and brave men were reeling In the cold arms of death iroin the fire of the foe. Where balls flew the thickest and blows fell the quickest, In the front of the battle bold Harry did go. The force of the enemy trembled before him, And soon from the field ef his glory withdrew, And his warm hearted comrades in triumph cried o'er him. God bless the bold soldier of Tippecanoe ! The iron armed soldier, the true hearted soldier, The gallaut old soldier of Tippecanoe. And now, since the men have so long held the nation, Who trampled our rights iu their scorn to the grouud, "We will fill their cold hearts with a new trepidation, And shout iu their ears this most terrible sound— The people are coming, resistless and fearhss, To sweep from the white house the reeklcss old crew; For the woes of our land, since its rulers are tearless, We {look for relief to old Tippecanoe. The iron armed soldier, the true hearted soldier, The gallaut old soldier of Tippecanoe. people are coming, from plain and from mountain, To join the brave band of the honest and free, Which grows, as the stream from the leaf-sheltered fountain, Spreads broad and more broad till it reaches the sea. Bo strength can restrain it, no force can retain it, Whate'er may resist, it breaks gallantly through, And borne by its motion as a ship ou the ocean, Speeds on in his glory old Tippecanoe. The iron-aimed soldier, Ihe true hearted soldier, The gallant old soldier of Tippecanoe. OLD TIPPECANOE. Tunc— Old Rosin the Bow. Ye jolly young Whigs of Ohio, And all ye sick Federalists too. Come out from among tiie foul party, And vote for Old Tippecanoe. And vote for Old Tippecanoe, s*c. The great Twenty-Second is coming. Aud the Yan jacks begin to look blue, They know there's no chance for poor Matty, If we stick to Old Tippecanoe, If we stick, *c. I therefore will give you a warning, Not that any good it will do, Fer I'm sure that you all are a going,' To vote for Old Tippecanoe, To vote, 4*c. Then let us be up and a doing, And cling to our cause brave and true, I*ll bet you a fortune we'll taat them, With the Hero of Tippecanoe, Willi the Hero,s*c. Good men from the Vanjacks are flying, Which makes them look kinder eskew, For they see they are joining the standard, With the Hero of Tippecanoe. With the Hero, $ e They say that he lived in a Cabin, And lived on old fiunl cider too, Well, what if he did ? I'm certain, He's the Hero of Tippecanoe, He's the Hero.^c. Then let us all go to Columbus, And form a procession or two. And I tell you the Vanjacks will s'artle, At the sound of Old Tippeeanoe. At the sound, sc. As for one I'm fully determined, To go let it rain," hail or snow, And do what 1 can iu the battle. For the Hero of Tip;ecaiioe, For the Hero, Sic. And if we get any ways thirsty, I'll tell you what we can do, We'll bring down a keg of Hard Cider, And drink it to Old Tippecanoe, And drink, &c. (From, the London Atlas.) BRITISH POLITICAL PARTIES. The state of parties in Engl rod was never so involved as it is at tins moment. Formerly the two great factions of "Whigs and Tories divided alike the legislature and the country. The mob shouted with hard inconstancy at the heels of each, and forsook their idol, and adored his rival, as hope, disappointment, or caprice might lead ihem. Their variations, however, constant as Ihey were, were always from Whig to Tory, or from Tory to Whig. They always acknowledg ed as their leaders the great men of the party which they for the time supported; and there were, in fact, but two parties in the state. How very different is the case now ! The first glance at the political state of England shows us five distinct and well-defined parties, having each different creeds, different objects, and differ ent modes of action in all political matters. It is in vain to attempt to gather these disordant hosts under the insignia of the two great antag onist principles of con vet sation and relorm. if they were thus separated, they would often man ifest a greater hostilitv to those whom they are stationed to attack. The lfuke of Wellington and Lord Melbourne are certainly not so oppos ed to each other in political views as are Lord John Rusel and Feargus O'Conner, or Sir Ro bert Peel and Mr. Gatheicole. Yet of the Duke of Wellington and Lord Melbourne, one is a Conservative and the other is a Reformer; while Lord J. Russel and Feargus O'Conner are both Conservatives. The country is divided into five distinct parties —Tories, Conservatives, Whigs, Radicals, and Chartists. THE TORIES. The Tories have made themselves manifest enough; and they have proved that they are not only a violent, but also a numerous party. That they exult in all the reckless violence of an ex treme and unshrinking faction, is sufficiently proved by the speeches which have been ringing through the nation during the whole of this re cess. When we find the chief speakers at all their political assemblies, denouncing the obedi ence of the Crown to the Catholic Emanipation Act as a treasonable deed —when we see thein threatening expulsion to the Sovereign, and im peachment to her ministers —when we find them speaking of the ladies oft he Cineen's Court in language which no sober minded men would use, when we read their ferocious anathemas against the ministers of the CrowD, couched in language which was never before heard in political con flicts in England -when we hear them calling for a repeal of the Emancipation Act, and delib erately repeating the repudiated declaration of T.vndhurst, that the Irish are aliens in language, i i -digion. and in blood, we cannot but acknow ' ""'i i-a vro'vdifferent party from that winch is led In, Wellington and Peel; and that the leaders of this party differ as materially froin the leaders of the Conservatives, as the leaders of ihe Whigs differ from the leaders of the Char- tists. When we find that at the summons of these wild Tory men, Exetet-Hall is filled, provincial assembly-rooms are crowded—that high ehutch dignitaries and otlicers of rank are among those who answer to the call and assist at the paity de monstration —that all the most furious speeches are those which are the best received, and the most outrageous passages are those which arc re echoed by thunders of applause, we must admit that this party is numerous as well as violent, and violent as well as numerous. In the House of Lords this Tory party num bers, at least, one-third of the House. In the Commons it is less numerous, and is more care ful to mask itself from the public eye: but even there if it were thought politic to show its strength, we should find that it is, at least, a hun dred votes N 'Xt to this faction, and allied to it from expe diency, is the Conservative party. Thisparty is opposed to all violent enterprises. Its object is rather to work a silent retrogression than to risk an open and decided recurrence toour uniefonn ed system of government. Instead ot repealing the Emancipation Act, they would be satisfied with rendering it as inoperative as possible; in stead of denouncing the Irish as aliens, they would be satisfied to use the smallest degree of force which might suffice to keep them in sub jection to a Protestant church, and unresisting drudges to the owners of the soil. They would deny them all influence in the managetnetu ol local government—they would deny their chil dren education, unless they apostatized (roin the religion which they believe they would practi cal ly but not avowedly, raise the suffrage—they would do all that eouldbe done by indirect means but they would not undertake any open or despe rate enterprize. Their policy in England would be of the same character. Their principles lead them to think that, in a representative government, property is every thing,—men are nothing, 1 hey think the weight of human beings is already too great, and the weight of property toolittle. They therefore oppose all extension ot popular influence, and would silently contract it, bit by bit, as accident or opportunity enabled them. These men are constrained to moderation be cause thev hope for power. They have a third of the House of Lords with them, and upwards of two hundred members of the House of Com mons. They are constrained to moderation be cause a party that hopds to govern in England must not alarm the rich. At this line the tendencies of our parties sepa rate. The Tories and the Conservatives are tugging at our republican monarchy to move it towards an oligarchy or aristocracy. Ihe Whigs, Radicals, and Chartists, are pulling it in opposite direction. ™ THE WHIGS. The Whigs, like the Conservatives, resist all violent measures. They have made their grand constitutional change, and although they ate in clined rather to extend than to restrict the influ ence of the people—that is, the influence of men as men, and not as men of property—yet they are only inclined to do so by giving a liberal construction to the existing constitution. 11 we consider —education without proselytism—the ballot—a reform of the corn laws—representa tive local government in Ireland—a repeal of the rate-paying clauses in the Reform Act—if we consider these as the proposed measures of the Whigs (and no Whig goes further than these, although many do not go so far) we shall still see no proposal for a constitutional change in any one of these measures. All these things are quite consistent with the existing constitution, and would only enable it to work with greater practical efficacy to the accomplishment of its already acknowledged objects. The Whigs, also, are a governing party, com posed of many hereditary possessors of land, of the greater portion of the commercial interests, and of the bulk of the tradesmen of the king dom. They, also, must be moderate, for they are a properly party, and cannot abide the pros pect of revolutions.' They claim one-third of the House ef Lords, and about two hundred and fifty in the House of Commons. In numbering the Conservatives and Whigs in the Commons, we have on each side includ ed the Irish members who attach themselves to the Conservatives to obtain the ascendancy of the Protestant minority in their own country, or to the Whigs, to obtain for the Catholic majori ty that influence to which they think that a ma jority is, in every free state, entitled. THE RADICALS. Next to the Whigs come the Radicals, and looking at the present aspect of this party, we admit that it is very difficult to assign them eith er a station or an object. In the House of Com-' mons they were almost annihilated by their mis chievous and most unpopular conduct during the Canadian rebellion, ana since that time they con fine themselves to giving a sulky and uncertain support to certain measures proposed by the Whigs. If we attempt to examine their objects we shall find it difficult to find out what these are from any thing which any members of the party either say or write, nor do we believe that these men have, as a party, ever put forth any state ment of what they would wish to see accomplish • ed. If we seok their principles in their openly avowed organ of the press, we should be inclin ed to think that they have no other rule of con duct than to cavil at every thing that is done or attempted by the whigs. So constant is this Radi cal organ in this course, that its most numerous class of readers is to he found among the Tories and Conservatives. The sarcasms of a profess ed friend are more pungent than those of an avowed enemy, and a Tory reader can endure thr.t his paper should abuse the Tories occasion ally, if it amuse him with continual snarling at the Whigs. . If, however, we look closer at the Radical par ty, we shall probably find very few among them who would not, if closely pressed, avow himself in favor of general suffrage. That they have any formed plan upon this subject, we do not believe. In all probability each would differ from his fellow if the question were openly mooted. Still, even from this heterogeneous compound of dis senting politicians, a principle may, perhaps, be drawn, by which a Radical may be tested. As, however, we have no certain knowledge upon the subject, we beg to inquire of the Radicals whether they do not acknowledge allegiance to the prin ple thai the legislature should consist entirely of the representatives of its population, and in no respect of representatives of its property. If this is not their principle of union, we should be glad to know what other we are to assign to them. A principle such as this, which necessarily in volves a general suffrage, and an abolition of all pecuniary qualifications, is so wild and so hope less, and it has been brought into such discredit by the recent conduct of the Chartists, that we cannot wonder that those who hold it should shrink from its avowal. We cannot wonderthat Moleswortb, Grate, Roebuck, Leader, and the others of his party, should find it better to rail at the politics of others than to put lorward their °Dav by day this party is losing its support in the country. It is patronised almost exclusively by those who, having no thought of general suffrage, still think that the Whigs require a continual pressure from behind to prevent their ceding too much to the Tow and Conservative parties. The Radicals, like the Tories, teel that their real sentiments are unpopular, and they have ot ten refused to declare them when called upon by a motion of some imprudent member ol their party. If, however, it was thought to be policy to declare their principles and to show their strength, we are convinced that fifty members ol the present House of Commons would vote in fa vor oi the general suffrage. In the Lords, such a motion, if it could be put, would not have a single vote in its favor. Though, to be sure, it is impossible to say how Lord brougham might THE CHARTISTS. The Chartists, who were once the constituency of the Radicals, are now without a representa tive in the House. These form the other ex treme link of the political chain. Like the lo ries, they are a violent and vituperative party. Although they do not talkof the expulsion of the Sovereign, they talk of revolutions with all the familial ity of a Canterbury or Ashton Tory.— Unfortunately, also, they are mote distressed and in earnest,and less "wine-war med and rhetorical than the Tories, and they not only talk ol revo lutions, but they strive to effect them. These men, holding the same principle as the Radicals, have narrowed it to a specific creed. The five great points of Chartism are Universal Suffrage—Paid members ol Parliament the Ballot—Annual Parliaments—and no Property Glualifiealion. They stipulate also that England shall be divided into electoral,divisions ot equal population, and they think that when they have thus carried out the Radical principle of person al representation, they will have an instrument in their hands which must necessarily work out the general happiness. These, then, are the five parties—the Tones —the Conservatives —the Whigs—the Radicals; and the Chartists, who are about io contend among themselves which shall govern England. We have attempted to lay before our readers a fair and impartial statement of the position and strength of each of these, and in doing so we have abundantly exposed the falsehood of the common flippant declaration that the Whig par ty is the weakest party in the state. Each of these parties is weak in itself, because it cannot resist a combination of the others, but if each stood alone in the House of Commons by a ma jority of sixty or seventy votes. Until it can be proved that Sir Sobert Peel is identical with the party which meets at Exeter Hall and and peti tions for new penal laws for the Catholics, it must remain an irrefragable fact that the Con servatives are less in numbers than the Whigs. Such being the case, it is evident that the Whigs are the party which can govern the coun try with the least concession to either of the ex treme and noxious parties of Tories or Radicals. We do not conceive it possible that any reason able Englishman can wish to see either Toryism or Radicalism in practical operation in England; nor do we consider it probable that any honora ble coalition can take place between the Whigs and the Conservatives —for coalitions, at the ex pense of principle, have never been neither re putable, or lasting. The obvious inlercst of the country, therefore, is that the Whigs should re main in power so long as they remain the strong est party. Putting political bias altogether aside, and ad vocating only moderation against violence, we believe that at this moment the Whigs alone dis cover that "disposition to preserve, and ability to improve," which, taken together, Burke has declared to be his standard of a statesman. Sir Robert Peel has, however, according to the general rumor, agreed to lead the united Tory and Conservative forces in one general attack upon the present government. Is this intended merely as a political exercise, or does he hope for success 1 ? If he does, he is either the most guilty ambitious or the most contemptible of mankind. If he intends to preserve himself in his place — after he has obtained it —by pandering to the fanaticism of the M'- Niels, and rewarding the ribald treasons of the Bradshaws—then the most guilty ambitious.— If he calculates to hold his usurped seat upon the patriotic forbearance of the men whom, with the assistance of his rabble rout, he will have overthrown—then the most contemptible. From the New York Mirror. ONE OF LOVES STRATAGEMS. A ROMANCE IN REAL LIFE. —In the month oj December, 18—, a young man arrived from Par is at Dieppe, and took up his residence at V Ho tel de V Europe. He was idle, had been fortun ate, and the sole object of his stay was some lit tle adventure, some£ball-room conquest, where with to be employed, whereof to be vain. Well, in the Hotel there lodged a ladv, young, beauti ful, and enveloped in all the undefinable attrac tion of mystery. No one knew her; she went nei ther to the baths nor to the balls, and she had not even a servant with her to be bribed. All in the hotel were raving about her beauty, her grace and dignified manner. At night they would steal up stairs to catch the tones of her voice, for she sang exquisitely. Our young Parisian's head was completely turned. To have such a neigh bor, with the face, he doubted not, of an angel— he knew she had the voice of one—and yet nei ther to be able to see her nor to speak to her—it was enough to drive him mad. He bought a guitar, and composed songs, where tjie word neighbour ( vosinc) served as a rhyme to the unknown (inconue.) It was quite in vain, song and guitar were equally wasted. At lennth he resolved on writing: a world of eupids, grapes, vases, and roses, adorned the border of the pa per; the seal was of azure blue wax, and bore a dove ready for flight. The whole staircase was perfumed as he bore the scented epistle to the servant he had paid to convey it. But the letter and its half dozen successors, brought no reply. Our Parisian was stupified with astonishment; what! had he, the utterly irresistible, remained a fortnight under the same roof with a young and beautiful woman, and only learnt she went by the name of Madame Paul; a name, too, which was not supposed to be her own! Love has many stages, and the young Frenchman had arrived at one very unusual with him, namely, melancholy. One day he was roused from a disconsolate re vere by one of the servants, whom he had bribed to observe the motions of Madame Paul, running in to inform him that she was just gone down to the quay, to see a packet which was endeavoring to enter the harbor in the teeth of a contrary wind. In an instant he was on his way to the quay. The whole town was gathered on the heighths which command the coast, watching the vessel, which seemed, in sheer madness, forcing its way despite the furious wind and the falling tide. The gale blew so strong, that the colossal crucifix of Notre Dame de Bon Secours bent like a hazel wand. 'Twas a thrilling sight: the noble ship, painted with divers colors, lighted up by one of those chance rays which strays o'er dark est seas, while the back ground was formed by barriers of immense black clouds. Now, the vessel seemed lost in air, as it rode the ridge ol some enormous wave; and then again, seemed lost in the abyss of waters. "By our lady! she carries the stars and snipes aloft with gallant bearing. Yonder is her captain disputing with a tall man in naval uniform. Faith! but the cap tain's right; it is madness to think of entering the harbor in this weather. Still, his tall compan ion insists; how cau they risk such a noble ves sel!" In advance of the crowd, her feet 011 the wet and slippery rocks, stood a lemale, immovable, with her eye fixed upon the naval officer, whom she could distinctly see by means of a small tele scope. Her graceful form told the Parisian it was his unknown. To catch sight of her face, he went knee deep into the water; he stood directly before her; but, so intent was her gaze upon the vessel, she saw him not. Suddenly a dark sha dow fell over him; the spectators warned him of his danger; the next moment a gigantic wave burst over his head. lie sank, struggled, rose, and, dizzy and dripping, scrambled to the shore, amid the laughter which his safety ensured. The first thing he saw was the beautiful unknown laughing too. He cast upon her a supplicating look of reproach. She extended her hand to him. "Ah, how I blame myself," said she to him in alow sweet voice; "it is for my sake you came; is it not sol do forgive me." Our young Parisian was now fairly out of his senses. At this momenta general shout announced that the ship had tacked: away she bound from the shore, like a sea-bird over the waters. "Ah!" said Madame Paul, with a deep-drawn breaih, and a peculiar expression of countenance, "so much the better. I do not (turning to her companion) ask if you love me, I know you do; I am sure of it. Come at five o'clock to my room; 1 will order dinner for two. Do not fail; I must speak to you: to-morrow it will be too late." From that time till five o'clock he was at his toilet. Five struck, he felt he was, as ever irre sistable, and he hurried to his appointment. She was singing a wild sweet song as he entered; and her back turned to the door, gave him an oppor tunity of observing, as she leaned over her gui tar. the most exquisite shoulders, and the pretti est shaped neck and head in the world. She rose with graceful confusion, and her long eyelashes fell over her black eyes —black as Gulner's when their light awakened the slumbers of the pirate. She was now dressed in white, her rich dark hair was gathered up by combs of gold, her girdle was gold, also, and so were the massive bracelets on her arm, whose symmetry a sculptor might have modelled. They sat down to dinner, and all restraint floated away with the champaign; coffee, liquors and confidence, came together. "My name is Allegra," said the beautiful stranger. "1 was born at Naples; and the revo lution which deprived Murat of kis crown, de prived my father, also, of his country. He fled to America, carrying with him, however, the best part of his wealth, which from his solitary habits, accumulated from year to year. As my evil fate would have it, when I was on the verge of womanhood, he formed an acquaintance with a young English man George Walsingham, who soon acquired unbouuded influence over him.— My father died. God forgive my suspicions, if unjust, but his death was sudden.— On opening his will, it was found that all his wealth was left to me, but on condition that 1 married Sir George Walsingham, who other wise inherited, to my exclusion. I implored his mercy; told him I never could return his affec tion; and, at last, findiug refusals and reproach in vain, I fled hither with what money and jew els 1 had. Alas ! even here he has pursued me ! Sir George Walsingham was the first officer who urged the Northumberland to the dangerous trt al of to-day; in a few hours he will be here; he will claim me as his wife; and what resource have I! Will you save me from a fate more hoi rible than death 1 "With my life! only tell me what to do," said Eugene, gazing on a face lovely as a dream "You must stay here ; I will go to meet him, and be the first to propose a reconciliation. We will send for the priest who wilt marry us." "Marry you and Sir George?" "Yes; you will follow us to the church, and, as we come out, you will kill him." "Kill him?" PROSPECTUS. THE undersigned proposes to pmblish in the city of Baltimore, a newspaper to be tailed THE PILOT: Born and educated in the West, he lias known Gene ral Harrison personally, and been fainilliar with his pub lic lite since the coinmenhemcnt of the war. He lias known .Mr. Van Burcn, and closely observed his career since 18.JG. The chief inducement to resume the arduous and res ponsible duties of an Editor is the hope that he may now contiibute something towards die election of Gene ral Harrison. The fidelity, ability,firmness and moder ation with which that eminent citizen has discharged the most responsible and difficult public trusts—his unexam pled popularity as the chief magistrate of the Territories N. W. of the Ohio, —the unimpcecbed integrity of his public lite; his amiable, courteous and dignified rcspeei tier the laws aud public opinion, are guarantees thaf, if elected, lie will bring into the administration faithful competent and honest men ; who will devote all die con stitutional means of the Government to restore confi dence, and thus revive the industry, enterprise, credit and prosperity of the Country ; now paralizcd by un faithful and incompetent public agents. The I'ILOT will review the couise of the present ad ministration, and discuss freely die fraudulent specula tions in the public lands and their connexion with die subsequent warfare on the banking institutions of the country In doing this the present and the past admis istration will he identified, and their measures examined and contrasted, —the present unexampled condition of the country, the causes in which it originated, and the inevitable consequence of continuing power in the same hands will he boldly and faidifully treated. K-'l he undersigned believes that die Federal Govern ment is a compact between the States intended, by a more perfect union to haimonise, as far as possible, what would otherwise have been at conflict between lo cal interests, and that this is no less a duty than the protection of our foreign commersc. The benefits to How from a well directed system of Internal Improve ments, whether it be considered as a means of defence in case of invasion, or insurrection; of conveying the products of the interior to market OR OF TRBNSPORT ISO T HE MAIL, are so palpable that the only objections heretofore urged against appropriations to that object, have been made by those who denied the power of the Federal Government; or by others who, admitting the power denied the expediency, under the existing state of the Treasury. The undersigned believes that the Federal Government may, bv permanent contracts with rail road companies, for tlie transportation of the mail and troops and munitions of war, on tho leading routes "Well!" "Bui it will be an absolute murder, an assas sination. "Murder, and him !itis a justice—a duty : are you a coward 1" She rose l'rom the table, the veins darkened on her white brow, her cheeks coloring crimson and her eyes flashing, as if she knew not the meaning of fear. "But," said Eugene, pale with contending pas sions, "what needs this mairiagel" "What! let him revel in my father's wealth, which I can only inherit as his widow 1" He caught the earnest gaze of her large black eyes, the pleading of her beautiful lips: he caught her small white hands and swore upon them to do her will. "You must leave me now," said she, "it is late," and site led him to the door, and, as it closed, he again met those radiant eyes, and surely love was in their long and lingering look. That night the hotel was disturbed by an ar rival. The wind had changed and the packet entered the harbor. Next morning Eugene learn ed that Sir George Walsingham had come; he learned, too, that orders had been sent toprepare the chappel for a marriage. In vain he sought another interview with Allcgra. A carriage at length drove up to the door. Supported by a tall, dark, stern-looking man, Allegra was borne to the vehicle; Eugene followed it. arrived just as the ceremony was concluding. Sir George held his victim by the arm, and fixed his keen eye upon her, with a cold and cruel expression; she was almost hidden by her veil; but she was trembling and the little of her face that could be seen was white as the marble of the monuments around the chapel. gjThe ceremony was at an end, and they were, departing. Instantly the young Parisian sprang forward and struck the bridegroom in the lace. "Liar, murderer and coward! do you dare fol low me?" The Englishman started, and struck him in re turn. "For life or l'or death—yours or mine!" cried Eugene, olFering him one of two pistols. They retreated a few paces, fired and both fell; Sir George was killed, the Parisian dangerously wounded. He was carried to his hotel, where he remained some hours insensible. At length he was able to speak. His last recollection was seeing Allegra faint in the arms of the attendants. "Where isshe?" exclaimed he, looking round the room eagerly. "Who, sir?', "Allegra—Lady Walsingham—Madam Paul; where is she?" "She left town some hours since." "Gone!" and he sank back on his pillow. No message had been left, and no trace of her could be discovered; but one of the servants brought him a locket he well remembered seeing her wear round her neck that fatal evening, it opened with a spring, and contained the mina lure of a singularly handsome young man; but it was neither Sir George's likeness, nor his own '■ Maryland Institute of Education —The pro fessional Teachers of this city, having united themselves in an Association for the general improvement and benefit of the profession, ob tained during the late session of the Legisla - tureanact of incorporation. The Institute is now organized and promises to serve as a use ful means towards securing the commendable purpose aimed at. The following gentlemen constitute the Board of Officers for the ensuing year: President —John Prentiss. Ist Vice President —o. W. Treadweil, 2d Vice President —John Neelv. Pee. Secretary —Richard Kemp. Cor. Secretary —Francis 11. Davidge. Treasurer —Rev. J. F. Hey. Librarian —Josiah C. Robinson. Visiters — Messrs R. Connelly, J. S. Wil kinson, Jos. Walker, E. W. Colburn and John Randall. Curators —Professor Wm. G. A. Aiken, M. D., S. F. Streeter, David King. Finance C'ommitle—J. B. Burleigh, Solon Beale, Etnund Smith. SIGN IN INDIANA.—It is stated that in one township on the Wabash river, where they have 160 voters, ALL but eight of whom, went for Van Buren in 1836—they are now ALL for Gen. Harrison. of travel, accomplish a general system of Internal Im provements ; and will enforce the propriety of doing so, and endeavor to show how this may he done by an en lightened use of the public credit; —and also to develope the incidental advantages to flow from such a measure, by sustaining the credit of the Stales, and thus restoring public and private confidence. Baltimore is central, and in some respects, the best point at which to concentrate political intelligence Should the expectations of the Editor be realized, the Pilot will become the medium of diffusing the intelli gence thus concentrated ; and whatever an earnest zeal, some experience, and unceasing industry can do, will be done to render it acceptable, as a Commercial, Sci entific, Literary and Miscellaneous, as well as a politi cal newspaper.—lt will treat political oppouents with candor and fairness, but will be firm aud decided in support of the men, the measures and the principles whose support may be identified with the wellare ol the country ; and if in doing this, it shall be necessary to tela I iate, or to carry the "war into Africa," it will be done—the Editor will not falter in the diseharge of his duty, to please a subscriber or to gain an advertisement —his press will be free aud he wilf fearlessly discharge his duty. It is proposed to issue a daily paper at six dollars per annum, a semi-wecklv at five dollars per annnm and an extra in pamphlet, double Royal size, and devoted ex clusively to the Presidential Election for ONE DOLLAR, the first number to be issued on the first of .May. The first number of the daily will lie issued as soon as a sufficient subscription to justify the undertaking shall have been obtained. The Editor is admonished by the past, and will not again subject himself to heavy losses. It is in the power of those who desire the election of Gen. Harrison, to remunerate his services ; and this proposition is submit ted under the expectation that an effort will be made and especially, by the young men of the parly, to aid him in weathering the storm. DUFF GREEN. TERMS— PAYABLE IN ADVANNCE. Dally Pilo' per aunum, Six Dollars. Single Daily Paper, Two' Cents. Semi-weekly, per annum, Five Dollars. Extra from May Ist to 15th Nov. in pamphlet royal sise, One Dollar. Advertisements at the usual rates. (KFEditors friendly to the election of General Harri son are requested to insert this prospectus. March 21st, 1840.