The crusader. [volume], July 19, 1890, Image 1

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VOL 2.
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NEW ORLEANS, LA., SATURDAY. JULY 19, 1890.
AN EPISODE OF THE WAB.
[From the Black Phalanx.]
At Ship Island, Miss., there were three
companies of the 13th Maine, General Neal
Dow's old regiment, and seven companies of
the Und Regiment Phalanx, commanded by
Colonel Daniels, which constituted the gar
rison at that point. Ship Island was the key
to New Orleans. On the opposite shore was
a railroad leading to Mobile by which re-en
forcements were going forward to Charleston.
Colonel Daniels conceived the idea of de
stroying the road to prevent the transportation
of the Confederate troops. Accordingly, with
about two hundred men he landed at Pas*
oagoula, on the morning of the 9th of April.
Pickets were immediately posted on the
outskirts of the town, while the main body
marched up to the hotel. Before long some
Confederate cavalry, having been apprised of
the movement, advanced, drove in the pickets
and commenced an attack on the force oc*
cupying the town. The cavalry made a bold
dash upon the left of the Negroes, which was
the work of but a moment; the blacks met
their charge manfully, and emptied the
saddles of the front rank, which caused the
rear ones first to halt and then to retire. The
blacks were outnumbered, however, five to
one, and finally were forced to abandon the
town; they went, taking with them the stars
and stripes which they had hoisted upon the
hotel when entering it. They fell back to
wards the river to give the gunboat “Jackson’>
a chance to shell their pursuers, but the
movement resulted in an apparently revenge*
fill act on the part of the crew of that vessel,
they having previously had some of their
number killed in the course of a difficulty with
a black sentry at Ship Island.
The commanding officer of the land force,
doubtless from prudential reasons, omitted to
state in his report that the men fought their
way through the town while being fired upon
from house-tops and windows by boys and
women. That the gunboat opened fire direct
ly on them when they were engaged in a hand
to hand conflict, which so completely out off
a number of the men from the main body
of the troops that their capture appeared cer*
tain. Major Dumas, however, seeing the
condition of things, put spurs to his horse and
wont to their-succor, reaching them just as
a company of the enemy’s cavalry made a
charge. The Major, placing himself at the
head of the hard-pressed men, not only repulsed
the cavalry and rescued the squad, but cap*
tured the enemy’s standard-bearer. 1 The re'
loss of only one man ; they brought wit“
them some prisoners and captured flags.
Colonel Daniels, in his report, speaks as fol
lows of the heroism of the soldiers :
“The expedition was a perfect success, ac
complishing all that was intended ; resulting
tn the repulse of the enemy in every engage
ment with great loss; whilst our casualty
was only two killed and eight wounded.
Great credit is due to the troops engaged, for
their unflinching bravery and steadiness under
this their first fire, exchanging volley after
volley with the coolness of veterans; and for
their tenacity in maintaining their position,
and taking advantage of every success that
their courage and valor gave them ; and also
to their officers, who were 000 l and determined
throughout the action, fighting their commands
agaixst five times their numbers, and confident
throughout of success,—all demonstrating to
its fullest extent that the oppression which
they have heretofore undergone from the
hands of their foes, andjthe obloquy that had
been showered upon them by those who should
have been friends, had not extinguished their
manhood, or suppressed their bravery, and
that they had still a hand to wield the sword,
and a heart to vitalize its blow.
“I would particularly call the attention of
the Department to Major F. E. Dumas. Capt.
Villeverd, and Lieutenants Jones and Martin,
who were constantly in the thickest of the
fight, and by their unflinching bravery, and
admirable handling of their commands, con
tributed to the success of the attack, and re
flected great honor upon the flag under and
for which they so nobly struggled. Repeated
instances of individual bravery among the
troops might be mentioned ; but it wouldj be
jnviduous where all fought so manfully and
B o well.
“I have the honor to be, most respectfully,
your obedient servant,
J N. U. DANIELS,
“Col. Second Regiment La. N. G. Vols., Com
manding Post.
Maj. Dumas who figures so con
spicuously in the foregoing episode of
the war, which we take from Wil
son’s History of the Black Phalanx,
and who is commended so highly for
gallantry on the field by the
Colonel of the Second Regiment, La.
Native Guards, Vol?., is the same
modest Francis E- Dumas, the es
teemed fellow-citizen, so well-known
to our readers. Maj. Dumas receiv
ed a liberal education in France. He
arrived in this his na'ive city a few
days before Gen. Butler’s call to the
free men of color to take arms for the
Union. Young and wealthy, an ar
dent Republican who had imbibed
his Republicanism and principles of
the equality of men in La Belle
France, he embraced with eagerness
the opportunity to serve the cause of
liberty, and took an active part in
the enrollment, but disregaidmg the
letter of the call he enrolled slaves
as well,not his own as Historian Wil
son reports, because be never owned
any, but all who wished to take arms,
and attached them to bis regiment.
Later when the colored officers were
ordered to procure their own equip
ments or resign, Major Dumas called
them together, and, after consulta
tion, furnished them the equipments
and liberally provided such as need
ed with funds. These facts have
been brought to our knowledge by a
friend of Maj. Dumas—he is too
l * modest to speak of himself—and we
give them space cheerfully, because
it is always a pleasure to us to makes
known the good our fellow citizens I
haw done, and it should be the duty ’
of «I 1 to preserve and cherish the
memory of their gallant deads.
WIT A MEASURE OF RE-
I VENGEt
jhe la iguage of Senator Dema 8
uppn the final passtge of the sepa
rate car bill in the Sena e, indicates
thit the Democrats me mt to pass
thg,law as a punishment to the col
ored people. the chastisement it
seems was predicated on two counts.
If That the Republican Senators
hai voted for the Lottery.
2., That the Republicans in Wash
ington had voted for the force bill.
If the vote in the Senate was
prgmpted by such a we
woald be carious to know what
cause actuated that given in the
Hcfese ? The more reasonable hy
pothesis would be that the Negro
stapds in the same relati >n with the
white as that which, according to
the |^le, exists between the wolf and
t idMnb.
All the excjnsM and sophistries
advanced on the cfuesHon are just so
many unnecessary effirts which on
ly serve to conced the real truth.
We did not hear what reason the Gov
ernor had for signing the bill, but
we'suppose that be doesn’t need any
if he wants to be in harmony with
his party on the race question.
We have no doubt that the proce
dure was a m itter of bad faith, su
perinduced by a natural bad feeling
wt£sh the ultra Democrats entertain
towards their black neighbors. They
aejon the broad assumption that the
h:.s no rights which they are
gfturvftnLftnd n.H pvah
sac-ad honor can be considered of
any binding force when they are
dealing with the subject of color.
The logic of the situation makes
us believe that the Lottery Demo
crats placed themselves under obli
gations to th 3 colored Representa
tives to prevent the passage of class
1 gislation, but that after having ob
tained what they wanted, they de
liberately and meanly betrayed those
who had served them faithfully to
the end. We ho d the majority re
sponsible for that, Jim Crow business,
because they had the power to crush
it and failed to do so. While tb
colored Representatives could ha
made an ultimatum of their vote, it
does not relieve the Morris minions
of the bad name they have earned by
their black, rank ingratitude, and,
above all, by the want of good
faith.
Bat if the Lottery men had the
advantage of the situation, so far as
to control our Representatives abso
lutely, we feel authorized to state
that the popular verdict will show a
different result. The colored people
resent the indignity sought to be im
posed upon them, and they will re
turn a tooth for a tooth and an eye
for eye, if the freedom of tha bollot
is permitted on the Morris proposi
tion. The colored people, to a man,
will rise in the maje.-ty of their of
fended pride, and use every legal
means in their power to oppose that
monster of immorality which wants
to suck the life blood of Louisiana,
metaphorically speaking,through the
convenient tube of race prejudice.
We must acknowledge that the
trust ulness of our nature once more
led us into a mi tike in the estimate
we had formed of the men who fig
ured in the last Legislature. Not
withstanding the terrible lessons of
the past we still hoped for the belter,
thinking that men charged with the
nigh duty of Representatives were to
be excepted from the common por
-1 tion of mankind, and that they could
be depended upon for a wise and
just solution of State problems affect
hnman right and human liberty.
Such, however, did not prove to be
the case. The members of the Gen
eral Assembly showed themselves to
be the same bitter enemies, as
those who habitually perform the less
delicate part of the persecution.
The issue is made and we have to
meet it. To begin with, the colored
people have largely patronised the
, railroads heretofore ; they can with
draw that patronage from these cor
porations and travel only by necessi
ty. They do not need to go out of
New Orleans or any other Parish in
Louisiana to amuse themselves ; let
them find another mode of recreation
than that of excursions, which under
existing circumstances would only be
an advertisement of their inferiority.
In fact let us apply the punishment
of boycotting all along the line.
-Let us learn at once that we
should not feed the hand that smites
us. In due time we will, among
other things, present the names of
those Representatives who voted to
cast that underserved indignity upon
the race, so that they may be held,at
the polls, responsible for what they
did. We are judging men by then
actions and not by their professions,
Mot even by the parties to which they
belong. J
As to the few gentlemen of the
Democratic party who had the cour
age to vote against the separate car
bill, they have done an act of justice
which we are sure will not fail to re
flect great credit upon them, while it
will recommend them forever to the
confidence and respect of every hon
est and conscientious citizen.
R. L. Desdunes.
THE WORLD WILL MOVE.\
The attempt to force class legisla
tion in a free Republic at this last
decade of the XIX century, will
prove abortive in the near future, by
its impracticability, especially in
Louisiana, with its cosmopolitan
population, and where it is so diffi
cult, sometimes, to tell who is who
or which is which. When passions
will be cooled and reason resume its
sway, the future generations will
ashamed to find on their Statute-
Books laws, which will be a dis
grace to the nnliffildenmcwt *>£--*-*
age. liiey certainly will be amused
of the reasons given for passing
such laws as it is amusing for us,
to-day, to read about the objections
put forth, at one time, against any
salutary idea or measure which was
necessitated by the laws of progress.
That this kind of backward legisla
tion will be a disgrace to the State,
and an injury to its commerce, can
not be a matter of doubt for those
who place reason and common sense
above passion and prejudice. Even
the majority of the legislators who
voted for the Separate Car bill, and
the governor who approved it, are
well aware that this particular bill
does not call for the public good.
Its passage was due to a spirit of
retaliation against the colored mem
bers of the L?gislature, who had
voted for the lottery bill. That was
what prompted our legislators in
their backward policy. Now, is that
legislation? Will the public good
be enhanced, for the present, and
in the future, with such an obnoxious
law on the Statute Book of our
State, when such a discriminative
law does not exist outside the Dixie
line ? Let us suppose that one of
Louisiana’s most talented sons, now
a celebrated lawyer in the capital
of the civilized world—l have named
Paris — should conclude to visit the
place of bis birth—New Orleans—
would he have to submit to the
degrading process of that law ?
Would then the disgrace be for him
or for Louisiana?
But the law is a fact. It will be
duly promulgated. How its execu
tion will be practicable, reminds me
of a bar-keeper, fresh from Germany,
who was ordered by the owner of
a certain bar-room, not to wait on
colored people. “Bery veil”, said the
green glass-washer. Immediately
afterward, entered a well dressed
gentleman who asked for a glass of
milk-punch. He was, of course,
waited upon. After his retreat the
boss began to fuss with his employee,
telling him that he had not followed
his instructions, for he had just
waited upon a “nigger,” warning
him if he did that again he would
receive bis discharge. “Bery veil,”
answered the Teuton. The next
man who entered the establishment
was well known in financial and
commercial circles. He ordered his
glass of cognac as usual, but the
bar-keeper looked at him and said to
'the astonished gentleman:. “Get
Single Copy, Sets.
avayj ve dont vait upon niggers
here. Tableau las one would say
in French—“ What have you done,”
exclaimed the boss, “can\you see
that this gentleman is a* white man ?”
“Veil,den,l quit,” retorted the knight
bf the tumbler. “Vat I came a vite
man, you said he vas a nigger, and
now comes a ‘nigger’ you say he
is a vite man! I quit this d—d
house; vat a country, mein Gott,
vat a country.”
Tne Louisiana Constitution was
once free from class legislation and
the majority of our white citizens
were perfectly satisfied with the
condition of things ai they were.
Those who think and are not actuat
ed by passion, know that progress
must have its course. Who do not
recollect the celebrated inqu&i
opened by the Parliament of Eng
land, on the building of the first
railroad between Liverpool and Man
chester? There, before an official
committee, sitting before the most
intelligent nation of Europe, wit
nesses, belonging to practical pro
fessions, came to declare that the
building of railroads would keep
cows from grazing and hens from
laying. The poisoned air from the
locomotives would kill birds as they
flew over them, and render the
preservation of pheasants and foxes
no longer possible. Householders
adjoining the projected lines were
told that their houses would be
burned up by the sparks from the
engine chimneys, while the air
around would be polluted by clouds
of smoke, There would no longer
be any use for horses ; and if rail
ways extended, the species would be
come extinguished, and oats and
hay be rendered unsalable commodi
ties. Traveling by rail would be
highly dangerous, and country inns
would be ruined. Boilers would
burst and blow passengers to atoms.
But there was always this consolation
to wind up with, that the weight of
the locomotive would completely
prevent its mpyinff. ikoi r«Ji
s.,.. u .. iroJaß, coulu never ue
worked by steam-power. Those rea
sons were as good at that time than
those now given by the “extinguish
ers’’ in favor of class legislation. A
noble lord to whom the destinies of
England were entrusted at the time,
gravely asked the great engineer,
Geoige Stephenson : ‘‘lf a cow was
on the track, when a train is coming
with such a fearful speed, would it
not be a very bad thing?’’—“Yea,
indeed, a very bad thing for the
cow,” —was the cool and candid an
swer of tne engineer.
Opposition to the laws of progress
will always prove futile. The world
will move and the locomotive too,
even if the cow be on the track.
Paul Trevigme.
MORE HUMAN BUTCHERIES.
Last week in Fayette county, Chi.,
in an affray between colored and
whites, provoked by the latter, eight
Negroes were killed and six wounded.
Eight whites were shot, but only one
fatally. However deplorable those
affrays, it is refreshing to see the
Negro defending himself, but he
must learn to shoot straight.
In the early part of this week
another “race riot’’ took place in
Barnwell county, S. C., the outcome
of previous trouble between the
races. One white man was killed
and several wounded—not as bad as
usual. How many Negroes were
killed is not known. One for sure,
but as eleven “ringleaders” have dis
appeared and cannot be found, we
can, from experience, assume that
they have gone the same way.
Near Oakridge, La., a party of
36 Negro laborers, who were moving
from this State hito Arkansas, were
cruelly shot upon by a mob in pur
suit. Seven were killed and six
wounded. The rest were forced to
return to the plantation. Are we in
slavery times 1 In this case these
poor people had given no provoca
tion whatever. They were moving,
as they had a right, from one place
to another, and doubtless owing to
the harsh treatment of their em
ployer ; for from the testimony of
the cotton king, Mr. Richardson,
the Negro is the most reliable laborer
in the cotton fields, and leaves only
when ill-treated.
Our distinguished fellow-citizen,
Col. J. R. G. Pitkin, Minister to
the Argentine Republic,will be short
ly on his native soil on a sixty day
leave of absence. It is understood that
the Colonel has been tendered the
Mission to Brazil, but he may con
clude to remain here and devote his
ability to the party at home.
Advertise in Ths Crusadeb:
23.