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BUCK KBPBMAN. fl®’ The people in the vicinity of Kansas City have resolved on vigorous measures to drive off the rebels who have threatened the extension of the Pacific Railroad westward from Warrensburg. The previous stories of the outrages committed by the bushwhack ers on the workmen employed on the road were considerably exaggerated. j>®*The New York Times suggests that a fortune might be made by an enterprising company that should go to South America and prepare beef for the New York market. It can be bought there at two cents a pound, and might be cured so as to make it a mar ketable commodity at the North. fl®’ The trading boats Keoto and Union were recently seized on Yazoo river, and to Yazoo city. The latter was ran i eomed for $5OOO, and a gunboat has been seat after the other. Raid on Jackson.—Lieut. Col. Mitchell, with three hundred colored cavalry, (4 th U. fi.) made a raid on Jackson, La., a week ago. but without accomplishing anything, beside capturing Capt. Bannon, (a noted ' rebel scout,) and one or two others. fl®’ Maj. Gen. Hurlbut and several other officers returned to this city on the N. I’. Banks, and Gen. Knipe and staff on the James Battle, on Thursday evening. MS’The first glass factoiy in Pittsburg , was established in 1808. There are now in | Ope&ition in that city more than twenty Iglass factories, which manufacture annually over 250,000 boxes of window glass. fl®’ The citizens of Jefferson have had a public meeting to express their grief at the loss sustained by the nation in the death of President Lincoln and Secretary Seward. M® - Much of the land heretofore used for hemp raising in counties along the Missouri river will be devoted this season to the cul tivation of tobacco, as women and boys can ten I a crop of that character. Ms* Among the public buildings to be erected in New Albany the present season, ia a court-house, a large theater and music | hall, and church edifices for the Protestant Episcopal Society and the Third Presbyte , rian Society. fl® ■ The New York Daily News is unwilling to admit that the rebel cause is lost. It re gards the surrender of Richmond as of uo account whatever, and argues that the evacuation was no doubt in strict accord ance with the plans of Gen. Lee, Never theless, the News calls for a cessation of hos tilities. The St, Louis Dcmoc’-at of the 20th says the Hon. Horace Maynard has gone to Washington, summoned by President John son. It is highly probable that Mr. May nard will occupy a Cabinet position. fIS“ The New York World says that the •opir.ion is gaining ground that Europe will not return to this market any large amount of bonds, but, on the contrary, will order more. When the news of the surrender of Lee and his army is received in Europe, the demand for United States Securities will be greater than ever. O’ The nearest relatives of the late Pres ident arc the two sons of the deceased. Capt. Robert and Thaddeus Lincoln, W. W. Ed ward and C. H. Smith, brothers-in-law of the late President, and Dr. Lyman D. Todd, of Lexington, Ky., and Gen. J. B. Todd, of Dacotah, cousins of Mrs. Lincoln. Destruction of the Flag-ship Black Hawk by Fire.—The Black Hawk, the flag-ship of the Mississippi flotilla, was totally destroyed by fire at Mound City on the forenoon of the 22d. Four men. were lost. The Black Hawk was formerly well known as the New Uncle Sam, and was built at New Albany, Ind., eight years since. Ms’ The New York Herald says it does not know what it will do with its war cor rei-poudeuts after peace is declared. The World thinks, in view of the erratic produc tion .of that band of worthies, we would suggest that a season’s hard study of the rudiments of the English language in our public schools might prove beneficial. Last Lines Penned by Mb. Lincoln.—The lart lines penned by Mr. Lincoln were written on a card at about 8:15 of the 14th. while seated in his carriage in front of the White House, just before he started to go to the theater. They were addressed to Hon. Geo. Ashmead, and are as follows: Allow Mr. Sherman and friends to come to me at 9 a. m. to-morrow. (Signed) A. Lincoln. April 14. 1885. Wholesale Insurance. —The Common Council of New Haven, Conn., some time since appointed a committee to inquire into the expediency of adopting a plan of mutual insurance, .“by which the‘city should, by virtue of authority first obtained of the Legislature for that purpose, insure every insurable building within its limits against loss or damage by fire, to the amount of two-thirds or three-quarters' of its value— the owner being taxed therefor to an amount not (“receding the rate now charged by the in -t reliable insurance company.’ The re port of the committee, just made public, is in favor of the system of wholesale insurance by the city. fl®’ The Secretary of the Treasury says, in a letter to John A. Stewart, Esq., of New- York, that the assassination of President Lincoln is “an event which would have shaken any other country to the center:” but “does not even stagger, for a moment, a Government like ours.’’ The New York Times notices the remarkable fact, that on the first day after the tidings of the assassin ation of the President reached the country, “the subscriptions to the popular loan reached a higher figure than for weeks be fore, and in the first open market Govern ment securities sold at an advance; Thus is illustrated the public confidence in the* staunchness of our institutions. Nothing is so timorous as credit. It begins to sink at the very first shade of uncertainty. Yet here it does not even flutter. 11 rises wi th a renewed strength.” A Remarkable Observation by Abraham Lincoln.—About four years ago Abraham Lincoln raised with his own hand the Na tional Flag over Independence Hall, Phila delphia. On that occasion he said: “ I have often inquired of myself what great principle or idea it was that kept this Confc J eracy so long together. 11 was some thing in the Declaration of Independence, giving liberty, not only to the people of this countrv, but nope to the world for all future time. It was that which gave promise that in due time the weigiits should be lifted from the shoulders of all men, and that all should have a chance. * * Now, my friends, can thiscountry be saved upon that basis.' If it can, 1 will consider myself one of the happiest men in the world i*f I can help save it. But if this country can not be saved without giving up that principle—l was about to say I would rather be assassinated upon this spot than to surrender it.’’ OUB PEOPLE AND THE GREAT CALAMITY. Great Concourse of Sorrowing People. 95*000 Mouruing Persons. THE MEETING IN LAFAYETTE SQUARE AND FIRST PRESBYTERIAN CHURCH. Speeches of Judge Whitaker and Gen. Banks. ADDRESSES OF MESSRS. ROSELRS, DU RANT AND JAS. T. BRADY. Resolutions, Incidents, Eto>, Etc. Saturday was the third day since the re ceipt of the news of the fearful tragedy re cently enacted in Washington, and the third day that our city has been draped in’sym bols of mourning. But yesterday there was a greater unanimity displayed than ever be fore, perhaps, on any similar occa sion. in the world. Go where yon would, in any part of the city, and nearly every house, of whatever size or class, bore conspicuously a badge of grief and sorrow upon its front. Although many of our business mon have kept their estab lishments closed for two days, it seemed as though by common consent no business of any kind should be done. Mr. Bidwell closed the Academy of Music both on Thurs day and last evening, and amusements of every nature were suspended. The draft offices alone, in ail this great city, kept on in their usual course of business. The meeting in Lafayette Square and the First Presbyterian Church, which was called by a committee of citizens, surprised all who were present, although the univer sal sympathy of our people in the objects of the meeting were known. The Square was densely packed with people, as were the galleries of the adjoining houses, the steps of the City Hall and the streets around the Square, at one time were actually impassa ble. Estimates of the number of persons present made by experienced judges range from 20,000 to 30,000, and it is our opinion that, including those in the Church, there were at least 25,000 people on the ground at one time. Odd Fellows in regalia, Benevo lent Associations, the Fire Departments of New Orleans, Carrollton, Jefferson, Gretna and Algiers, and other organizations formed part of the assemblage. During the inter vals between speeches the following airs were performed by Jaeger's City Band: “Cajus Anemam,(Stabbat Mater) by Rossini; chorus “Zoberflute,” by Mozart; “Marche Funebre,” by Beethoven. Among the dis tinguished military officers present were Major Gens. Canby, Banks and Hurlbut, and Brig. Gens. Sherman and Brown. The meeting was called to order by Mr. May, who read the following list of officers: Prtxidcnt— Hon. J. 8. Whitaker. Prexi<V >i‘ —Major Hove, A. P. Field. A. Me Neili, Thos. H. Hewes. Wm. Mithoff, J. W. Thomas, Robert Morris, Jno. H. Ermon, Wm. Baker, Chas. W Boyce, W. Brown, A. C. Hills, L. Gastinel, Jno. Purcell. 8. Purcell. Geo. Bovee, D. Christie. S. Bel den. Thos. J. Coolev. 8. M. Todd. Wm. J. Reid, G. F. Martinez, Terrence Cook. T. Ingram, 8. C. Hickey, J. M. Vandervost. Wm. Beatty, S. B. Newman, D. W. C. Campbell, M. J. Brennan, J. K. Dennett. Christian Schneider, Dan'l. Edwards, Fred. Wintz, C. A. Miltenberger, Sam'LH. Torrey. Alfred Shaw, Jno. G. Gaines, Wm. Hen&rson,. E. H. Chad wick, Hon. H. T. Vennard, J. Henderson, Jr.. G. Dorsey. Dr. E. Goldman, C. V. Woodruff, Geo. F. Brott. A. S. Mansfield. Geo. S. Mandeville, W. W. Peyton, E. Marqueze, Gus. Schmidt, H. McGuinn. A. Miltenberger, Chas. W. Hornor, Wm. A. Abatt, Dr. W. H. Hire, W. H. Letchford. A. N. Shepley, T. U. Laster, 8. Wrotnoski, E. L. Bercier, W. T. Stocker. J. S. Walton, Francis Mooney, Dr. J. L. Riddell, Robert Hare, George Cronan, J. L. Tissot, J. W, Madden. Wm. C. Budd, T. A. James, 8. G. Brower. W. H. Bell, B. B. Hart, J. B. Blanchard, H. T. Lons, dale, G. W. McCerren, Alex. Bullitt, David Bidwell- Eugene Rousseau, Alfred Bellanger, Placide Bien, venu, S. Howell, Goo. S. Lacey, C l, as. Bienvenu. E- W. Huntington, L. Castera. Julian Neville. Dr. Thos. Cottman. J. W. Jewell, Dr. Baldwin, E. J. Hart. Albin Rochereau. A. Laforest, F. H. Knapp, H. B, Cresap. A. M. Holbrook, A. Harris, I. N. Marks, J. G. Robinson, Hu. Kennedy. B Johnson. J. M. Wells, A. Levy, Jno. E. Neels. P. Oscar Labatut, D. S. Dewee s, W. H. Irving, J. Tuyes, 8. H. Kennedy, Jno. O. Bar ret, T. 8. Burbank. B. L. Lynch, P. Cazenave, Jno. McNair, T. M. Converse, B. L. Brown, Cyprien Du four, E. T. Parker, A. F. Elliott. Geo. L. Bright, L. F. Generes, V. Gerodias, W. R. Hodges. Geo. W. Griffin, Jno. Kemp, Jr., Dr. Jas. Ready.f Chas. Kock, R. B. Bell, Jules Blanc, Thos P. May, J. L. Levy, James Graham, E. F. Schmidt, Bernard Marigny, Louis Mull, F. Goldsmith, Dr, O. Anfoux, Dr. J. W. Adams, C. T. Buddecke. H. R. Cogreve, C. F. Behrens, A. B. Speir, Dr. Berthelot, Dr. M. M. Dowler. Dr. Gustine, Dr. Greenleaf, Dr. Holliday, Dr. Maas, B. F. Flanders, Dr. B. H. Moss, Dr. M. Schuppert, Dr. J. V. C. Smith, Dr. C. Faget, W. H. Whittemore, W. W. Handlin. R. B. Jones. O. Mayo, W. H. Cook, J. M. Courtenay. S. D. Moody, Glendy Burke, James Musbaway, Dr. E. Ames, C. G. Breckenridge, Jno. B. Murison, E. Giquel. A. D. Grieff, Jno. I. Adams, Thos. A. Adams, A. F. Hickman, Chas. T. Estlin, A. F. Dun bar, A. W. Walker. Nelson McStea, Robert Slark, Wm. C. Tompkins, F. Van Benthuysen, E. A. Tyler, E. H. Wheeler, Geo. W. Graham. J. M. Caballero, Chas. Cavaroc, A. P. Nobiom. J. A vet, A. B. James, A. B- Griswold, Hy. Whitaker, Chas. Briggs. E. Hei stand. R. R. Benson. E. 8. Keep. J. A. Maybin, A. A. Atocha. Secretaries.—Jos. P. Hornor, E. R. Hogan, James T. Tucker, W. H. Higgins. JUDGE WUITAKER’3 SPEECH. Th looking around upon this great assem blage I feel the full solemnity of the occa sion. I feel that in New Orleans, as in the whole of this vast country, one feeling, one thought, and one sympathy prevails In the terrible calamity which has befallen the nation. It is expressed in the vast crowd you see here to-day, assembled to show condemnation of the deed which has taken from the country its leader. Words but feebly express the feeling of our hearts in such events as have recently taken place at Washington, and I feel unequal to the task of expressing the feelings of my own bosom, and for this reason shall call upon the elo ?uencc which is in our midst to address you. feel the honor—as a Southern man—l deeply feel the honor bestowed upon me on this occasion; and as a Southern man, always true to my country, I hold out the hand of fellowship to all. If we have been separated, it is such bereavements as this which will again join us together in union and fellowship. » DR. nkwman’s PRAYER. The speaker then introduced Dr. New man. who prayed eloquently, fervently and touchingly. As the blood of Jesus, said the speaker, brought together the Jews and the Gentiles, so may the blood of our murdered President bring together the North and South. He offered up a petition in behalf of the afflicted widow and the weeping children, and prayed that the consolations of religion may lighten their pathway through life. He prayed for the Nation, and for him who had succeeded to the responsi ble position made vacant by the event which we now mourned, and hoped that the na tional brotherhood would rise regenerated from the struggle through which we have passed and attain a great and glorious fu ture. Mr. Graham proposed that a Committee of nine be appointed to draw up resolutions, and President Whitaker selected the fol lowing gentlemen : W. R. Whitaker, Thos. P. May, Dr. J. White, Janies Graham. Al fred Shaw. W. R. Mills, Cuthbert Bullitt, Michael Huhn and R. K. Howell. After they had retired, a speech was m: de by GEN. HURLBUT. All these outward demonstrations which we see—flags at half-mast, your fair city draped in sombre colors, and the congrcga- I tion of this vast assemblage, all portends that we have assembled to mourn the great est calamity whieh-ever befell this country. It ia well that you should recognize the duties which fall upon vou as citizens of the nation whose head nas been stricken down; it is well that you should mourn his loss. No crime that has been perpetrated since Jesus was crucified, (let it be spoken with all due reverence,) is equal in magnitude to this. In President Lincoln the people of the South lost their best and most powerful friend; and well may they participate in the great horror which has filled the country with sadness and sorrow. To all persons present, of whatever class, the day w r as most momentous. He would not attempt a review of the his tory of the great man gone; but he must.say that four vears ago,"before Lincoln was elected, and before war's blood-stained wing had spread desolation over the country, he little thought that to-day, after four years of service in the field under his orders, he should be called upon to pronounce a eulo gim upon the virtues of the dead: but just as his labors had culminated in a glorious triumph, and the gentleness and goodness of his heart was recognized by all, a dastard hand had struck him down, and, too, in the very presence of his wife. This was the re sult of the great crime, which four years ago was aimed at the life of the nation: but he hoped that the investigation, which was now going on, would not fix the guilt upon any one who posesses power as one of the Confederate or Southern Government: for should suc h connection with the assassin be proved, no one but God could stay the ven geance of an outraged nation. He sincerely hoped that the crime would prove to be an act of individual baseness. Lincoln’s record was before the country, and no one who had gone before him, not even excepting Washington, had proved so pure, so gentle and so good. There were no politics, no party, in his administration. Elected as the representative of a party, he at once became the representative of all loyal hearts. It was not political parties, but the national struggle, for which men divided for and against him. He had opened wide his arms and called all wanderers in. To him you, the people of Louisiana, owe much—to him you owe your existence as a city and State, "and all you possess ot civil order and law. Many good, generous actions could be narrated of him, but these tenden cies were as natural to his heart as the bub bling of water from a spring. And this pure man had fallen by the hand of a cut-throat — a bravo—and the American nation, which has held its head liieh for courage and civ ilization, is disgraced by a knowledge that the crimes and barbarism of the old world have prevailed in our midst. Gen. Hurlbut paid a high compliment to the great military knowledge and sagacity displayed by President Lincoln, and stated that ho man in his cabinet had so well com prehended the situation. But having reach ed the topmost round of ambition's ladder, he stepped from there to heaven, and received the well-earned plaudit of “ well done thou good and faithful servant, enter thou into the joy of Thy Lord." But of one thing we are certain, though the President may die, the nation lives : the walls may fall, but the foundations remain, and death cannot affect them. We are now engaged in rebuilding the superstructure : and the nations of the earth will see that our nation not only lives, but challenges the admiration, and if necessary, the fear of all. The march of this country to the accomplishment of her great destiny will not, shall not be stopped. Here are men of the Army, of the Navy, of civil life, and of all colors, engaged in the work for the perpetuation of human free dom through God's great agency—the Ameri can Union. GEN. BANKS'S SPEECH. Gen. Banks was next introduced by the President, and received with enthusiastic cheers. We give but an imperfect outline of his speech: Mr. President and fellow-citizens — It »is only since my arrival upon tlie platform, that 1 have been informed of the part I was, expected to take on this occasion, and I feel that more perfect justice to you and the event would have been done, had others been called upon. lam too near the Gov ernment officially to speak for you and the eminent citizens whom I see here, and I would rather listen to others than express my own thoughts. But I cannot refrain from saying, that f am glad to meet so many citi zens of Louisiana gathered together to ex press the great, honest, and deep-seated grief of its people over the sad event which has occasioned this meeting. God knows why our city to-day is hung" in black, and the flags float at half mast. To-day we can feel the nothingness of man —we know not from whence we come, or whither we go. We can only bow down before God, and be seech his comfort and protection. This is the hour of supplication and humility, and we should clothe ourselves in sackcloth and ashes. H uman plans fail—God's alone suc ceed. That we propose is shown in this sad event, and also that He disposes. As if it was to show the impiety of human impulses it is only necessary to remember that this week was set apart for rejoicing over the victories which had crowned our arms. There was scarcely a family in the nation that had not been bereft of some dear mem ber, or a hearthstone that had not, as is the nation to-day, been draped in the symbols of death. * Suddenly Peace, universal Peace, shone forth with brilliant promise upon the country. Our victories, fiom the opening of the Mississippi river, (which was the first great success of the Union cause), to the hard won fields of the Army of the Cumberland in 1863, to Sherman's inarch to the Atlantic coast, to Lee’s surrender to Grant, and to the capture of Mobile by the army under the gallant leader now upon the platform with me, to say nothing of the joy ful tidings flashed over the wires to-day of the surrender of Johnson’s army to Sher man. [Cheers.] All these facts, I say, jus tified the assumption that God had given the nation Peace—glorious, lasting Peace. But while we are awaiting the preparations of the Government —always behind the peo in such matters—while the electric wire, which binds the golden gates of the West to the Pilgrim's Rock of the East, is freighted with these notes of preparation—instanta neously, in the t winkling of an eye, we are .'truck down. No people were ever so sud denly laid low —no country ever sus tained such a loss. But' we have the consolation of saying that it is for good to the nation—aye, for good to the man who has fallen. He "had committed no crime— no man can say that he was to him a per sonal enemy. It was for our good’tliat God took him: it was the great crowning act of his career that lie should die. It is Luman that we must die. To die is to go home—to be at perfect rest and happiness: the punish ment is to live. The only boon we can ask is to be permitted to go when prepared. God has given our great leader the privilege to go at this time. He had fought the fight and won the victory—his glory had culmi nated. To live was to fall—to die was to go home to his Father. (During this portion of his speech, both Gen. Banks and his au dience were deeply affected). The speaker knew Abraham Lincoln but slightly, but that little had served to stamp indellibly on his heart the impression that he was a*perfect mau. He was pot a great man—l have seen many great men; he was not a brilliant man—l have seen many brill >iantmen; but he was a rare man. I have seen in him so many virtues and excellen cies that 1 had come to believe that what ever he designed would come to pass, if not by his own efforts, by the concurrent action and support of God." And I yet believe that the great objects for which lie lived and died will be completed. As well might you attempt to make me believe that the mighty Mississippi will turn back in its course and seek the mountain springs from which it had its source, as that the Union of States can be dissevered now that his blood has cemented them together. No man amongst you thought as much or felt as much for the welfare of Louisiana as did he, or labored so hard for the general good of his fellowman. Day and night had he worked for a restoration to the people of this Stat? of their privileges, and in a letter addressed to me he said: “My word is out — it shall not go back.” • The speaker prophesied that though dead, his influence would yet carry back Louisiana to her place in the Union. To the colored people he would say that he thought they should feel an assurance that they would reach, through this si me influence, in addi tion to the freedom which they had ob tained. the highest privileges enjoyed by anj - class. But they must strive to be worthy of the elevation, w dch he knew they would if they kept constantly in mind that “Lincoln’s word was out.” The speaker again remarked that it was our misfortune to five—Lincoln’s 4 to die— therefore let us rejoice for those who have k gone, and commisserate and comfort those who remain. There is one man who has a right to your prayers and support—he w'ho in grief has been installed as successor of the murdered President. Tn honoring the dead we must not forget to support the living. He looked upon Tennessee as the center cf the Union arch—it had been equally divided in its political struggles—its climates and productions partook of the North and South —and its interests were identified with both sections of the Union. It had given two Presidents to the Union, both of whom had greatly assisted in the advancement of the country—Jackson, who had crushed the serpent secession at its birth, and Polk, who had carried out the policy of the former, and extended the boundaries of our glori ous country until it kissed the billows of the Pacific. It was ix contest with these men and a hundred others that Andrew Johnson had achieved distinction and honor, and had risen to his present position. If Lincoln could now advise the people of this coun try, it would be to supporthis successor, for at an interview a few days prior to the tragedy for which we are gathered to mourn, it was satisfactorily ascertained that their views on the leading issues before the country were concurrent Let us do, then, all in our power to sustain the Government and perpetuate its principles of liberty. RESOLUTIONS. Mr. Graham then introduced the follow ing resolutions, which were adopted: Whereas, it has been permitted by an all wise Cod, that the life of Abraham Lincoln, our Presi dent, should be taken by the hand ot an assassin, and that a murderous attack should be made upon William H. Seward, the Secretary of State for the United States, and both under circumstances of strange atrocity. Ana whereas, the citizens of New Orleans have now gathered in solemn assembly, to signify their emo tion at these awful dispen-ations : Bi? ft t, That the people of New Orleans utterly condexnn and abhor these infamous deeds, hy which the American name has been disgraced—the American heart wrung with sorrow. That the attack upon the President and Secretary of State must; inspire all friends of se curity and law world with apprehen sion and dismay : that the safety of every govern ment is endangered, and all the dearest rights of the citizen given to hazard by such appalling, horrible e samples. h'e.x'i.yd. That in the death of President Lincoln, we mourn the loss of fervid patriotism, unvarying honesty, personal purity, a liberality which reached magnanimity, a love of liberty that was passionate, and practical large ability. We mourn a man who, more than any other of his time, was a representa tive of the people of America. By the nobility of his natufb, not less than by the value ot his services, he won his way to the hearts of his fellow-countrymen. They loved;and gratefully respected him while living. Their tears tlow for him now. Reso.'ixvf. That we learn with great satisfaction that the assault upon Mr. Seward was not wholly success f-.il, and that the eminently serviceable labors of that distinguished statesman and patriot may yet be continued for the benefit of the nation. A’ rtd. That out of respect to the memory of our late President, we will wear badges of mourning for thirty days; that we will unite to-morrow in our sev eral places of ijublic worship in imploring divine as sistance, that this great public chastening may be made the means of good to our national life, and that th? Ruler of the Universe will continue to vouchsafe to us that loving protection our fathers received, and which has not been hitherto with held from us. jR- olred. That the citizens ef New Orleans unite with the people of the nation, which Abraham Lin coln preserved, in the expression of a heart-felt sym pathy for the sorrow which has suddenly invaded the family of which he was the loved and honored head. The country weeps with them. Ur-Aoh-ed, That the Chairman of this meeting be re quested to transmit a copy of these resolutions to the family of the President and to the Secretary of State. GEN. CANBY. Gen. Canby had arrived, during the pro gress of the meeting, from Mobile Bay, and a committee was sent to invite him upon the stand. He was urged both bv the dis tinguished citizens upon the stand, and the crowd below, to speak, and at last arose am! said, with much confusion : “I never made a speech in my life, and can’t do it. I am much obliged"to you for the honor.” A BENEDICTION Was then pronounced by Dr. Newman, and. the meeting adjourned. In the First Presbyterian Church. Before the appointed time (12 o'clock) the large church was filled with people, mostly ladies, who were attracted thither, partly because it afforded more comfortable seats than the square, partly because there in they would be free from the crowd and bustle, of an eager populace, but chiefly to hear the distinguished orators announced to speak on the occasion. At 12 o'clock the organ began to peal forth in mournful tones the symphony of a mourn ful requiem, which was soon taken up liy the choir. The pulpit and the galleries were draped in black, and the pillars that sup ported the galleries were wound round with strips of alternate black and white; while on either side of the pulpit drooped a large na tional flag, each trimmed with black. The Oi-ganizatlon. At a few minutes past 12 o'clock, Dr. J. G. Belden called the meeting to order, and an nounced the officers of the meeting. Gov. Wells had been selected to preside, but, as he was not present, the duty devolved upon Mayor Kennedy, and the following Vice- Presidents : Vi't p. rsldt :,f-■ E. Fellows. Gay Duplantier. W. B. Hyman. Z. E. Labauve. W. A. Wooffley. Namuel Myers. M. Weisheimer, G. 8. Dennison. W. C. Gray, C. Bullitt. J. Q. A. Fellows, E. C. Billings, E. H. Durell, A. P. Dostie, A. Baudoin, C. E. Alter, .Miles Taylor. Robt. J. Watson, Josiah Cole, W. W. Lam berton. J. E. Shaeffer, J. Ad. Rozier. R. E. Morse, J. E. Morse, Jacob Barker. Michael Hahn. Judge Belden, Win. McDuff, B. Rush Plumley, T. C. A. Dex ter, Judge Toca. W. H. C. King, Paul Morphy, Thos. Fellows, J. Downing. Daniel Harrison. George Searing. J. M. Peterson, Samuel Bell, H. 8. Buckner, Judge Veazie, R. M. Montgomery, Geo. Jones. W. 8. Pike, M. Judson, Williamson Smith. P. E. Theard. Chas. Leaumont. Judge Illsley. R. K. Howell. Chas. Izard, Edmond Meunier, W. H. Seymour, W. H. Higgens, Chas. A. Peabody, Jno. F. Collins, W. T. Gilbert, W. R. Whitaker, Dr. J. White. Thos. J. Lay ton. E. Abell, A. Cazabat, Thos. K. Price. Geo. A. Fosdick. W. H. Henning. S. B. Bevens. R. W. Ogden, F. M. Crozat. H. G. Heartt, D. Augustin. A. M. Bu charu.n, J. B. Carter. L. Madison Day, T. J. Ear hart. James Fuller, J. H. Holland, Robt. J. Ker, A. Mendiverri. P. H. Morgan, Rufus Waples, C. A. Weed, Wm. R. Mills. Spencer Field. David Stickney, D. W. Bisbee. Dr. Angell. H. W. Taylor. D. t. Shearer, J. M. Lapeyre,JAlex. Brother. Oscar Bercier. Nriretar(>.«.• W. T. Gilbert. 8. G. Brower. E. C. Bil lings, Dr. D. L. Gibbens, Alfred Kearny, Thos. Sloo. Sumpter Turner. Mr. Whitaker moved that a committee of nine be appointed by the chair to prepare and present resolutions expressive of the sense of the citizens of New Orleans on the mournful event that had called us together. The eommitte was accordingly appointed. ADDRESS OF MAYOR KENNEDY. Upon taking the chair, Dr. Kennedy re marked that the duty of doing so had de volved on him rather suddenly. That he could not be expected to give "them a set speech, or to expatiate on the merits of the deceased. He had known the lute President slightly, but had formed from their very limited intercourse, the opinion that he was a vei-y sincere man. But there were gentle men present, better able than himself to expatiate on the life and character of Abra ham Lincoln. He introduced Christian Roselius, Esq., who spoke in a most impres sive manner for about half an hour. We cannot give the remarks of any of the speak ers in full : but shall endeavor to give a fail view of their meaning. Mr. Roselius said, in effect: SPEECH OF MB. BOSELIUB. When the heart is oppressed with the profoundest grief and sorrow, we find it difficult to find words to express our feelings. The horrid deed that has de pnved us of the life and services of our beloved is of such a horrid description, of such a dreadful nature, that it has embarrassed us. lamat a loss for words fo address you. Your stricken countenances and the drapery I see around me, increase my embar rassment. You must not expect such a eulogy from me as the occasion demands—l am unequal to the task. • Abraham Lincoln was raised from comparative ob scurity to the Presidency at a time fearful to look back upon. He had steered the vessel of State safely through the convulsions of the four years that the people have been engaged in fratricidal war- Rum and desolation has been rife on every’ side. When men, almost losing faith in an overrul ing Providence, begar at times to despair, Abraham Lincoln stood calm, collected and deliberate, with a fixed purpose which he never lost sight of—the pur pose of sustaining the law, preserving the Union, and crushing the unholy rebellion against the best gov ernment ever conceived by the wit of man. And how did he conduct the public affairs during the most criVcal period of this naion's history? Prompt mea sures had to be taken in order to save the nation. Abuse has been showered upon his head because he had from the first departed from precedent. But these complaints were either from ths igno rant or those who wished the fabric of the Union to be destroyed and the Confederacy sustained and fostered. Those who talked about violating the law and the Constitution, have read history to tittle pur p*o»e. What has been done, and what must be done when such emergencies arise and the nation's life is threatened ? Can order be restored and the laws en forced bv the rules applicable to a condition of peace ? No. Extraordinary cases require extraordi narymeans. Look to Rome, that proud republic, a government unsurpassed until that period and tor age» afterwards, until the United States came into existence. What did the Senate of Rcme do in an emergency-of the kind? They appointed a Die tator to' see that no harm came to the Republic. This was resorted to successfully, an d the Government continued for neiir’y 300 years. Does it not strike the mind of every reflecting man that while enemies, disguised under the guise of friend ship everywhere, determined to league together to destroy this best Government ever instituted on earth, prompt means were required to meet the case. Remember that when President Lincoln came into office his predecessor had allowed treason to rearits accursed head and accomplish its more than hellish desigßH. It wan at such a cnsis when this venerable man was called to the Presidential chair. Need I caft to your minds his first acts of conciuatioa before calling for seventy-five thousand men to crash treason? What did this noble, patriotic man say to the people of the United States ? ’* AH I require is obedience to the laws. , I have sworn to do it. and it is my intention to keep my oath. Lay down your arms and returr to your homes. I give you sixty days for reflection. If you persist I shall use such measures as shall secure the integrity of the Nation.” His warnings were not heeded. The rebel armies were increased, and he had nothing to do but call on the Nation to defend itself. You might as well tell me that a man whose life was by such a vile xssassin as he who has just cut down the President should, without resorting to prompt measures have invoked the protection of the law. The Nation’s life was in jeopardy, and its preserva tion of more important than that of an individual. The Union armies had to be organized. In conse quence of the dereliction of his predecessor, the ene mies of the Government were enabled to gain a great advantage, and make great headway. Thousands of lives were thus lost. None of these things could move the President. He was undismayed in the face of disaster and called on the people to come forward and defend their country, their homes, their proper ty and their honor. How nobly did the nation re spond to the call of its chief. Men poured fourth from every part of this widely extended Union. Every week saw thousands rushing to the rescue, until final ly the Union was preserved,the country saved,and the rebels compelled to lay down their arms. What came then? Only a few days before, he was cut down by a cowardly ruffian. Gen. Lee finding his cause hopeless, surrendered to Gen. Grant on terms dictated by the Commander-in-Chief. Look at the humane and generous terms. The whole country had suffered to bring this g >at result. Blood had been poured out like rain, to defeat and destroy this formidable army : and yet, no sooner does its com mander come a suppliant, than the only conditions imposed is. that the men shall lay down their arms and return to their homes without molestation. And further, to mitigate the poignancy of the humilia tion, the words, "to remain until regularly exchang ed in due course,” are added to the condition. This was the last struggle of the war. The national authority was again supreme. The majesty of the law was vindicated. The President was then anxious to inaugurate measures to bring a full reunion of the people of the whole country. The day preceding his assassination he was consulting with his Cabinet on the best plan for conciliation, and the next day would have probably brought forth his proclamation of amnesty, with perhaps some exceptions. In this state of things this hellish deed was committed. May we not then mourn the loss of such a man under such circumstances. I trust there is not a man in the length and breadth of this State but execrates the dastard act that laid him low. We may all exclaim that Abraham Lincoln “ Hath borne his faculties so meek, hath been So clear in his great office that his virtues Will plead like angels, trumpet-tongued against The aeep damnation of his taking off.” We should profit by this great lesson. It should teach us to respect tne constituted authorities. If we do not, what are we? All the safeguards are re moved from society. Liberty is not license. If we had not neglected to impress these great truths on the minds of our children and grandchildren, can we suppose this would have happened ? What had vre to comblain of? What was there that we wanted? Were our rights threatened? Was our property unpro- Was it for the purpose of perpetuating a peculiar institution? Such, at least, was the pre tense. Never was anything more unfounded. Not for an instant could that peculiar institution have been maintained without tne protecting iegis of the Union. It was not to be saved after the first gun was fired at Fort Sumter. All this was foretold by the wise men of the North and the South, but the South ern fanatics would not listen to the warnings of rea son. They cared not for it. nor anything but self aggrandizement, for the empty titlesof "President,” Secretary of State.” “ Secretary of the Treasury.” etc., they attempted to sacrifice their country. Where are these self-constituted presidents and cabinet officers now? Wandering as fugitives over the face of a betrayed and ruined land, fugitives and outlaws. It is painful to allude to these things. While, therefore, we are plunged in grief for the loss of a great and good man: while we look with horror upon the deeds of the attempted assassina tion of Wm. H. Seward, already near the grave from the result of an accident, we must submit to the de crees of an overruling Providence. He may have His own good purposes in view. Let us bear in sacred re membrance ti'.e memory of Abraham Lincoln, and never forget the good he has done, nor the lasting benefits he has conferred upon this Nation. Let him be canonized as one of the greatest of the martyrs to Liberty. MR. DURANT’S SPEECH. At the conclusion of Mr. Roselius’s remarks, the President introduced Thos. J. Durant, Esq., who re marked. that were ne to say that he rose under sen timents of the deepest emotion, he would but feebly express bis feelings. We are called upon to mourn the most afflicting event that ever befell a nation. A nation is plunged in mourning. Liberty her most illustrious friend. This event will be celebrated in history as the most melancholy that over occurred in the tide of time. Where joy beamed in every heart and on every hearthstone, now mourning is settled. When the horrid tidings first came to this city, cred ulitv itself stood aghast and refused to believe. And now I am sure that, every man within the sound of my voice feels as though he had lost a dear personal fr’idhd—a face familiar to him in the every day walks of fife—a something valued that he knows can never be restored by the lapse of time. Think of it as you will, you must ascribe this assas sination to preconcerted action. It was not feelings of nrivate revenge that prompted this deed. The murderer was but the instrument of the rebellion—a fitting hand for a fitting head. It was the natural culmination of that great wrong. Our history as a nation is not yet old. Scarcely so old as some of the venerable men we still see among us. We are yet-in our infancy. Yet in the cradle this child of liberty is assailed by this serpent of fanaticism. But it, like Hercules, will jet strangle the toui monster, and live to accomplish, like him of old, the twelve labors yet in the future for it. The orator then compared secession to the fabled giants of the Old World, in one of the most scathing and withering torrents of real eloquence we ever heard. It attempted to stand in the path of the infant Liberty, but would be overcome and con founded. After sketching the life and history of the late Vice-President, now President Johnson, and re lating how he came to be chosen the leader and ruler of his adopted State (Tennessee,) he remarked that no man ever inherited so grave a responsibility. He had to take up the cause of the .nation at the point where it was left by his predecessor, and to pilot it through, unknown perils.. He was called upon to suc ceed the great man whose spirit had gone to enter the portals ot eternity. after having done so much. He had gone to his account without leaving behind him a single personal enemy. His was that mild and gentle nature that gives no man cause for cherishing ill-feeling. He was a man with out guile. His love of country was above all other earthly considerations. In the language of the poet we may say; “ E’en his failings leaned to virtue’s side.” The speaker could not refrain from denouncing the leaders of the rebellion as the authors of the present national loss. He denounced them in earnest and terrible language, fairly electrifying the audience by the scathing eloquence of his gifted oratory, and the cogency of his reasoning, by which he traced the mur derous'and cowardly act to the doors of the rebel leaders. READING THE RESOLUTIONS. William R. Whitaker, Esq., Chairman of the Committee on Resolutions, then reported and read the same that had been prepared and read at the meeting in the Square, and which will be found reported above. They were, on motion of Rev. Mr. Pearne, adopt ed by a rising vote. SPEECH OF JAMES T. BRADY, ESQ. Much interest was manifested on the part of our people to hear the speech of the gifted New York orator. But in consequence of slight indisposition and an impaired voice, Mr. Brady was not equal to a lengthy speech. He began by saying that if he con sulted his feelings, or the condition of his voice, he would prefer to snow his feelings by silence. But he did not feel at liberty to remain silent. I shall there fore address you a few words. I shall have to address you in unconsidered phrases. I am sorry for this, as the occasion for the ablest efforts of the ancient Athenian orators. It should be commemorated by the thoughtful and im passioned language of ancient Greek oratory. If a man past fifty-five years of age, sitting in one of our places of amusement beside his wife, even though he might occupy a position in civil life, were thus struck down by the hand of the assassin, the deed would have been branded in every place where cour age and manhood had an abiding place. But when it was known that the President ot a great people, honored and beloved as a ruler and a man—when this is known, as it wall become known in Europe, and that it was done by an American hand, the man, liv ing in the civilized world, who would not abhor the deed, should not be permitted to live. He could not believe, with Mr. Durant, that the deed was instiga ted by rebel leaders, or sympathisers, or any political association. He could not believe t hat half a dozen men could be found in the United States outside of a lunatic asylum, that could be made to believe that any good could come to the cause of such assassins. He illustrated by the history of some of the notable instances of the kind in part ages, that the conspira tors who resort to such acts have always signally failed. But, continued the speaker, Mr. Durant may be right, and I may be wrong. In that case. I will say, as has been the case in past ages, let the martyr fall, if thereby the cause may stand. Assassination is not an American crime. History afford* no instance of it, or the attempt, if we except the case of the attack on Andrew Jacksou. to which no importance was attached at the time, or has since been. But the assassin has been found. He felt assured that the death of the President, or of any one man in Washington, could make Any change in the conservative feeling prevalent at Washington towards the now conquered people who had rebelled. He implored the men of the South to rise up as one man and serve their prostrate country. There was no longer the least vestige of hope that the rebellion would succeed, and it was the duty of evqry Southern man to come forward and assist i n making their section, as a part of the glorious Union, great, powerful, respected and feared among the na tions of the earth. Mr. Durant then announced that a dis patch had just been received from Gen. Canby’s headquarters, reporting the sur render of Joe Johnson and 30,000 men to the heroic Sherman, who “ marched down to the sea.” At the request of Rev. Mr. Pearne, with the consent of the President, the choir sang the Doxology. in which the audience par tic inated. The Rev. Dr. Beattie pronounced a bene diction. and the people went mournfully to their several homes. Action on Reconstruction. —A New York telegram of the 16th says : The Times’s Washington special says : An action took place here yesterday, affecting the reconstruction movement in'Richmond, and particularly that portion of it proposing a session of the rebel Legislature in Rich mond in the very face of the thousands of real Union men over whom they have so lons held evil sways Gens. Weitzel and Shepiey have been superseded for their ac tion. Secretary Stanton does not approve of Shepley’s order concerning the prayer in the Episcopal Church, in reference to the President. The assemblage of the Virginia Legislature will be permitted only under arrest for treason. nJ One of the Japanese princes has re solved to erect a sugar refinery in Japan, and has engaged two skilled Europeans to assist him in carrying out his project. ffy Brigham Young tells his elders it is more important to raise saints than crops. Meeting of Officers of the Army and Navy AT Xdßerty Hall, April 21,1 865. Speeches of Gens. Huribut, Banks and Brayman. ADOPTION OF RESOLUTIONS A large number of the officers of the Army and Navy in the Department of the Gulf, assembled in Liberty Hall at 12 o’clock, on the 21st, to consider and adopt some appro priate manner of expressing the feelings of the two branches of the military service at the deplorable event that has deprived them of their beloved Commander-in-Chief. Major Gen. Huribut was called to the chair, and Major Gen. Banks, Brig. Gen. Brayman, Commodore Emmons and Brig. Gen. Brown, chosen Vice Presidents. Lieut. Commander Gherardi was appointed Secre tary. Gen. Huribut on taking the chair said: 8.-otJier Ofi'rer.*—There are times in all men’.- lives when words but feebly express tne feelings of their hearts. It is so with me to-day. The nation has lost its head—alter four years of such struggle as no peo ple ever went through—just-as that struggle was cul minating into victory. The army and navy have lost their Constitutional cominander-in-chipf. 1 hare lost one who was a dear friend, faithful and true., It I is right that we should assemble here—here in this hall which commemorates one of his glorious works, to render tribute of comment to a great man oi the nation, who has fallen beneath the blow of the cow ardly assassin. It is right that a nature so gentle, a heart so tender, a courage, political and personal, so untainted, should receive this spontaneous tribute from those who, serving under his orders, knowing his nature, gladly render all that can throw homage over his tomb—untimely to himself—more untimely to the nation. We are here, gentlemen, in the performance of that solemn duty. The meeting is now organized by the appointment of a President. Any movement in re gard to the feeling of the organization may proceed. The emotion of the General during the delivery of his brief remarks was very great, and it was reflected in the faces of his hear ers. i Officers who had formerly held commis sions in either the array or navy, but who were now out of the service and present, were invited to participate in the proceed ings. On motion, a committee of five was ap pointed by the chair to draft suitable reso lutions. The chair named Brig. Gen. Bray man, Col. L. M. Quincy, Lieut. Com. Max well, Lieut. Com. Meade and Capt. J. B. Nott as the committee. While these officers were absent preparing the resolutions, the chairman introduced Major Gen. Banks to the meeting and announced that he would make an addrees. The following are Gen. Banks’s remarks: Mr. ■‘‘indent a n c? Feffow Ojfawa—l am unable from consultat ion with the general committee, who repre sent the officers and soldiers of this Department and the navy, to suggest a general course which is desira ble to adopt upon an occasion so unexpected and solemn as this. But I cannot refuse your invitation, sir, to express my feeling, with those of the officers and soldiers, and citizens at large, of deep sympathy for the great and irreparable loss wnich we have sus tained. I can almost say, sir, as you have said, and others who are near me can echo the voice which they have heard from you, that this great calamity takes from us a friend, as well as a leader and a chieftain. But it is no private sorrow that we are called upon to proclaim. It is for the country we mourn, it is tor the people we suffer, and it is for the future, which can not be read by us, that we fear. The great man that has been taken away, has by a singular good fortune, great wisdom, ana a sublime sense of justice so won upon the feelings, the judgment, the intellect and the conscience of this country, as to stand per haps without an equal, even among the great of his forefathers. Of all the men, of the South or the North, that have been called to discharge the duties of that high station, perhaps more important than that of any other in the universe, it may be said, without injustice to any, that President Lincoln had created for himself as nigh a respect as obtained by any other, not excepting the great first President, who by common consent is regarded and revered as the Father of his Country. He has done this in times ot such peril, and of such difficulty, as to have over awed the general judgment and the general sense of men. He had led us through these difficulties to a point where we could see clearly and distinctly before us the restoration of neace, and from which we could assume the preservationand perpetuation of the liber ties and institutions of this country. Suddenly he has been taken away—stricken down, sir, as you have said—and. as has been said by the committee, by an unseen hand, without cause, in the plenitude of his power, and in thee njoyment of the full strength and confidence of the people. It is impossible tor any man, in a crisis like this, so sudden, so unexpected, to express in words the emotions which overpower every heart. It is no time for speech—grief will not wait for words. I know sir, you appreciate the difficulties of giving expression to the sorrow which all of us feel, and we can only say in this presence, and in the presence of an event so momentous, of a crime so atrocious, of a loss so ir reparabble, that we stand in the presence of God, and we bow to His will. Mr. Lincoln was called to the office of President unexpectedly, and almost without being known to tne great mass of the people of the country. He had not had great experience in public affairs: but as one of the citizens of the United States, where all are in terested, and all to a degree intelligent and instructed, he was suddenly found to possess the qualities that were required in the Chief Magistrate in such an emergency as no mind had ever appreciated. Those principles which were connected with a peaceful administration were so profoundly impressed upon his naApre. that his sentiments were received with universal satisfaction, and the doubt which existed in the minds of all men before his election whether it would be possible to unite the chiefs of the different parties of the country in support of one policy, was solved instantly upon the presentation of his views to Congress and to the people of the country. It is not perhaps surprising that he should have been able to have anticipated the gen eral judgment, and to have prdnounced the gen eral views of the people of this country, in this great crisis, in a manner to have united their support. But he was, sir, as you have said, by the Constitution of the country, made Commander-in-Chief, and invested with the military and naval power of the people, as well as the direction of their civil affairs—ana it is here, perhaps, that history will accprd him greater wisdom and greater success even than in the dis charge of his constitutional duties as a civil officer— the Chief Magistrate of the country. You have known him, sir, I have known him partially myself, and every one before us, whether officer or soldier, has known him more or less as Commander-in-Chief of the army and navy. It is in his position as Com mander-in-Chief that we deplore his loss, and I can say for myself, that I believe no man of our time has been gifted in a more extraordinary degree with the military instinct, than the late President of the United States. He has given, perhaps, as close attention to the general course of military af fairs, and has known better the events of each day as they transpired, than any other man connected with public life, either civil or military. He has been able with justice to individualsand the general traditions of our history, so to sum up the events of each day. as to form a just opinion, and to give exact and precise orders as to the course to be pursued. In this he has been more remarkable than any man in the history of our time, equal perhaps to the ex traordinary capacity which has been manifested in a similar position at any time. I believe it will be found when history makes a searching record, and traces the acts, and the opinions and the counsels of the President in all the various trials through which the country has passed, that his judgment in mili tary affairs has been as profound, as that of any man of the present age. With a wisdom which has dis tinguished him above other men. he has not sought to subvert the judgment of all others to his own will. In this he manifested a patience which has been sublime, a justice which has been unequaled, and has given to his country a Success in this great crisis that is even beyond the expectations of the most sanguine of our people. It is not merely in this regard that we have cause to revere his memorv, to honor his career and to mourn his loss. A 'connection of the military leaders with the institutions of the Government, and their influence upon the career of the country, which momentarily they direct, is always a source of great solicitude to the people, and to myself of the greatest danger. The military power of a government is the concentration of its physical strength, in which for the moment it suborns intel lect and controls conscience. Whenever this im mense and concentrated power is placed, as it must' be, in the hands of one man, we have reason to shrink before the future that may open to him, especially when the judgment of tne country understands— when the good sense of the country comprehends the necessity of giving to that leader unreserved pow er, in order that he may maintain the rights and pre serve the interests of the people. When friends on on the one hand, urge upon him the assumption of power, and opponents, on the other, inveigh against its anticipated assumption—when the weak man of the counter fear destruction, except through the manifestation of that power by the strong, consid erate hand—when these things urge a man to take possession of the power and influence within his own hands, the people and the country have a right to fear the consequences. The course of history is known to ns all ; it is not necessary to refer to a single in stance where the power of the people has been lost in passing through a transition like ours, we unay well ask ourselves where has there been a single instance where the power has been preserved to the people under such circumstances: and we marks k where is the man who has not feared the conse quences. in this regard, in this great struggle In the President of the United States, we are proud to say, we have had a leader of whom we have had no cause for fear. He has been so clear in fos great views, has understood so well the degree of power necessary and the limitation necessary to sustain on the ere hand, our institutions and maintain our Government, and on the other, to perpetuate the übertie. i ol the people, that Mr. Lincoln to-dav will be held by every man, whether in the ranks of our enemy or the* camps of our friends, to have been even beyond the temptation or the danger of sup pressing the liberties of the country for his own good In this regard he stands higher—upon an elevation greater—than any other man who has occupied the same place in our history or the historv of foreign nations. We need not mourn for him—his glory nas culminated—he had accomplished all and more 'han we had a right to anticipate of him. At the very moment when he was called to his final account peace had beamed with its radiant light upon the country. Its people felt that the dangers attending to war had all passed away and tne very morrow of his death was. by ous consent appointed for a general rejoicing. Nothing that he could have done would add to his glory: much that he might have done might hav tarnished his fame. He stood upon the topmosl round of ths ladder wluqh the ambition of man could lead him to attain. He might maintain the purity and integrity of his character, and he might fail m future. God, by His inscrutable dispensation, has separated him from the danger, and has maintained for him the integrity of the past and the magnificent attainment of the present. He had lived long enough—the measure of his glory was full. The love of the people for him could not be increased, and ik does not seem as if he could have added more to the love and confidence which ail olasses of people had manifested for him. We hav: not, therefore, to weep for the dead, bnt for the living, and especially for the country. Who is there that can cleave the future and open the pathway for us all as he has done in the past ? Who is there that can look into the seeds of time and say which grain shall grow—shall know, as he could have done had he but been spared to us ? But we must believe that God, who ha* been so good and gracious to us in the past—who, in every time, until the present day, has raised up great leaders equal to every emergency, able to accomplish every duty—will still maintain and protect us, and that the people will be able to supply the loss w m they have sustained. , , . I do not know that we have a right to ask or in quire into the motives of those who have brought this country to the great grief which it now deplores. In such events the uncertain judgments of men seem to go for nothing: but we nave a right to draw from it this lesson: that when men enter upon a career of wrong tnere is no limit to their course qt iniquity. Whether the assassination of the Presi dent be the work of a few individuals, or whether it be the culmination of a conspiracy, on the part of the enemies of the Government, the distant e which separates us from the terrible scene, forbids vs even to consider much more to form an opinion. Put we have a right to say that it is the culmination of that great conspiracy which has been w aged against the institutions of this country and the liberties of its people for the last four years—that it is the legiti mate and natural culmination, and in the presence of such an event we have a right to warn all tho people of this country tnat when they begin the career of wrong there is no point at which they can stop. They must go on from one thing to another until humanity is outraged, and the world is ap palled by the magnitude and ti'.e heinousness of the offense which.they may commit. We cannot sepa rate, therefore, the act which has caused the wrong we suffer, from tile general course of events against wnich. all of us, as officers and men of the Army and Navy, have been to the best of our ability, protecting the country. We cannot separate the deed from the cause—we must feel that the secret blow is impelled by the same general mind, and the same unholy cause, against which we have partially successfully labored. But we know, as in the case of all wrong, the agent and the actor, be his motive what it may, will never reap advantage from his success. The consequences of this unparalleled crime will fall upon the people who instigated the rebellion against the Government. In the President, and in the Secretary State, his tried and trusted counsellor, they have stricken down the foremost men, whether in power or in pri vate life, who have labored for the welfare of the people in arms against the Government, and at the moment that they were stricken—one in death and the other to the verge of the grave—we may well say that there were no two men who had a greater desire or greater power to protect the fallen arm of the re bellion than they. We do not know what may be the consequences of this loss, or the course of men who must naturally supply their places, but we must feel assured that it cannot be in any possible event dic tated by a spirit of kindness more strong than that which has been manifested by the chief and counsel lor whose loss and injuries we deplore. It will be seen hereafter, that in tnis case, as in all other crimes, the consequences have been most terrible to those who have been most nearly connected with the crime. But of this we have no right to pronounce ■udgmeri-. We leave the future in the hands of God find the people. We mouru the loss of men so upright, so wise, so just, so full of devotion for their country and its people, as to lose the consciousness of self-interest or personal advantage, but we pray that the loss may be made good to the country. More than this, sir, in your behalf, and in behalf of the officers and soldiers whom we see here to-day. I cannot say but I counsel them to consider well the lesson which it enforces upon us, and to remember well that it is their duty to maintain the interests of the country. The Gov ernment which these great men represented must still be upheld: the principles upon which the insti . tutions of that Government have been founded must still be maintained. If upon the battle field, let dan ger and toil be welcome: if in the arena of civil contest, still must we be faithful to our trust there. The world has a right to demand of us this course, that whatever may result from the great wrong under which we labor and deplore, that the institutions of Republican Government shall still be maintained, and the liberties of our people still be preserved. The General, also, was much affected at times, and his remarks were listened to with profound interest throughout. Gen. Brayman then introduced the follow ing preamble and resolutions, which were read. The General, in presenting them, made a short but interesting ‘ and appropriate address. Owing to the low tone, ana our distance from the speaker, we heard his re marks but imperfectly. The General touch ed upon the profound grief with which all were overpowered, at the loss of this great and good man—one who had risen from comparative obscurity to the great position he occupied at the Jime of his cruel death. It seemed the will of God that he should be the man to save the country and restore to all men their rights. Every one must recog nize the wisdom and skill with which he conducted the affairs of the nation. In every great crisis groat men are found ready for the emergency, as Mr. Lincoln appeared at the opportunemoment for this country. His great qualities, his virtues, are not the property of a State or nation, but they belong to the whole civilized world—to all who are interested in restoring to the down trodden mass their rights. The re-election of Mr. Lincoln he had hailed with joy, for to him it was an assurance that the war would not be conducted for revenge, but that kindness and moderation would rule. It would be so still, and he hoped the time was not far distant when we could call all Americans brothers. It was still a subject of inquiry as to who inspired thg hand of the assassin, but he saw m the deed an evi dence of the rapidity with which men drift to barbarism. If we should be called upon again to shed blood in defence of the nation", let us re member that Abraham Lincoln fell by the assassin-hand, because of his love for that cause in which we are all enlisted. In him the enemies of the Union lost a friend, but still let us meet those enemies to overcome them not for vengeance. Gen. Brayman's speech produced an excel lent impression upon the assemblage. The Chairman then read the resolutions a second time, and they were unanimously adopted us follows: The officers of the Army and Navy now at New Orleans, profoundly sympathizing with the national sorrow, for the untimely and appalling death of their Coinmander-in-Chief, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States, and being desirous of testify ing their appreciation of his character, their grati tude for his great public services, and their respect for his memory, do resolve as follows ; J That in the life and character of Abraham Lin coin, they recognize purity of life, unfailing good sense, unconquerable honesty, a generous and mag nanimouß spirit, an unerring sense of justice, a lover of liberty, deep devotion to the country he served so well, and an humble reverence towards God. 2. That though untried in the arts of statesman ship or the duties ot the soldier, and called to tho Chief Magistracy at a period of national convulsion and peril unexampled in history, and compelled to assume great responsibilities—to decide without pre cedent, and act upon the impulse of the hour—he sus tained himself and the country with wonderful wis dom and ability, as if chosen and inspired to save the Union, maintain the Constitution ana regenerate the nation. 3. That having recently been chosen by the country to complete the great work of vindi eating the national authority and restoring peace, we hailed the recent glorious triumphs of our arms with greater satisfaction, because we were confident that while his humane and generous nature and desire for peace, would dictate only the most fa vorable terms of submission to the law, the National unity and glory-, the supremacy of law, the honor of the tlgg and the right.- of humanity would be fully sustained. 4. That this most foul and cursed murder is but an other sad proof that treason against so good and beneficent a Government as ours, is the fountain and instigation ot all crime against God and humanity, and when desperate from impending failure, finds ex pression in acts of mad vengeance and folly, like this which the nation mourns. 5. That though this loss is irreparable, and the wisest and best statesman of all is removed from the field of his neat usefulness, we have unshaken faith in the goodness of God,, and feel assured that H - will raise up and inspire other men who will complete the work and conduct tho nation through all her trials to a lasting peace. 6. That we pledge ourselves anew to our country, and will not falter or forsake the cause until the last hostile arm is paralyzed, and the one flag of a united people shall be honored throughout the land. That we invoke on the part of the Government the most rigid measures to punish all who are comprom ised in this groat crime, that traitors and assassins may be deterred from like atrocities: but that while ready with our swords, and able by the gallant arm of our soldiers and sailors to avenge the blood so cruelly shed, we declare that personal vengeance is no part of the character of the true soldier and sailor; and that we will endeavor rather to follow the humane and generous teachings of our departed Commander in-Chief. 7. That the President of this meeting be requested to forward to t he family of our departed Commander in-Cnief a copy of these resolutions, with a letter of sympathy ana condolence ; and that the officers of the army and navy be requested towear the usual badges of mourning for three months. On motion of Col. G. A. Pierce It was resolv ed that the officers of the Anny and Navy here to-day, be requested to meet on Sunday at such place as shall be designated by a committee to be appointed for that purpose, to form a procession and march to a place of public worship, and that the committee give notice of the time and place of such meeting through the city papers. The Chair appointed Brig. Gen. Brown, Capt. Emmons and CoL E. G. Beckwith as the Committee. The meeting then adjourned. « “Interesting Event” Coming Off. —We understand that, in consequence of the probable occurrence during the summer of an event which will fill all loyal subjects with joy, her Royal Highness Prince-s Alice of Hesse, or the “Princess Helena, will hold drawing rooms for her Majesty during the season, and thereby spare the fatigue to her Royal Highness the Princess of Wales, who will only hold the next drawing room.— London Owl. It is stated that Gen. Lee has received permission to visit Weldon, North Carolina, It is reported that the Union inhabitants of Raleigh made demonstrations in spite of the rebels. E. L. Spink, of Illinois, has been appoint ed Secretary of Dacotah Territory.