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Semi-weekly Louisianian. [volume] (New Orleans, La.) 1871-1872, May 21, 1871, Image 1

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Ani N e lt I oua uian.
1r Ta LovIus.vJa is publiuhed every ThunM
-S{ ., ru'day at 114, Caruadelet ,treet, New
Wm. G. BROWN,---EdItor.
A* Tzsvs or ScsscaIPTsow: '0
O s Ys a .................... .. ...:..
Srx MoxTn ................... 2 50
Tmeaz Mowras ...............1 25
soa Corr .......... ....... . 5.
Ia the endeavor to establish another
Republicau journal in New Orleans, the
proprietors of the LonrsuAW , propose to
to fill a necesity which has been long, and
sometimes painfully-felt to exist. In the
trnasition asste of our people, in their strug
gling efforts to attain that position in the
Body politic, which we conceive to be their
due, it is r-,garded that much information,
guidance, encouragement, counsel and
reproof hive been lost, in consequence of
the lack of a medium, through which these
deficiencier might be supplied. We shall
strive to make the LonswuxuL a desideratum
in these repects.
As our motto indicates, the LouxSisauy
shall be " Republican at all times and under
all circumstances " We shall advocate the
security and enjoyment of broad civil liberty,
the absolute equality of all men before the
law, and an impartial distribution of honor
and patronage to all who merit them.
Desirous of allaying animosities, of
oblitrating the memory of the bitter past,
of promoting harmony and union among all
(lasses and between all interests, we shall
advocate the removal of all political
disbilities, foster kindness and forbearance,
where malignity and resentment reigned,
st, seek for fairness and justice where
rrong and oppression prevailed. Thus
united in our aims and objects, weshall con
srve our best interests, elevate our noble
State, to an eniiale position among her
sister States, by the development of her il
lir.itable rssources and secure the full bene
fits of thea mighty changes in the history and
condition if the people and the country.
Believing that there can be no true
lberty without the supremacy of law, we
shall urge a strict aud undiscriminating
administration of justice..
We shall support the doctrine of an
equitable division of taxation among all
asses a faithful collection of the revenues,
economy in the expenditures, conformably
with the exigencies of the State or country
sad the discharge of every legitimate
We shall sustain the carrying out of the
p~eisions of the act establishing our
common school system, and urge as a
lpraount duty the education of our youth,
s ntally connected with their own enlight
neat, and the security and stability of a
ekpublican Government.
8y a generous, manly, independent, and
ldcioua conduct, we shall strive to rescue
OUr paper, from an ephemeral, and tempo
J rexisteuce, and establish it upon a basis,
that if we cannot "command," we shall ast
atl eSent deserve" success.
60 uCamp Street,
" 94 *sge Aley, bdacsna Bicstille
e,,d t Strehds, ~ew Orlana.
Nll t .orther~ and We dailies
•li '·:  hundred sad sixty direant
,r , 'Lived and sld.
S ,recvivej to, al periodical public
•11 be secountable for the shb
O · ~ as they do not end bsektho
Ihr and Statioaer
New Orleans, L.
ai MIs MX. aL iUDDnL
To the idler, the day seems long;
To the dreamer, the world goes wrong;
And many a shirk,
In this world of work,
Would sell his life for a song.
To be happy, a man must thrive;
And to thrive, a man must strive:
Use the talents given.
Or be quickly driven,
As a drone, from the human hive!
Like the wings of a fanning-mill,
Or like soldiers at daily drill,
Muscland brain,
And nerve and vein,
Must tug and toil with a will
To the worker, life is complete;
To the toiler, bread is sweet:
For the man who tries,
Be he daft or wise,
Shall be given an honored seat.
Then up with the lark betimes,
And dig for your dollars and dimes,
And life will tow
For you below,
As sweetly as Nature's rhymes!
The ballot is the head and front of the
"Woman Movement." Work and wages,
education, property rights--all are sub
ordinate to or comprehended in the one
demand for female suffrage. It is not
claimed that the suffrage will immediate
ly redress every wrong; but it is claimed
that wrongs will not and cannot be
righted without it. The demand for the
suffrage is based, first, on woman's nat
ural right to it; second, on the ground
that it is effective and, indeed, necessary
for the purification of politics and the
uplifting of society; and, thirdly, that
woman needs it for her own protection
against unjust laws.
The question of natural right is an ab
stract one, and may be argued forever
without changing any one's preconceived
opinion. Some persons even deny that
there exists any such thing as a natural
right to vote; but, if it do exist, it is diffi
cult to see why a woman doe3 not possess
it in precisely the same measure as a
man. Certainly no argument has ever
been presented by the opponents of
female snffrage that seems to me to have
a particle of weight. But the matter ap
pears to be of slender practical import
ance. When women have acquired the
power to vote their right to do so will
pass out of discussion; and so long as
they are not able to vote the right is of
little use.
As to the second point, the improve
ment of politics, are we equally at the
mercy of pure reason? Must we simply
say that women are better than men;
and, therefore, when women become offi
cially connected with politics, it follows
as the night the day that politics will be
come clarified? Must we, that is, walk by
faith alone till the rising sun of woman's
enfranchisement shall turn faith into
sight ?
WVe are not here left wholly without
witness. The character and effect of
participation in politics by women are
not wholly matters of conjecture. Women
have now for many years directly con
cerned themselves in politics, and the
champions of fcmale suffrage boast of
victories already won-years ago through
the influence of women, under the mar
shaling of men; later by the direct efforts
of women, organized by their own lead
ers upon their own principles. When,
therefore, we are called upon to sy
whether the desired improvement in
society will be furthered by placing men
and women in the same pomition--not as
men and women, but as citizns, with
identical duties and identical res~ponsibi
lities (or, rather, for this is not an ad
equate statement of the case, whether
society will be advanced by woman's
seuemring or by man's assigning her what
have been considered his own peculiar
duties and responsibilities in addition to
those which she already has in common
with him and those which are peculiarly
hers, and which she cannot delegate to
him) then it is only fair and fitting to
look not only at what women may be ex
pected to do when they have gained full
political rights, but at what they actual
ly have done in the use of poitical
weapous and the ezhibitlon of politial
I have watched with unflagging inter
eat, with such intelligence as was vouch
sated me, and from what vantage ground
I could command, every phase of the
movement that came within the sphere
of my observation. That movenent has
advanced from weak and despised begin
ning to a point where it is discussed
seriousness, recognized by parties, defer
ed to by leaders, and acknowledged in
some quarters as a not very remote fa
ture possibility.
From this careful observation of its
course thus far I cannot see that any
thing in its treatment of difficult quee
tions or in its conduct of delicate affrirs
-in the ends which it proposes, the
methods which it selects to accomplish
those ends, or the manner in which it
pursues those methods-gives us the
smallest prospect of an introduction to
a higher grade of political life than that
which we are already occupying un
der the dynasty of man. I fail to
seethat it is more comprehensive in vision,
more inexhaustible in research, more radi
cal in thought, more scientific in method,
more conscientious in action; that in dis
amssion it is more sober, candid, just, and
courteous: that it displays more informa
tion and less inflammation, more of phil
oeophy and less of personlity; that it is
more accurate in presentaton, and more
conscientious against misrepresentation;
that it is more judicious in the selection
of agents; that it appeals to higher
motives, or teaches a wiser mode, or points
to a wider field of activity. It appears to
me, on the contrary, that the woman's
party copies with singlar fidelity the old
ways of the old parties, which ought never
to have been entered at all. Women, so.
far as they are already in politics, are
doing right over again, and often with a
peculiar feminine and fatal facility, the
very things which have been done by men,
and which ought never to be done at all;
while I have not been able to discern the
introduction by them of a single improve
ment or sign of improvement in political
thought or action. Universal purity, free
dom, and happiness are indeed noble ends
for any party; but no party in thecountry
confesses or professes any other ends.
When we look at the means by which
the woman's party proposes to reach the
desired results, we find that they are
either general, and, therefore, practically
worthless; or specific, but empirical, and
often worse than worthless; or they are
the same means which men have been
employing and are still continuing to em
ploy. This has nothing whatever to do
with the right of woman to the ballot.
A man is not forbidden to cast his vote
because he casts it for the wrong person
or the wrong measure; no more should a
woman be. But, when the vote of wo
men is urged upon the nation as its means
means of grace and hope of glory, it is
requisite and necessary toinfer somewhat
from such preliminary grace and glory as
have been displayed. If the dawn is
darkness, why shall we suppose that at
evening time it shall be light?
Nor do these statements. if admitted to
be true, involve the inferiority of woman
to man. It does not imply inferiority to
fail where he has not succeeded. It
simply indicates that at present she is
not politically his superior. It dismisses
again to the domain of abstract reasoning
the idea that goverment and society are
to be uplifted by the direct professional
participation of woman in politics, and
laves it with presumptive evidence
against it.
The Democracy now-a-days are endea
voring to impeach the record of the Re
publican party, and make this arbitrary
impeachment the basis of their appeals
to the people in favor of a change of ad
ministration. But "the unterrifed" will
have to present more potent reasons than
their naked say say-o before they can
prodnee any change in the general senti
ment of the people.
The grnd results achieved by the Be
publicsa party stand in the past like pil
lar of are illuminating all arroundings
with a bright and patriotic light Nor
can therecordbe denied. There stands
the faets, and there they will stand for
The following is a happy abridgement
of the work of the last decade:
A gigantic rebellion has bees .,pprs
Armies of a million raised and disban
Four millions of slaves set free.
Labor made free and honorable.
Free homesteads offered to all settlers.
The Pacific railroad built
Universal liberty and equal civil and
political rights for the first time secured
constitutional amendments.
The States that broke their connection
reconstructed and restored.
Taxation frequently reduced, the last
reduction being eighty millions a year.
The national debt greatly reduced, two
hundred millions of the reduction taking
place under the present administration.
The national credit raised at home and
The prices of gold brought steadily
The revenues vigilantly collected and
The perfect citizenship of all adopted
citizens for the first time perfected by
settling the doctrine of expatriation.
The Monroe doctrine vindicated, in the
case of the French invasion of Mexico.
Peace maintained, and the national
character kept in the highest respect
throughout the world.
Leawnveorth Times.
In the United States District Court,
now being held in Trenton, N. J., Dis
trict Attorney Keasbey moved that judg
ment be pronounced on Francis Souder,
convicted of interfering with the right of
certain persons to vote in the township
of Newton, in the county of Camden, at
the fall election of 1870.
Francis Souder was then directed to
stand up.
The court in a very mild manner al
luded to the offense, and spoke of it as
one which it was the duty of the court to
Allusion was made to the fact that as a
justice of the peace, sworn to protect and
enforce the law, he was, on the occasion
referred to, a principal violator, and an
inciter of violence and disorder in others.
This was the first offense in the State
under this new and important law of
Congress, and it was proper that the of
fense should be punished. The court,
however, was not disposed to bear him
down by a heavy sentence. Allusion was
made to the intercession of friends to pay
the fine.
The sentence of the court wes that the
defendent, Francis Souder, pay a fine of
$500, the costs of prosecution, and be
imprisoned in the State Prison six
The defendant was then taken charge
of by the United States Marshal and
taken to the State prison as soon as the
clerk made out the commitment.
We trust that this decision and its
result will prove to be a lesson not only
for Jersey, but for Wilmington, Odessa,
Blackbird, Felton, and such other places
in Delaware which have allowed unprin
cipled men, because they were called
"white" and were Democrats, to interfere
by threats and violence with men of color
who were exercising peaceably their right
to vote just once under the 15th amend
ment of the Constitution of the United
Colored men must defend themselves
and their rights if they are attacked; but
in addition, there is a law to which they
must, through the U. S. District Attorn
ey, appeal, and we know well that if the
evidence be fiprnished, these intermedlers
with peaceable colored citios will be
brought to justice.
The day of triumph for the petty ty
rants of our country villages hasa gone by;
these tyrants in a national election are of
no more political importance than the
humblest voter; and however stupid they
are, they all beginning to learn, through
hard knocks ad through the law, that
the nation lives, and evmmen the Democrats
of Delaware must obey.
Waati·nro (Dd) Cosmaeis.
Let young men remember that their
chief happ'ime i life depends upon their
faith in women. No worldly wisdom, no
mia;thr phylmophy, no ge.raliz
tion can cover or weaken this fundamoen
tal truth. It stands lie the record of
(o4--4or is is naothing tlss an th
and sould put an evmerlasting seal upo
lip that are ndt to speak digdia ay of
The Commissioners have been cautions
in talking to persons outside their own
circle, the following points will be found
correct First, there are two boards of
arbitration or commissioners. To one
will be referred the Alabama and other
similar claims, which are recognized to
be national, and to be settled on the
principle of responsibility for such depre
dations where the government has not
exercised the utmost diligence and pos
sible precaution to prevent cruisers being
fitted out in its ports to prey upon the
commerce of a power with whom it was
at peace. The other board is to take
cognizance of other claims British and
American, confined principally to periods
from the commencement to the close of
our late civil war.
From the character of the documents
accompanying the treaty, it is inferred
that the decision cannot fail to be in favor
of the United States. The treaty provides
for the free navigation of the St. Law
rence by vessels of the United States and
for the use of the Canadian canals on the
payment of regular tolls. There are also
provisions regulating the privilege of
fishing in Canadian waters, but these
have not been ascertained with sufficient
accuracy to justify a statement of them.
The London Times to-day mistakes in
saying that the treaty must be ratified
by both houses of Parliament, though it
will require legislation to carry some of
its provisions into effect. Among these
are the St. Albans claims and for dam
ages to property in the Fenian invasions
on Canada are to be admitted. As to
the claims of British subjects for the
seizure of their cotton, Great Britain, by
the mouth of its Commissioners, does
not recognize them in case that such
subjects took up their domicile in the
South, thereby they subjected themselves
to all the risks and contingencies of war.
All legitimate claims for cotton will be
considered; these will not probably
amount to a million dollars. There will
be no difficulty in ascertaining all the
particulars, as the Department has a
the dates of all seizures of cotton and the
owner's names thereof, and the Govern
ment is aware that a full list of the
British claims was published in that
country, but it has also information that
many have been adjusted, while others
will not come within the provisions of
the treaty. There are other claims be
tore this second board, including one of
our own government growing out of the
purchase of saltpetre in East India
during the war, which was seized by
the British authorities. The San Juan
question will be referred to the arbritra
tion of a friendly sovereign, probably the
Emperor of Brazil.
This tribunal may either award dam
ages in detail or in gross at its discretion,
or it may refer this duty to a Board of
essessors sitting in the United States,
who also shall report from time to time,
with payment to. be made aecordingly.
the British Government frankly ex
presses regrets for the occurrence of the
incidents complained of by the United
States. For adjudication of all other
Maims of citizens of the United States
against Great Britain, and citizens of
Great Britain against the United States
during the same period, that is from the
13th of April 18l1, to the 9th of April
1865, an ordinary mixed commission is
provided to act at Washington, with an
ampire to be nominated, if necessary, by
a designated friendly Power. This limit
ition of time is material and in substance,
for it confines reclamation against the
United States to the incident of actual
war. It is accompanied also with a
declaration on the part of the British
Commissioners to the effect of excluding
claims on account of slave property.
The same authority states that the
ollowing is to appear to-day as author
itative, in the iational Republican at
"The official statement of the result of
the labors of the Joint High Commission,
the treaty isto be known as the 'The
treaty of Washington for the adjustment
of claima or injury alleged by the United
States on account of the escape of Con
lerate cruisers from British ports, and
depredations committed by those vessels
during the late rebellion vi this country.'
Tflbunal arbitration is constituted to
consist of five arbitrators, one appointed
by the United States, one by Great
Britain, and the other three each by
designated Sover-ign States of Europe.
As the American treaty mestablishes sp
cialrales of nentral's duty and obligations
in addition to the generally received
public law, which rules, although not ad
mitted by the British Commi ,oners,
have been in force at thd time and are
yet, it is agreed tb retract and to goe n
the decisions of the tribunal of arbitra
tion. Great Britain does not resognise
the claims of subjecets for the seiure mof
cotton in cases where they took ap their
abode in the South, as they become sub
jectto the contingunciess.of war. This
comprises all the points of the treaty in
reference to aimas between the two
countries groasg out f thewar. Tb..e
ftm tl i Aio thesris oepci a larsg
Squares I mo 2mos 3mos 6 mo 1yr.
One $4 I $7 $9 1 $290
Two 7 9 12 90 3;
Three 9 2I 20 35 50
Four 15 25 35 50 70
Five 90 35 45 00 85
Six 24 42 50 70 100
1 Column. 45 80 120 175 250
Transient advertisements. $1 50 per e9uare first
insertion; each subsequent insertion, 7o -ents.
All business notlees of advertisement, to be
charged twenty cents per line each insertion.
Jos PaaIUo executed with neaness and
142..... Oraier Street....14l
(Up Stairs.)
19........Commercial Place ........ 1
New Orleans, La.
Prompt attention given to civil business in
the State and United States Courts
38 ly.
LAW or0rcz,
26 St. Charles Street 26
Prompt attention given to civil business a
the several courts of the State.
3. r
cL OP 0 Ta UITrsra TAT ccvrr cosT,
VIrTsD rTATrs OOmmseoms.
Commisioner of the Couir of Claims
Deposition. testimony, acknowledgmaat,
etc., taken at short notice.
Passport secured from the State Department,
Washington. with accuracy and promptnaes.
Oioe at the Customhouse, over the Poat Osee
New Orleans Louisians.
A. P. Fields & Robert Delton.
Attorneys & Counsellors at Law.
No 9. Commercial lan, 2a. Floor.
pWi'Strict Attention to all Civil and Criminal
business in the State and United States Courts.
81 Carondelet St., near Poydr.
New Orleans, Louisiana.
28. Natches tIreet (Morgan's Buildini,
New Orleans,
onric, No. 120 comno samm .
New Orleans, New York, Liverpool, Lon
don, Havre, Paris, or Bremsen,
at the option of
the insred.
A. CARRIERE, VIe.-Presidnt.
. P. Bren. LSeiasry.
ofth. offlV at t amewe 7
M. 130 3OADWAY,
rae. W. sEiL. Pe /W Pret. G. Bass &rsbr.
Pret., L . Wlers. Adamy, mdny W. (hfl.
sedy., Bsen S (spp. 8set. Assne. T. K. lcrry.
CoMarered by the Unated Satstes over.
mant, Maeh, 1865.
nancirn ounm, wasameOs, a c.
D. L. BATON ...........Adwr ry,
" 114 (Csemdet Ses.
C, D. rTUIrYT*T, am s.
bhu" isn....i.............. S. to S . .,
MUIISimplY.ghts............ 61s areasek, .

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