Semi-weekly Louisianian. [volume], February 18, 1872, Image 1

About Semi-weekly Louisianian. [volume] (New Orleans, La.) 1871-1872

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"REPUBLICAN AT ALL TIMES, AND UNDER ALL CIRCUMSTANCES."
VOLUME 2. NEW ORLEANS, LOUISIANA, SUNDAY, FEBRUARY 18, 1872. NUMBER 18.
I Tkurduays aad Sundays.
114 CARONDELET SrRErT,
\'« OIILEA~s LA.
Ator'uazmc~uomas.
I It. l'INCHBACK, OnR.EAs,
(' ANTOINE, CADDO,
Cs.' Y. KELSO, RAPIDEs.
Ilar. V. BROWN,---Editor.
*' TIn ;orI SUoseIwrloI: Mi
Si'.o ... ...............$5 0
S \TIO ............ 3 00
. . . .... ............. 1 50
PROSPECTUS
'of T11 :
I 1 Itii iI
., Ul aver to establish another
; journal in New Orleans,
.. t rs of the Lortsu us,
till a necessity which has
tid sometimes painfully
tt. In the transition state
pI.. in their struggling efforts
that position in the Body
1 ..: whirh we conceive to be their
:s- rle1ard that much infor
u. enidiwn., encouragement,
:.nl ri jr *f have been lost, in
7J( if the lack of a medium,
" : I hiiih these deficiencies might
" :I 1 i. 1'We shall strive to make
LI quNLtN a desideratum in these
POLICY.
t.r motto indicates, the Lori
,.: .ýN shall be " t'1Jubl(c, n ,t a( l
". unwder oll circuemsbgtces" We
hocate the security and enjoy
*I triad civil liberty, the abso
tihi if all men before the law,
I .L iu\..nttlitl distribution of lion
>r 1 hr nt!gi to all who merit
D. ; ro (f allaying animosities, of
the memory of the bitter
p"tooting harmony and union
_il classes and between all in
\ ..hall advocate the removal
1 -.lital disabilities , foster kind
.1l fo riarance, where malignity
rI'atmoent reigned, and seek for
and justice where wrong and
-ti prevailed. Thus united in
. l objects, we shall conserve
"t interests, elevate our noble
t. in enviable position among
:,t r States, by the development
V imitalle resources, and secure
i an"hits of the mighty changes
tv and condition of the
I the Country.
" . that there can be no true
,nbiot the supremacy of law,
,r a strict and undiscrimi
l is!iitration of justice.
TAXATION.
11 iuport the doctrine of an
<li\ i-in of taxation among
hVfaithxfid collection of the
.......ny in the expendi
'f.rxiihlv with the exigen
* 'htt or (Xointry aud the
.t every legitimate obliga
EDUCATION.
t'ttin the carrying out of
un f the act estiiblishing
..1 'h110l system, and urge
iiii.tlt ditty the education of
* s vitally canuected with
t~g ntnment, and the secu
'ailitlit of a Republican
FINAL.
n rims, manly, independent,
iluifliliuct, we shall strive
our p per, from an ephem
It ttp rary existence, and
t pna basis, that if we
rhnmand,'" we shall at all I
ALhIf:lT EYRICH,
Ihtltr and Stationer
1 CANAL STREET.
SOrleansq Lonsina
THE DIFFICULTIES OF AIBITIITION.
We hope the public will not allow
itself to be cheated by the jaunty
explanations of those far-seeing ob
servers, the Washington corres
pondents, into the belief that the
Treaty of Washington is in no dan
ger. It is in very considerable
danger, and the danger comes from
a source which must fill those who,
like ourselves, valued the treaty no
less as a precedent than as a means
of terminating an existing quarrel,
with genuine concern ; for the dif
ference which has arisen is one
which well illustrates the difficul
ties which attend, and must attend,
all attempts to decide great inter
national questions by arbitration.
We believe nothing was better un
derstood by both parties, when the
Treaty of Washington was under
negotiation, than that the question
of consequential damages-that is,
the question whether England was
responsible for the loss caused by
the prolongation of the war after the
escape of the "Alabama"-was not
a question of dispute between the
two countries. Mr. Sumner made a
great uproar by trying to put this
question into the guise of a legal
proposition, but no sensible man,
lay or professional, in either coun
try, gave his performance any at
tention, except as a passionate ex
pression of feeling likely to create a
good deal of popular excitement. It
was never considered by any lawyer
as a question which could be grave
ly submitted to any human tribu
nal The American Commissioners
produced it, as the newspapers pro
duced it, as a general and vague
description of the American cause
of, comptaint against England,
to be used in the further pro
secution of the quarrel in case no
"amicable settlement" was arrived
at. But nobody hoped or be
lieved that a thousand million dol
lars, the sum Germany has wrung
from unhappy France at the point
of the bayonet, was to be obtained
from England by any process short
of war. It was evident from the
protocol that the British Commis
sioners were under the impression
that they met and disposed of this,
the immeasurable, incomputable,
and therefore sentimental part of
the American complaint, by their
expression of regret and their
agreement to give the three rules
an er-post1facto operation. 'Appar
ently the American Commissioners
accepted these concessions in this
sense, but, as so often happens
where two disputants, after being
much embittered against each other,
come to terms and "make up" un
expectedly, there was so much "ef
fusion" over the apology that both
sides forgot to put on paper what it
was the apology atoned for. It
would now appear that the British
looked on it as quieting and for i
ever disposing of that vast moun- I
tain of indirect and incalculableI
wrong of:t which the Americans had<
so often made threatening mention,
leaving nothing to be paid for in
cash except what could be exactly
appraised. The Americans, on the
other hand, seem to have looked on
the apology as simply an expression
of contrition which it was the moral
duty of the British to make, but
which in no degree modified the
relations of the parties before the
law, and1 ihich left the conse
quential damages in their old
position-that is, good things to
urge on the attention of whomt
it might concern, as an embel
lishment or aggravation of the 4
American case, even if there was no
hope of getting them reeognized
by the arbitrators. This view of
the matter, however, unfortunately
found no expression anywhere, but
it would seem to have been excluded I
from the Treaty by the provision I
that the arbitrators should consider
the damage done by each vessela
separately. It is easy *enough to 1
estimate the amount of loss which I
each Confederate cruiser escaping
from British ports caused to the
United States; but of course ita
would be ridiculous to provide that a
the Commission should define the
extent to which each cruiser was
responsible for the prolongation of
the war; and it is fair to conclude,
" therefore, that the negotiators did
not intend that any attempt to
estimate English responsibility for
that prolongation should be made.
The American "Case" was evi
l dently drawn up under the impres
, lion that the Treaty left the United
States still at liberty to get all they
: could from the arbitrators, and that
the English concessions had in
no way narrowed the feld of
controversy, and that it was fair
" to submit whatever was likely
to magnify the sum of Ameri
can wrongs. The British, on the
other hand, suppose I themselves
to have reduced the controversy
within certain defined limits, and
to have disposed of all sentimental
griefs-that is, griefs incapable of
estimation in dollars and cents-by
the apology, and to have left nothing
to be argued at Geneva but Eng
land's liability for damages ascer
tainable by ordinary computation.
The appearance of the "Case" has,
therefore, plungedsthe English pub
lic into a fever of excitement, and
there is imminent danger that the
Treaty will be thrown overboard.
This danger flows from two sources.
First, the Treaty never was popular
in England. It was accepted as a
mode of escape from a position of
considerable difficulties and embar
rassment ; but it was not a wel
come and gratifying mode of escape.
It was, throughout, a string of hu
miliations. It conceded a great
many things which everybody had
believed, two years previously,
never would be conceded. It con
tained-what was without parallel
-an expression of regret to a
foreign power for acts and omis
sions which the Government main
tained were not blameworthy, and
it agreed that certain new rules of
international law should have a re
trospective effect. This was a hard
pill to swallow, and nothing but the
graceful and kindly way in which
th'ese various co 'essions were re
ceived by the . merican people
made it possible to swallow it.
There was much grumbling, but
it was smothered by the gen
eral desire to escape from an im
paw, and to wipe out the remem
brance of the most unfortunate I
blunder in English foreign policy.
Nothing but the smooth working of
the machinery, and the absence of I
any hitch in what remained to be
done, could have prevented the I
revival of the earlier bitterness.
This hitch has occurred, and it is !
to be feared we shall see now an I
outburst of the opposition which a 4
combination of good influences sup
pressed last year. Second, the
Ministry is not as strong now as it I
was when the Treaty was made, and I
its weakness has been largely due I
to growing dissatisfaction with its
prepations to give it effect. An out
cry which Mr. Gladstone could have
disregarded twelve months ago he
can hardly so effectually disregard
at present, and the assault on the
" American Case " will probably
serve as a powerful weapon to op
position. It is had enough, they
will say, to eat dirt in order to es
cape a kicking; but to eat dirt, andt
get the kicking, is something to
which no nation can be expected to
more than once.
If the Treaty should now miscarry, 1
it will be a striking illustration of i
the difficulty of getting internation
al questions before any tribunal that i
can be devised; and it will show that ]
in our rejoicing over the gain to civ
ilization which a'as made by the or- I
ganization of the Geneva Board, we a
overestimated the reasonableness of a
man. For it must be remembered t
that the sole question which divides j
the two Governments is the question 1
whether one party shall be allowed to
ask the arbitration for the incalcula- v
ble damages which he frankly ac- j
knowledges he has not the least ex- t
pectation of receiving, and which a
the other party knows perfootly the
.rbitrator. would never think of
awarding. A frank and fair accept- e
B ance of the principle of arbitration
swould make Great Britirn indiffer
f ent to the contents of the American
, Case, provided she had confidence
I in the Board, for she would natur
I ally say, the Board is as competent
r to pass upon the extent of the
American claims as upon their
nature. But the fact is, England
has only yet reached the point of
I accepting arbitration on. distinctly
defined issues, and we doubt if any
other nation has got much further.
i We are still at some distance from
fa state of things in which interns
r tional disputants will throw down
the facts before a court and ask it
" to say what are their rights and
duties. In the meantime, both
parties owe it to the great interests
of civilization not to let the Treaty
of Washington miscarry for any
but substantial reasons. If nothing
real is gained or guarded against
by the claim for consequential
damages, there ought surely to be
some means found of disposing of
it so as to save everybody's self
love.- The Nation.
HON. W. H. SEWAID.
A good many rumors have ap
peared in the papers about the
health of Hon. William H. Seward,
entirely contradictory in their na
ture, and the public are somewhat
at a loss to know what is the exact
truth. A friend of ours, who has
lately visited Mr. Seward at his
home in Auburn, states that Mr.
Seward is in the enjoyment of re
markably good health; he spends
each day as many hours in vigorous
literary labors as most men of forty
would care to do; he drives out
every day, and spends some hours
in pleasant social intercourse. In
conversation Mr. Seward shows the
vigor of early days, and when
touching upon any theme of special
interest he warms up to the subject
until one is quite carried away with
his eloquence. The central idea of
iir. Seward's life has been to bene
fit the generation in which he lives;
he stood alone in the United States
Senate demanding justice for the
negro, when many who are now the
loudest in demanding pri'ileges for
the colored people were pro-slavery
to the last degree. It has been a
fixed principle with Mr. Seward
never to spend a moment's time in
defending himself, but to allow his
actions to speak for themselves; and
how much more effectual it has
proved than the hours and days
and weeks and months spent by
some Senators and Congressmen in
personal explanations and defence
of their own actions. Mr. Seward
can now spend the evenings of his
days with a full conviction that all
the charges that malice or bitter
partisanship have ever made against
him have failed in any degree to
weaken the confidence which his
countrymen feel in him.- Gala~ru. i
The Davenport Brothers Caught.
The Davenport Brothers lately
gave some psychic exhibitions at
Ithaca, New York, but their tricks I
were sadly disarranged by some of'a
the Cornell University fellows. A
private letter says that some of the
students, having a scientific turn of
mind provided themselves before
hand with pyrotechnic bails contain
ing phosphorus, somadease to ignite
suddenly with a bright light. Dur- I
ing the dark scenes when the
Davenport. purported to be, and as
the audience supposed were, bound
hand and foot in their closet or cabin,
and when the guitar was floating in I
air and playing musically around,'
the aforesaid students struck their
lights all of sudden, when the spirit. I
were found to be none other than
the Davenport. themselves, who
were dodging about the stage,
brandishing the guitars, and playing
the tunes. The music suddenly
ceased, the committee declared the
performance a humbug, and the
player. departed frcmn Ithaca by the
earliest train.--*.
Carpet-aggr iad Ucalawags.
Mr. Joubert in his testimony be
fore the Congressional Committee
on Thursday, was asked to deane
what he meant by "Carpet-baggers
and Scalawag.," and in reply stated
that it was men who came here
from the North to hold office and
make money; and then leave. He
thought that one-half of the colored
men in the Legislature were Carpet
Baggers. Mr. Joubert thus defines
himaelf, for he is a Carpet-Bagger,
if ever there was one, he was a
strong Union man during the war,
and fought for it (with his talk).
His mouth-piece must have suffered
severely, spouting for the Union.
He then went'on to say that at one
time he had considered CoL Casey
a Carpet-Bagger, but as the Colonel
had settled in the State he no longer
considered him such. From this
we would infer that Mr. Joubert
does not consider himself a carpet
bagger as he too has settled in the
State, but perhaps he has not made
sufficient to leave, and until then,
considers himself above the colored
carpet-baggers of the Legislature. 1
The colored men of the Legislature
no doubt, feel complimented by
such remarks from a would-be re
presentative of their race. Mr.
Joubert had induced his father to I
liberate all his slaves, but he (Jon
bert), had hold two, because when
he became their master, there was
a law in the State that requires
every man who liberates a slave to
leave the State. Yet he fought,
(talked) for the Union, and the
freedom of our slaves, but thought I
it devolved upon him to hold two,
and as he says, educated one, who i
is now his clerk. Mr. Joubert en
deavored to extricate himself after
it was too late. His cake is all
dough.
Mr. Joubert says he does not
consider Mr. Casey a carpet-baggar,
because he had settled in the State,
but did Mr. Casey come here for
office? oh! no, but got one and in
duty-bound settled down here, un
til he makes enough, when he will
vamouse, he will then be denounced
as a carpet-bagger, so probably will t
Mr. Joubert be, but until these
gentlemen obtain all they can, they
are not to be termed carpet-baggers.
It is very probable that if the Cue- c
tomhouse clique had any chances t
whatever in the coming contest, t
that Messrs. Joubert and Casey i
would never become carpet-baggers. s
Mr. Joubert stated that "the col- *
ored people were politically afraid
of their old masters," he probably r
had forgotten that. he once was a v
master of slaves, but perhaps he t
only held them as slaves, to remain s
in the State, whereas, had he lib
erated them, he would have had to a
leave, again he says he thought the t
colored people were opposed to I
Governor Warmoth who fought for
them, while he (Joubert) held them l
in bondage. Mr. Joubert's endeav- t
ors to lcad the colored men to the c
belief that Governor Warmoth is o
not-their friend, :ire to weak, as he t
will find out when Governor War- t
moth is re-elected in November, by a
an overwhelming majority, and that ~
too, by the vote of the colored men, t
when he (Joubert) will depart for
France.-Terrdionne Pairiot. t
a z
BAD COMxNT. - POOr company
may be a little better than none.
Bad company is certainly a great 1
deal worse. Intelligence, prudence, a
purity, wisdom and truth in our as- t
sociations, will tend to elevate and I
improve as in every good quality,
while ignorance, rashness and folly i
are contagious, and many a person I
has been led to a moral andasocial
ruin by the exciting influence of'
evil associates. Our tastes will
largely decide the company we keep. t
Like seeks like, water finds italevel t
and when we find our associates ten- t
ding downward, is is time foruas to
stop and inquire whether such aseo-E
ciation will tend to improve or de- a
grade us in our own estimation, as i
well as that of others. Every per- I
son should endeavor to improve t
themselves that the world may be I
bmeaited by their Einig in i&
LIBERIA.
Are the colored men capable of
self-government? That is the ques
tion. In this country there has not
1 been time since their emancipation
to test the experiment. On the
Grain Coast of Upper Gaines, how
ever, an experiment has been going
on for about half a century, under
the auspices of the American Col
onization Society, which affords a
conclusive answer to that question.
The Republic of Liberia is a free,
representative government of col
ored men. Whites, so far, are ex
cluAcd from the rights of citizen
ship. The President and Represen
tatives are elected for twc years;
Senators for four. All citizens are
electors when they are twenty one
years of age, and possess real estate.
This colon for years has been
attracting the attention of the civil
ized world. The success and rapid
progress of the colony is a matter
settled beyond dispute. As far
back as 1848 Great Britain and the
United States recognized the Re
public, an example which has since
been followed successively by Bel
gium, Prussia, Brazil and France
(in 1854.) The population is over
a quarter of a million.
Here then is the chosen spot to
test the possibilities of a free civil
ized government of the negro race.
From 1823 its histo.iy was one of
almost unvarying prosperity and
domestic peace, until some time
last year, when the first political
difficulty occurred, which for a time
threatened the destruction of the
little Republic. We note it here,
and now to show how the black
man handles the question of civil
war:
The constitution of Liberia fixes
the Presidential term at two years.
E. G. Roy, the President, liking
the situation too well, undertook to
extend his term two years more
without going to the trouble of a
re-election. He found it easier to
make a simple proclamation that he
would extend his term to four years.
Now, according to all received tra
ditions and notions, the negro ought
to have yielded peaceably and stu
pidly to this tyranny. But he did
not. The Legislature at once de
clared the act If President Roy un
constitutional and usurpation. Roy
then forbade the regular election
to be held for President, and took
immediate measures to inaugurate
a civil war or compel the people to
submit.
Now let us white men mark the
result and inwardly digest. Without
violence or a drop of blood shed,
the people quietly roused them
selves, put Roy and his cabinet in
prison, held their regular election
and annulled all the illegal acts of
the usurper and chose ex-President
Roberts for the succeeding term.
Roberts was inaugurated on the
1st of January, and all is quiet on
the coast of Guinea! If the advo
cates of the Monkey-and-Gorilla
origin of the negro can do better
than that we should like to hear
the evidence, and it would not be
much of a disgrace after all, if such
are the result of low origin.
If this transaction does not prove
the capability of the negro for self
government in all places and at all
times, it certainly proves that it is
nto impossible.
& Nzw Axc ovzo WASHINGoNo.
-Dr. Francis Lieber tells the fol
the question of a division of the
legsltie depsartment into two
"Jefferson one day visited Wash
ington, and full as Jefferson was of
French views and ideas of politics,
and everything else, he zealously
attacked the system of two houses.:
General Washington replied that
Jefferson was much bettor informed
thah himael~f on sueh topics, but
that he himself would adhere to
the experience of English and
American history. 'You yourself'
said the General, 'have proved the
excellence of two houses this very
moment.' 'I,' said JTeferson, 'howl
is that?' 'You have,' replied the
heroic sage, 'poured hot tea fromn
It isthe sane thin we deire of the.
two ho~uses.'"
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LAW oFFICE,
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Prompt attention given to civ
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State.
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ATTORNEYS AND COUNSELLORS AT
LAW,
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orracx 69 CANAL sT., Naas POSTOrFcE.
A graduate from the University of Coo
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brated Prot Ricord, Paris. DR. BILLE
has acuired a high reputation as SPE
CIALS for all kinds of Sexual diseases,
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Bank Hours..........9LX. .to 3 P.a
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