The Weekly Minnesotian. [volume], December 20, 1856, Image 1

About The Weekly Minnesotian. [volume] (Saint Paul, Minn. Territory) 1852-1858

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OWENS & MOORE,
VOL. 6.
gailg pinumfian.
rtlLitilED AT PAtT, Ivw* WKKE DAT MuRNINQ, BT
OWENS A MOORE,
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MONDAY MORNING, DEC. 15, 1856.
*rtie President** Message.
Since the organization of the Federal Gov-
ernment, we think we can say with truth
and without fear of successful contradiction,
that a more disgraceful and partisan stale pa
per never emanated from an Executive of
the United States.
We dislike ourselves, and feel like reprov
ing the act i:i others, to assail or speak in
terms condemnatory of the President of th
United States. For the man, we have no
higher regard than for any other citizen, ex
cept when liis character makes him pre-emi
nent ; hut for the place, we always feel a re
verence which prompts us to forbear to con
demn him who occupies it. But when the
man who (ills it forgets, or disregards the
sanctity of the place and office, and sinks
into the mere demagogue and political petti
fogger and mountebank, it becomes the duty
of the independent press, in the perform
ance of its obligations to the community,
who are sought to be imposed upon, to ex
pose his falsehoods, to tear the cobweb cov
erings from his s<aphistries and to correct his
perversions of the truth and his falsifications
of the history of th»past and present. Mr.
Pierce his been guilty of all these ; and
shat too, in a State Paper, which, from its
source, sin mid be a high-toned, truthful re
cord of the state of the Union—of its past
and present history.
Instead of this, however, and in a manner
entirely foreign to the object and design ol
that provision of the Constitution with
which he is retending to conform, he de
votes more than three-fifths of his Message
to the dissemination of a hackneyed partisan
falsehood, which ought to sink still lower
than his natural level even, the poor petti
fbsrger, who. in times of political excite
ment, quits, fur a time, imposing upon those
who are weak enough to trust to his coun
sels ; turns demagogue, and seeks to acquire
a notoriety by the brazen impudence with
which he can propound a lie, and then swear
to its flu then ticity.
The question of slavery, the repeal of the
“ Missouri Compromise,” and the troubles
in Kansas are yhe thpiqeg upon which he os
tensibly writes ; while, in fact, the whole
document is an attack upon the Rep iblican
organization ; a libel upon its doctrines, and
an inveterate assault upon the honesty ol
the people of the North, in revenge for their
repudiation of him and his treasons.
Thus, did the paper carry with it any
force, it would really and seriously be most
baneful in its influences. But, fortunately,
the character of the man proves an anti lote
to the poison it might otherwise infuse. In
stead of the pride and honest desire which
the President should feel, in being the instru
ment of healing the feuds, which he declares
to exist between the North and the South,
he, a Northern man himself, uses his utmost
power to create an antagonism bet ween those
two sections of our common country.
He attacks the motives of the North, while
he lands the patriotism of the South ; de
clares the North to be an organized band of
abolitionists, resolved upon a revolution of
the government ; the South the pillar of the
Union ; the North the abettors and beget
ters of civil war and the troubles in Kansas ;
the South as the conservators of the peace
and the only friends of the Constitution.
From the fact that there are, at the North,
a few miserable fanatics, who prate about
abolition, and who are a- obnoxious to the
Republicans as ta Dem »crats, this worthy
and dignified President has seen proper to
declare, that the Republican party, whose
principal strength, at present , is in the North,
are abolitionists and revolutionists; and who,
under the pretence of preventing the spread
of slavery, are inflamed with a desire to
change the domestic institutions of the ex
isting States.
Now, what we complain of in this, is
this : that at the time Mr. Pierce wrote that
sentence, he knew it to he a downright, un
qualified falsehood, and that lie might with
the same propi iety declare that the Demo
cratic partx were secessionists. Nay, with
more propriety could be so doclare, for it is
among the leading spirits of the South that
we find those who talk of and threaten dis
union ; while at the North, such treasona
ble language and threats are confined to men'
of no consequence, and who exercise no in
fluence in public affairs.
At the South, it is the Governors of states
and Senators and Representatives in Con
gress who talk treason in any communica
tion they make to the country; while at the |
North it is confined to strong-minded wo- ,
men and men wholly destitute of either po- j
litTcal or moral influence. These are facts, I
and we refer the country to the records.
But we have not space to-day to finish this j
review.
How titer Sqtirttt.
The. Pioneer -attempts •to escape
from the odium ” of a most shameful
breach of faith, resorts to fabrications out
right. After quoting our strictures of Thurs
day morning, it goes on to make the follow
ing statement, which it will be seen doesnot
contradict a single assertion made by us, al
though the writer affects to believe that we
are thereby branded as a “falsifier and slan
derer
“ An employee in our office was approach
ed on Wednesday afternoon, about four
o’clock, at the Post Office, by one of the
proprietors of the Minesotian, who made a
proposition that no more expresses Should
be sent out. This proposition - was accepted
by the gentleman from this office, without
consultation with the proprietors.”
He was not “ approached ” in the Post
Office. The agreement was only then con
cluded in fact—which had been settled in
terms several hours before at Cannon Falls
by the same individuals—in the presence of
the principal writing editor of the Pioneer,
who did not signify the least objection to it.
This “ employee ” stated that he woujd not
go himself, and that he possessed sufficient
influence at the establishment to prevent any
one else from going—a representation which
we then and now fully believe.
“ On informing one of them, an hour af
terwards, of the nature ol the agreement he
had entered into, he was directed to inform
the Minnesotian Office that it was not ap
proved, and that every effort would be made
by this office to sgeurcthe message at the
earliest possible hour. This direction was
faithfully complied with, several hours be
fore our express left the city.”
Of course we cannot say as to what he
was “directed” to do. We only know as
to what he did and what he did not do. lie
■lid not see the individual with whom the
agreement was made till several hours after
the Pioneer had issued the message, and
when he did see him he distinctly informed
him that when the Pioneer folks concluded
not to stand by the agreement and he had
told them that he was iq honor bound to in
form u 3, they objected and absolutely made
him promise not to inform the Minnesotian
office that they were going to start another
expioss ; which promise “ was faithfully
complied with.”* We had not the least
knowledge till the next morning but what
the Pioneer folks were faithfully standing b} -
the agreement, for it was concluded with an
individual of whose nice sense of honor we
had hitherto entertained the most exalted
opinion. We ask the public vyho, as a gene
ral thing, care nothing about it, Is it reason
able to suppose if we had known of their in
tentions to send an express, that we should
not have done so likewise?
If they have “ complied with every prin
ciple and rule of honor,” then the term is
susceptible of a definition that we have ne
ver before known to ty? put op it.
Milinser,
This young city is going ahead with rapid
strides. We notice that a Post Office has
lately been established, and that Louis Loi
chet, Esq., has been appointed Postmaster.
Success to Nininger.
Pilgrim Celebration. —The New Eng
land Society, it will be remembered, cele
brate the landing of the Pilgrim Fathers by
a festival at the Fuller Hoi.se, on next Mon
day evening. Ample preparations are being
made to accommodate a large number of
guests.
WMbington Item*.
New York, Dec. 5.
The Tribune’s Washington Correspondent
of the 4th, says that John D. Campbell, of
Ohio, son of the Hon. Lewis D. Campbell,
has been appointed as Assistant Clerk of the
House in place of Mr. Aston, of New Jersey,
reru ved.
I learn from a reliable source that John
Appleton, of Maine, has been induced to act
as Mr. Buchanan’s Private Secretary, and
vyiLl not therefore go into the Cabinet or the
Union newspaper.
Enough members of the House arriVid
to-night to §ive the Democracy one majority
without the Speaker’s vote in the House to
morrow. ,
The Electoral College which m-1 yester
day at Richmond, after casting their votes
for Buciianan and Breckenridge, declared
their preference for cabinet officers.
Twelve of the fifteen of the electoral votes
named Governor Floyd for Secretary of State,
backed up by Governor Wise.
They also recommended Faulkner for
Governor in 1859.
“Ladies’ Festival.” —The Ladies of Has
tings give an entertainment thus styled, on
Thursday evening, December 18th. We
have no doubt it will prove an occasion wortn
being present at.
-SAINT PAUL, MINNESOTA TERRITORY, SATURDAY, DECEMBER 20, 1856.
TUESDAY MORNING, DEC. 16, 1856.
The President** Mr**age.
j We resume this morning our comments
upon this document, and hope to be able to
make good our opening declaration in Satur
day morning’s paper.
Our closing remark, in that article was,
that Mr. Pierce could, with far more propri
i cty, and we now add, with some apparent
j truthfulness, have declared that the Demo- !
| cratic party were not only dieunionists but j
: revolutionists , than that the Republicans were !
j either revolutionist* or abolitionists. The rea- j
j son wc assigned was, that, while at the North !
! abolitionism is confined to strong-minded j
j gromen’s-rights-women, and a very few weak- j
minded femaiicg, destitute of both political!
; character and influence, and who have a dis- j
; tinct political organization of their Own ; at |
i the South, it is the leading Democratic states- i
j men rnd politicians, Governors, Senators and j
j Representatives'in Congress, men of charac- !
! ter and influence in their respective states, i
! who openly advocate, and who, during the i
recent political contest, gsjtociaily, were in
the habit of continually threatening soces- i
sion %nd a dissolution of the Union, Not j
only thjs, bui Mr. Pierce well knows that ,
the Republicans are as obnoxious to the j
Northern Abolitionists as the Democrats ; i
and that some of their leading men, those ■
most rabid in their denunciations of slavery, i
Wt re among- 1 the flrst, in the recent strug-!
gle, to ally themselves with the Democratic j
party ; because the principles of that party !
were more congenial than those of the Re-1
publicans.
Still this man of truth, this man of un-!
sullied integrity, while leading members of
the Southern Democracy are openly advo
cating secession ; while for the six j
months there has gone forth from the South* |
ern wing of this same party one oontinnal
and almost universal howl of disunion j
while leading members of the Abolition par
ty were abandoning their own organization !
to unite themselves with the opponents of !
Kepublicanism ; while all this and more was
still fresh n his memory, Mr. Pierce pro
claims to the world that fhgse men are the
only true friends of the country, the Union ■
and the Constitution, and that the Republi
cans are an organized band of revolutionists,
and what is still worse In his estimation,
Abolitionists resolved upon the destruction
of the Government.
We are obliged to pass without comment
over much of the puling twaddle of his dis
eased mind, anti to omit his horrid pictur s
of “ burning cities,” “ ravaged fields,”
“ slaughtered population,” “ servile war t ”
“ forcible disruption,” “ igtßuaJ devastation,”
“ fratricidal carnage,” armies of people,
standing face to face as enemies, rather
than shoulder to shoulder fiS friends,” and
and other agreeable impressions which his
solitary lucubrations brought to his mind ;
and to follow him to his alleged acts of ag
gression by the North upon the South, and
see how far history will sustain l.is partisan
denunciations of one section of the country
and his eulogies of the other.
The first act of “ indirect a/tgnss-ian * 5 ia
the ;i strenuous agitation,” by citizens of the
Northern States, In Congress and out of it,
of negro emancipation in the South. This
act of “ indirect ” aggression, he attributes to
the Republican party; not in so many words,
but lie follows up act upon a:t, seeking p>
make the Republican party responsible for
all.
In the first place, the Republican party was
constituted and organized within the past thirty
months, and, within the same period, has at
tained its present extraordinary strength and
power; while the AMU ion Party is nearly
contemporary with the somewhat aged Dem
ocratic Party itself. Besides this, many
years have elapsed since there was any very
strenuous agitation of the question ot negro
emancipation, either in or out of Congress;
and that whioh has, at any time, within ten
or a dozen years, existed, has been created
by one or the other, or both of the two classes
we have before referred to —the members of
which united, we scarcely think, will at any
very immediate period, produce r. dissolution
of the Union, by abolishing negro slavery in
the South.
We do, however, remember, that the last
time this question was “ strenuously agita
ted” in Congress, it was induced by the
senseless and unconstitutional cur.duot of the
Hoi spurs of the South, who made a violent
attack upon Mr. Adams for offering to pre
sent a petition praying for the abolition of
Negro Slavery, not in the States, but in the
District of Columbia.
We remember, also, that it was then with
the Hotspurs as it now is with Mr. Pierce>
who in their phrenzy made no distinctions’
but denominated every man an abolitionist
who favored the sacred right of Petition.
And we remember still further that most of
the Hotspurs who entered the list against
the “Old Man Eloquent,” left the field with
spurs and comb both as cold politically, as
Eng.aud’s Hotspur left the field of Shrews
bury physically.
Thus we see, that although Mr. Pierce ha*
assumed and essayed to prove the Republi
cans Abolitionists, he has failed most sig
nally, notwithstanding he manufactured his
tory to suit his peculiar wants.
“ The second step in the path of evil ” con
sisted in the citizens of several of the North
ern States, having adopted measures to facili
tate the escape of negro slaves from their mas
ters, and to prevent their extradition. This
is a serious charge upon independent Sor-
OSce—Third Btmt, below Cedar.
reign States, and amounts to this: the Pre
sident of the United States charges, say, the
great Commonwealth of Pennsylvania with
having enacted laws to assist and render easy
the escape of animate property from its mas
ter. and to prerent its master from recover
ing it.
He might just as well have said, and it is
| saying so virtually, thM the legislature of
| Pennsylvania, provided means of committing
| larceny, and then added to that act another,
| providing for the safe keeping of the property
j »tolen. This is the substance of the charge, j
j This is a serious charge ; one involving the !
! highest degree of moral turpitude on the •
! part of the Legislative frody pi a sovereign j
: state. It is made by UTaar occupying the j
| most eminent position in the world 3 and yeti
it is of a character so entirely destitute of)
j truth, and so easily exposed, that we confess j
| we are at a loss to imagine what could in- \
| duec the recklessness ol the act. The only j
conclusion we can arrive at, and that is char- i
itable, is, that the man is insane. No act of!
the kind was eypp passed by either of the j
States of the North j yet several of those !
states, at a time of much excitementi did i
enact law prohibiting state officers from of-j
ficiating in the re-capture of fugitive slaves, |
and changing-the use of the public jails for j
the purpose of keeping them. But the gets ;
were acts of wupia'erventton purely, and pass->
ed in retaliation of the unconstitutional im-;
prisonmeut and sale into slavery by certain !
of the Southern States, of flou men of the j
Xoith. We believe they were fully justifia
ble in doing this ; and they did nothing
more ; they did nothing, either to facilitate
the escape or prevent the recapture and ex
t:* lition. Tfie allegation 1$ a pure apd un
qualified lje,
We now come to the third Step of evil at
tributed to the Republican party, and which
he attained by degrees. This is the unhap- i
py controversy growing out of the more re- i
cent organizaiions ol territorial governments, j
and the admission of new states u.to the ■
Uni jn ; but we will reserve this for to-rnor-1
r ry’s paper.
New Baxeino UotsK.—Messrs. J. Jay!
Knox & Co., have opened a banking-house!
ill MeClung’s new stone building on St. An
thony street. The young gentlemen com
posing this firm, bring from New York, : n .
which state they formerly resided, the high-,
est testimonials from gontlen-eq uf acknow
ledged ability, testifying *o ‘their integrity !
an 1 e;;pa r ji.y for transacting a business ol '
the kind in which they ate engaged in this j
city : both of them having had a thorough
experience in banking institutions in their j
own state. We think a’d who have any oc- i
pasiqn tp transact business with them will •
find them strictly reliable in every respect. :
Messrs. J. Jay Rn<>x & Co., are agents for'
the sale of Duncan, Sherman & Co.’s foreign ;
drafts, one of the soundest hanking houses ’
in the United States.— Pioneer and Democrat. !
From an acquaintance with tLe head of this
firm, we are prepared to fully endorse the
above. Mr. J. Jay Knox has been known to
the business community of St. Paul for more
than a twelve-month past. He is altogether
right as a correct and faithful business man,
pecuniarily jqd otherwise ; and his partners
ajid backers are of the same character.
From Washington.
Washington, Dec, 5.
The Whitfield question is still undecided
in the Housg,
Mr. Phelps of Mo,, stated that a majority
of Mr. Whitfield’s friends were then in the
city,
A call of the House was made in order tc
give time f>r the absentees to reach the
hall.
The President lias decided to purchase the
Brick Church property in Nassau street for
the site of the Post Office. Four hundred
and fifty thousand dollars is to be paid,
Resolutions have been introduced into the
South Carolina Legislature deprecating the
continual agitation of the abstract theories
relating to the slave trade, and other matters
as dividing and distracting the state, and
alienating from her the support and sympa
thies of other States.
Some excitement has been occasioned in
Charles County, Maryland, by the arrest of
two negroes charged with plotting insurrec?
tion among the slaves,
Two white men supposed to havebecnen
gaged in the plot have fled front the state.
Retribution.— Tn 1854, Cassius M. Clay
visited Springfield, Illinois, and an effort was
made to get him the State House to speak
in; but Johh Moore, the pro-slavery State
Treasurer, and a tool of Douglas, closed the
building in the face of Mr. Clay and his
friends, and acted towards them in regular
Border Ruffian style. This John Moore was
the Buchanan-Douglas candidate for State
Treasurer at the late election, and the fol
lowing is the verdict of the people upon him:
Moore, 107,048; Miller, 128,430; majority
against Moore, 21,382. A significant, crush
ing rebuke to a low-minded demagogue. The
people have turned him out of the State-
House as emphatically as if he had been a
money-changer who profaned the temple by
his presence.
Missouri Election. —The result stands
thus : Aggregate vote, Buchanan, 57,964;
Fillmore, 48,296 ; Buchanan’s majority,
9,668. Whole vote cast was 106,260, which
is considerably less than half as much as that
cast in Illinois, and just about equal to the
young state of lowa.
■ | WEDNESDAY, DECEMBER 17, 1856.
The Pmldcnl’s Mrwa{[«.
In resuming this subject this morning, we
| cannot resist the impulse of again referring
• to the wicked and malicious charges prefer
red by this pettifogging slave of the South
against a number of the patriotic States of
i the North; that many of the Northern States
! had passed laws to facilitate the escape, and
{ to prevent the reclamation and extradition of
i runaway slaves.
j Ignorant of the laws with which he profea
: scs to lie familiar, or wantonly perverse and
; w icked, knowing the truth, he proclaims to
| the world, as a part of the political history '
i °f the country, one of the grossest libels ever j
penned by hireling hands; and not satisfied j
to stop here, hu has the unblushing effront-'
err to declare that many of the Northern :
States have, by positive enactment, forbidden
their officers under the severest penalties, to j
participate in the execution of act or j
Canyms whatever t
As stated in our article of yesterday the i
Acts of the various States referred to, in- .
stead of containing the provisions such as al
leged in the Message, are purely acts of non=.
intervention. Neither in letter- or spirit do
the}- facilitate tin* escape of fugitive slaves, i
or to prevent their extradition; but are acts !
passed in accordance with the demands, and j
in pursuance of the policy advocated by the
leading slave-holding Statesmen of the South.
The principle these men contended fbr was, j
that the Northern States had ao right to in- I
terfere, either in ctpe way or another, with !,
Slave? op Slavery; that the Constitution, by
virtue of its inherent and implied force, af
forded the slaveholder full authority, and
provided him with ample means to protect
himself and hie property; and that all they
asked of the North was—‘‘hands off’ —rnon .
interference. Tliis was all the North did by
its legislation. The slaveholder retained un
imp ;ired every right guaranteed to him by
the Constitution. It could not be otherwise.
No legislation by the S’ates thus availed, i
could have impaired any Constitutional:;
right.
Thus, although the legislation of the North !
was merely responsive to the doctrines of the •
South, and although the South never had any j
just ground of o<>mpluint; still, Mr. Pierce |
Imagines that in this subject, revamped to j
Iris taste, be has discovered a new’ and fruit- .
ful source of sectional agitation, and has de
termined to use it, As a means best ealeu- ;
lated to promote this vicious design, he adopts :
as the vehicle of disseminating the infamous ]
libel, his annual Message to Congress; hoping
that the title of the document may give some :
force to that which, were it merely over his :
signature, would prove entirely innoceuous. j
But we have said more upon this sul ject j
than we intended, and must leave it for the ;
third ad of Northern aggression upon the South.;
It is a part of the history of the country that i
at the time it was proposed to admit into the
Union the States of Maine and Missouri, a
very serious contest grew up out of the prop- j
osition to admit the latter coupled with a 1
prohibition of slavery.
The question then, and ever since periodi-!
callv agitated, was n<>t that of the abolition |
of slavery, but of its extension beyond,its ex- j
isting limits. The struggle which ensued |
was terrific, ami serious apprehensions were 1
felt by strong men. whether the Union would
withstand the violence of the shock. This
was not a collision between Abolitionism
and Slavery; but the encounter of patriotism
and far-sighted statesmanship, with sense- j
less fanaticism—North and South.
The Abolitionists of the North ar.d the i
ultra States-rights men of the South, e cii
wedded to a single idea, united to oppose the *
conservative statesmen and patriots of the
country; and after the most stormy and vio
lent period that the country has ever passed
through, either before or since, a proposition
was made to compromise the question which
for a time shook the Union to its very center.
The proposition came from the South and
was supported by the votes of all the good
men, North and South, then in Congress.—
The compromise proposod was to admit Mis
souri as a Slave State; and as quidpro qm to
the North, to adopt as a line, beyond which
negro slavery should never penetiatc, the
parallel of latitude of 36 degrees and 30 min
utes. The proposition became the law of the
land; and not simply the law of the land, but
a compact beeween the North and the South
of perpetual force and existence. Mr. Pierce
very gravely asks, “between whom teas the com
pact ?” If he had studied the history of the
country or of the subject upon which he has
seen fit to write, he need not have asked that
question. The compact was between the peo
ple of the North and South—a compact, the
concurrence in which in all probability, was
the only possible means of saving the Union.
And yet he can ask “between whom was that
compact?” The history of that compact
will not soon be forgotten—the date of its
ratification formed an era in the history of
the country; and every incident attached to
| or connected with it should be held in sacred
j remembrance, because of the evil it prevent
! ed—the national calamity which it averted
| The adoption of the “Missouri Compromise”
I restored the country to peace and the ques
tion seemed apparently to be settled, and in
all probability would have remained so, but
for the acquisition of additional Territory.—
Of this, however, in its proper order.
Notwithstanding the adoption of the “com
promise” restored quiet toacountry agitated
from one end to the other, we are no m in-
Baltimore. Doc. 5.
formed by Mr. Pierce that the compromise
was acquiesced in but not approved.
. This is not the fact, as he 'proves by his
own Message in the ensuing sentence. The
’! com P act , for compact it was, mu approved ;
| an<i not ~,erel y approved but venerated. Up
dou lhe admission of Texas there was an op
| P° rluni ‘.v to test whether it would be ap
proved by the States after a lapse of twenty
[ odd years.
I The rc f ult «•«*, that it was, with little or
| no opposition, made a part of the Joint Res-
I olution admitting Texas into the Union
| r * Fierce, whi’e aware of this fact,
: and stating the adoption of the principle in
the lexas Resolution, again declares that it
I was n4 'T'iesced in rather than apjrrooHh whin
j tLe fact is ) and the history of the legislation
! of thc country proves it, that the principle !
« as adhered lo with a tenacity almost unpar- !
added—being reaffirmed and re-enacted!
whenever an opportunity was afforded. From
the date of the admission of Texas until the :
date of the passage of the Kansas-Nebraska j
act, the principle of that Compromise re- •
tnarned unquestioned, and the agreement be- !
ft ween the North and South in its foundation !
: was regarded inviolable—a sacred thing!
It is hekl however, by the President, that j
; tbis compact was virtually repealed by the j
! compromise measures of 18-50; or in other !
words, by the successful resistance by the ;
Representatives ol the Northern States to i
thc application of the “compromise” line to i
the new territory acquired from Mexico. As j
a question of fact, it is not true that the Rep- ;
reeentatives of the North resisted the appli- j
cation of the Compromise Line to the newly j
acquired Territories; but it is true that they !
resisted the most unwarrantable and iinfouti- j
dc d construction to be placed upon that coni- 1
p »ct by the South, and now, by their inval- |
uable aIH, Mr, Pierce. The construction j
sought to be put upon the compact is this:— j
It was a prohibition of slavery north of;
SC 30; and being a prohibition north of that j
line ; it follows, therefore, that free states are 1
prohibited south of that line; and following j
up this train of unimpeachable logic, he says j
that the Representatives of the North, in j
successfully resisting the attempt of the!
South, to devote the whole of the newly ae- j
quired Territory to slavery 'an l excluding!
slavery from such territories, thereby re- j
peakd the legislative compromise, and per- 1
slatently violated the compact, if compact it j
•vas.
For the sake of illustrating this logic, j
within the comprehension of even the Prrsi- j
dent, we will suppose a case, “ N.” and “ S.” j
are hunters, in the habit of hunting mutually ;
upon both sides of thc Mississippi; there is j
an Island in the river which both claim the
exclusive right to. S. says to N., if you wi 1
relinquish to me the exclusive right to this
Island, I will agree never to hunt again on
the east side of the river. Now, will any
man of common understanding pretend, that!
X. is prohibited front hunting on the west j
side of the river because S. has agreed not to
| hunt on the east ? Preposterous! The
1 idea is so entirely absurd, that we are aston-!
| shed even at President Pierce for entertain
jng it. The erse put is an exaet parallel. N. j
| is the North ; S. the South ; the Island the |
j State of Missouri, over which the contention i
1 was; and the Mississippi represents the line i
! of 36 30. * i
The message next assumes the Missouri
compromise to be unconstitutional, and says
it is so. because the Supreme Court have de
cided that the domestic legislative power of
the states, under the constitution arc co-equal.
Who ever doubted the equality of the states
in this regard, but what does that have to
do with the legislation of Congress in the
Territories.
Again in support of the sa r.e position, he
says, Congress can no more change a law of
domestic relation in Maine than in Missouri ?
This we also admit; but what has this to d
with the question ? There are several other
reasons assigned as little applicable to the
question as those quoted and having afforded
a sample, we will permit our readers to judge
of the lot.
The next position, is, that there was noth
ing in the act admitting Missouri iuto the
Union, that would give it perpetuity; and
yet. those, who are opposed to the rejical of
that compromise, hare changed those instru
mental in its repeal, with a breach of faith-
So there was a breach of faith. The history
of that compromise was known to every man
who voted for its repeal, or if it was not, he
was disqualified for a seat in Congress. It
was known that it was a compact mutually
entered into at a period of peril, as a means
of perpetrating the blessing of the Govern
ment we now enjoy. The honor of the
South was pledged to the North and the North
to the South to preserve that compact invi -
table.
Words of perpetuity were introduced into
the phraseology of that act, not because they
would make it perpetual; but that, should
its repeal ever be contemplated, these words
might attract the attention of those who
meditated the chmge, and cause them at
least to enquire, “ why was this ? ” But we
do not rest its perpetuity upon the language
'of the act, but upon the pledged faith of
' those who agreed to its terms; and although
! we are aware that one Congress has no pow
-er to restrict its successor, yet we supposed
! that where the fact was a matter of public
. history, that the two great sections of the
| U nion had pledged to each other their sacred
: honor for the preset-ration of that compact,
j that such pledges would be regarded by their
successors eren to perpetuity. We supposed
editors and ptdlishers
that honor, the honor of sovereign states,
Pledged through their Representativesto
> Wa " Per: aps inT * Bt «d with some
-1 08 * ® Perpetuity. We supposed that a
. compact founded on the good faith and honor
' 7“ ? U<e,f * thiQ S perpetiuU, on
less dissolved by mutual consent.
■ But ,k seems Wo !i»tc been mistaken, and
| that a new system of honor has been inaug
urated under the administration of Mr. Pierce,
and that honorable pledges are only kept
until they can be violated with impunity.
I his is the doctrine taught by the message.
We should be glad to follow this bad man
through each paragraph of his Me-aage, and
expose his falsehoods to tiie country ; but
we cannot spare the time or the room.
But before quitting the subject we must
reply to his charge upon the Republican par
ri. He has laid at their door all the evils in
the whole political catalogue. lie accuses
them with being the first to violate the pro
visions of the very compromise, of the re
peal of which they now complain. He ac
cuses them of seizing hold of the repeal of
this compromise as a means of stirring up
tteasonable excitement—of arraying one
section of the country against the other and
of feeding the liame of civil war in Kansas. ,
He denies that the Kansas act was passed
with a view to the extension of slavery, and
alleges that all the troubles in that unhappy
Territory were -brought upon it by the
Republicans ; while he lays the whole of
these things to them, he has not found a sin
gle cause ol censure against the Democracy
of the Mouth.
'lhe great and leading principle advocated
openly and uniformly by the Republican par
ty, is a firm and unyielding opposition to the
extension of slavery ; and while they will
not give an Inch upon this ground, they will
•steadily ana at all times respect the institu
tution of slavery where it uow exists. They
have always done so; and the charge of aim
ing at aboliton, under the pretence of re
sisting the extension of slavery, made in this
Message, is a cool, deliberate and wanton
falsehood—an infamous slander upon the
good name and fair fame of this newly or
ganized but powerful party. It is equally
false that the Republican is a sectional party
—on the contrary, were it disposed to
recriminate, there are an hundred instances
of sectionalism imputable to the Democrat
ic party where there one that could be prov
ed npon the Republican.
And we desire to add, that notwithstand
ing this miserable hireling, to whose trash
we have devoted too much of our time, does
occupy the Presidential chair, he is far too
puny to effect the ruin he aims at. That he
wrote this paper with a view of widening the
breach between the North and South, there
is no doubt; bit he might just as well at
tempt to remove the Rocky Mountains from
their base, as by his miserable falsehoods
and empty declaiming to effect 6uch a pur
pose.
It is well be avoided in his Message any
of those subjects which it should have been
his duty to comment upon, particularly our
foreign relations ; as the probabilities were,
had he attempted it, his propensity to per
vert the truth might have involved us in
foreign difficulties. Nothing he can say can
effect domestic ones—as a knowledge of the
man prevents all possibility of evil amongst
an intelligent people.
[Correspondence ol the Mlnneiotlan.
Cambridge and Urn Surrounding*.
Gentlemen: I came on a visit to this
place with some friends who are making pre
emptions, but I had.no intention of remain
ing I hav; been here a week, and have
been out exploring the country every day.
I ani so well satisfied that I have concluded
to remaiu and make a pre-emption. lam
happily disappointed;—the country is vastly
better than I had been led to believe. There
is an abundance of timber for fencing and
firewood on almost every quarter section.
The finest white oak in the territory is found
here—at least the finest that I have seen.
The meadows produce an abundance of ex
cellent glass, sufficient to supply the whole
country. There arc numerous-brooks and
clear lakes, which abound in fish. Game is
abundant.
The town is beautifully situate on the most
eaatemly bend of Rum River, in Town 35,
range 23, and possesses natural advantages
which must make it a place of importance.
It is surrounded by a fertile agricultural
country, and must become the centre of a
thriving trade. It is but five or six miles
from the southern line of the Pineries, and
lumber will be abundant and cheap.
A splendid mill will be in operation by
April, and thus the first necessity of a new
town will be supplied, viz.: building mate
rial.
A number of claims have been made. We
are making more, and others are on their
way for the same purpose. This region has
been under-rated ; but judging from what I
lave seen in other portions of the Territoiy,
this part will vindicate itself as soon as it
becomes better known.
Be'ore another season passes away we will
be a thriving community. The country of
fers extra inducements to fanners, because
thePineries will always furnish them a ready
market at their doors at the highest prices for
their excess of products. It is easy of ac
cess from St. Paul, and is on the natural line
of communication from there to Lake Supe
rior ; and when the railroad between the two
places is constructed, a choice of two other
markets will be had.
For one I am glad I came here, and ad
vise others who are in search of good land,
well watered ; good Umber in abundance ;
and in short a good country, to do likewise.
W*
i\ T O. 14.
Cambridge, Dec. 10, 1856.