The weekly pioneer and Democrat. [volume], September 23, 1859, Image 5

About The weekly pioneer and Democrat. [volume] (Saint Paul, Minn. Territory) 1855-1865

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SAINT PAUL.
Friday Morning Scpttiuber ad, 1859.
DEMOCRATIC STATE TICKET.
FORiGOVERNOR.
GEORGE L. BECKER, of Ramsey.
FOR LIEUTENANT GOVERNOR.
SYLVANUS B. LOWRY, of Stearns.
FOR SECRETARY OF STATE.
FRANCIS BAASEN, of Brown.
FOR ATTORNEY GENERAL.
JOHN B. BRISBIN, of Ramsey.
FOR STATE TREASURER.
SAMUEL B. ABBE, of Crow Wing.
FOR REPRESENTATIVES IN CONGRESS.
JAMES M. CAVANAUGH, of Fillmor*.
CHRISTOPHER GRAHAM, of Sibley.
Second. Senatorial District.
FOR STATE SENATORS.
ISAAC VAN ETTEN.
WM. SPRIGG HALL. CHARLES N. MACKUBIN,
FOB REPRESENT ATI VIS.
GEORGE MItSCH, OSCAR STEPHENSON,
WM. P. MURRAY, JOHN B. OLIVIER,
GEORGE PLUNKETT. D. A. ROBERTSON.
Democratic County Ticket.
for sheriff.
EDWARD D. COBB.
fob EEGIfTIB OF DUDS
EDWARD HEENAN.
FOB DISTRICT ATTORNEY.
ISAAC V. D. HEARD
FOR JUDGE OF PROBATE.
.roHN F. HOYT.
TOR COUNTY treasurer.
ROBT. A. SMITH.
FOR CORONER.
JOHN M. CASTNER.
COUNTY SURVEYOR.
D. G. KENNY,
GREAT DEMOCRATIC MASS MEETING.
A Grand Union Meeting of the De
mocracy of Hennepin, Washington, Ram
sey, Manomin and Anoka Counties will be
held at
NICOLLET ISLAND,
ON TUESDAY, the 27th SEPTEMBER,
COMMENCING AT ONE O’CLOCK, P.M.
Among the distinguished speakers who
will attend, are :
Governor A. P. WILLARD, of Indiana.
Hon. C. H. LARRABEE, M. C., of Wisconsin.
Governor H. H. SIBLEY, of Minnesota.
Hon. GEORGE L. BECKER, Democratic Candidate for
Governor.
Hon. JAMES M. CAVANAUGH, M.C.
Ex-Governor WILLIS A. GORMAN.
Col. D. A. ROBERTSON, of St. Paul.
Hon. JOHN B. BRISBIN, Candidate for Attorney
General.
JOHN M. GILMAN, E«q., of St. Paui.
Hon. EMILE ROTHE, of Wisconsin, the distinguished
German orator, will address his fellow countrymen in
the German language.
During the evening there will be public
speaking at such halls, as may be announced,
in Minneapolis and St. Anthony.
The St. Paul military brass bands will be
in attendance.
The Young Men’s Democratic Clubs of
St. Paul, Anoka, Stillwater and Hastings,
will send large delegations.
The bridges will all be free. People are
requested to leave their teams on either side
of the river, and not bring them on the
Island.
By order State Central Committee.
Democratic Meetings.
Gen. James Shields and Hon. Christo
pher Graham, Democratic candidate for
Congress, will speak as follows :
At Rochester, Saturday, September 24.
At Chatfield, Monday, “ a -
At Preston, Tuesday, “ 27 •
At Elliots, Wednesday, “ 28-
At Caledonia, Thursday, “ 29 -
At Brownsville, Friday, “ 30.
At Winona, Saturday, October 1.
At Shakopee, Monday. “ 3.
At Belle Plains, Tuesday, “ *•
At Henderson, Wednesday, 2 P.M. “ 5.
At Le Sueur, Wednesday evening, “ 8.
At St. Peter, Thursday, “ 6 -
At Mankato, Friday, “ 7.
At New Clm, Monday. “ 10 -
Col. D. A. Robertson and other speak
ers will address the People as follows :
At Sauk Rapids, Saturday evening, September 24.
At Dayton, Monday, 1 o’clock P. M., September 26.
At Still watt r, Tuesday eveniug, September 27.
At Marine, Wednesday at 10 o’clock A. M., Sept. 28.
At Taylor’s Falls, Wednesday evening, September 28.
At Sunrise, Thursday at II o’clock A. M., Sept. 29.
At Wyoming, Thursday evening, September 29.
Hon. Charles H. Larrabee, M. C., of
Wisconsin, will address the people as follows:
At Sauk Rapids, Saturday evening, September 24.
At Dayton, Monday, 1 o’clock P. M-, September 26.
At St. Anthony, Tuesday, September 27.
At Shakopee, Wednesday evening, Sept. 28.
At Henderson, Thursday evening, Septembrr 29.
At St. Peter, Friday evening, September 30.
At Mankato, Saturday evening, October 1.
[Monday and Tuesday afternoons and evenings, Oct.
3d and 4th, at such points in Nicollet and Le Sueur coun
ties, as may be appointed by the local committees.]
At St. Paul, Thursday, October 6.
At Hastings, Friday, October 7-
At Wabashaw, Saturday, October 8.
At Winona, Monday, October 10.
Hon. Emile Rothe, the distinguished
German orator of Wisconsin, will address
the people as follows:
At Anoka, Tuesday evening, September 20.
At Monticello, Wednesday jvening, September 21.
At Clearwater, Thursday, 1 o’clock P. M. Sept 22.
At St. Cloud, Thursday evening. Sept. 22.
At St. Joseph, Friday, September 23.
[Saturday, the 24th, at such places as may be desig
nated by the local committees.]
At Dayton, Monday, 1 P. M., September 26.
At St. Amhony, Tuesday, September 27.
At Shakopee, Wednesday evening, September 28.
At Henderson, Thursday, September 29.
At St. Peter, Friday, September 30.
At Mankato, Saturday, October 1.
At New Ulm, Monday, October 3.
At St. Paul, Thursday, October 6.
At HasUogs, Friday, October 7.
At Wabashaw, Saturday, October 8.
At Winona, Monday, October 10. .
A Review of the Railroad Policy of the
Republican Party.
That the Bailroad policy of the Republi
can party of this State, involves the inevita
ble sacrifice of every available security held
by the State, from the Railroad companies,
is a proposition that can be clearly demon
strated ; and it is equally clear, that the
language of the resolution in which that
policy is put forth, was intended to deceive,
and to conceal from the people the real ob
jects sought to be attained.
That resolution was concocted by a few
speculators in Railroad securities, mostly
non-residents, whose object is to secure
possession of the roads, without being liable
to the State for the loan of its credit. The
terms of the resolution were acceptable to
the Minnesotian, and the rest of the repudia
tors proper, beeause it seemed to them prob
able, that if ever the people could be in
duced to repudiate, it would be after they
had been swindled out of the securities
given to the State. The resolution was
also unobjectionable to the crowd of hungry
republican office seekers, because it seemed
to be both for and against repudiation, and
to them, therefore, promised political suc
cess. And to many others, it was doubt
less thought right, simply because they
did not understand what was meant by it.
The-resolution itself, when properly dis
sected, will verify all we have said. It is
as follows:
Resolved, fifth, That however men may have
originally differed upon the adoption of the
Five Million Loan policy, we all unite in a de
termination to preserve the plighted faith of
the State from the stain of Repudiation, by
meeting all our obligations to the entire extent
of our honest indebtedness ; that in regard to
the question of the taxation of the people to
pay the interest on the State Railroad Bonds,
we hold that the Constitutional Amendment
itself points out the mode by which that inter
est shall be met; that we will faithfully carry
out and abide by that amendment, and shall
hold the railroad companies to a strict compli
ance therewith; and that we shall oppose all
further legislation upon the subject until default
and forfeiture shall have been made on the part
of the companies.
That is to say—
First —That the Republican party will
not repudiate the payment of such of the
State Railroad Bonds as were honestly
obtained.
Second —That the Constitution provides
amply for the payment of the interest, and
its provisions shall be rigidly enforced
against the companies.
Ihird —That there shall be no further
legislation upon the subject, (being satisfied,
of course, with the law as it now stands)
until after a default and forfeiture shall
have been made on the part of the com
panies.
The first of these propositions is couched
in high sounding language, in order to catch
the ear of such of their party as would be
startled at the idea of repudiation; while
the repudiators are mollified by the use of
the term “ honest indebtedness,” which still
leaves them at liberty to insist that all the
State Railroad Bonds are dishonest, and
should, therefore, be repudiated. Here,
however, the corrupt combination placed
the party in a difficulty; for as no
company could obtain any portion of
the State bonds without having literally
complied with the constitution, by ac
tually constructing and completing, ready
for placing the superstructure thereon,
ten miles of its road for every hundred
thousand dollars of bonds asked for; and
as it has never been claimed that any com
pany has not completed, according to the
letter and spirit of the constitution, the re
quisite amount of road to entitle it to every
bond it has received, it follows that every
State Railroad Bond issued was honestly ob
tained, and is, therefore, an honest indebted
ness of the State. If the roads afterwards
squander these bonds, or even put them to
unworthy or fraudulent uses, we may regret
it, but we cannot in honor refuse to pay any
one of them. The faith and credit of the
State is pledged to the payment of both in
terest and principal, and if she is not prop
erly secured by the companies, it is her mis
fortune ; but it certainly is a matter of no
importance to the holders of the bonds, for
the bonds have, as it were, become commer
cial paper, and there is nothing on the face
of the bonds themselves to advise purchas
ers that their payment depends in any de
gree upon the availability of the collaterals
given to the State, by the companies to
whom they were issued originally.
The second proposition is intended to
soothe the people, by telling them that the
State is well enough secured, and we had
better “ let well enough alone.” The ob
ject, however, of that portion which insists
on a rigid enforcement against the compa
nies, will be better understood when we come
to consider the consequences of snch a
course, without some further legislation to
protect the State.
The third proposition of the Republican
resolution is the one fraught with the great
est dangers, and the one of all others, neces
sary to carry out the schemes of the specu
lators in Railroad securities. In order fully
to understand the object of opposing all
further legislation, until after a default and
forfeiture on the part of the companies, it
will be necessary to refer to the law as it
now is—the law directing how the Governor
shall proceed in case of default, and framed,
THE WEEKLY PIONEER AND DEMOCRAT.
doubtless, at the instigation of these
harpies.
The constitution provides, that in case of
default in payiDg the interest, the Governor
shall proceed “ in such manner as may be
prescribed by law,” either
First —To sell the bonds which the de
faulting company transfer to the State
Treasurer, at the time it receives the bonds
of the State, and which are equal in amount
to the State bonds it receives, and are
secured by a first mortgage on the roads,
lands and franchises of the company ; or,
Second—He may foreclose the mortgage
by which these bonds of the railroad com
pany are secured, and upon such foreclosure
sell the road, lands and franchises of the
eompany in default ; or,
Ihird —He may sell the two hundred and
forty sections of land held in trust by him,
provided always, the companies have obtain
ed a title thereto, which can only be obtained,
at least as to the last one hundred and
twenty sections, by the company completing
twenty miles of the road, according to the
terms of act of Congress, granting lands to
the State.
The law passed in pursuance of the Con
stitution, pointing out the manner in which
the Governor shall proceed in case of a de
fault, which is so satisfactory to the Repub
licans, that they pledge their party to oppose
all further legislation, until after a default,
and, forfeiture, and which, we charge, was
dictated by these speculators, provides that
the foreclosure of these mortgages, by which
the bonds of the companies are secured (i. e*
the first mortgages,) shall be by a sale of
‘‘ all the properties, rights, privileges and
franchises of the defaulting companies
pledged in such mortgage,” (not a part only,
or so much only as may be necessary to pay
the interest in default) and the purchaser
and his “ associates, succesors or assigns
acquire by such sale, and can exercise and
enjoy thereafter, all and the same rights, priv
ileges, grants, franchises, immunities and ad
vantages which belonged to and were en
joyed by the company as fully and absolute
ly in all respects as the corporators, share
holders, officers and agents of such company
might or could have done theretofore, had
had not such sale taken place. And may
proceed to organize anew, and elect direct
ors, distribute and dispose of stock, take the
same or another name, and conduct their
business generally, under and in the manner
provided by the charter, with such changes
or variations in manner and form of organ
ization as their altered circumstances may
ruquire, and not inconsistent with the origi
nal charter of the company.”—[Sec. 5 Com.
Stat. page 840-I.]
It will be perceived that the Governor
has no discretion in case of a default, for the
constitution is imperative. “He shall pro
ceed ” in the manner prescribed by this law.
He has only a choice of remedies. He can
do nothing with the trust deed, for the com
panies have not yet secured title to the lands
therein mentioned. So he must sell the
bonds of the railroads, or foreclose the mort
gage by which they are secured.
Now, take for example the Northern Pa
cific Railroad, and admit for the sake of
convenience, that the company has obtained
from the State 8500,000 of bonds, and has
transferred to the State Treasurer bonds of
the Company to an equal amount; say that
in addition to the bonds in the hands of the
Treasurer of State, the company has issued
to others of its creditors, bonds to the same
amount. The company would then owe
81,000,000, all secured by a first mortgage
on its road, lands and franchises. T(ie in
terest on these bonds amounts every six
months to 835,000, one half of which goes
to the State, and the other to men who
desire, perhaps, to get entire control of the
road. We will then suppose that the latter
class of creditors refuse further to furnish
money to the company to pay the interest
due the State, and the company find it im
possible to pay the next instalment of inter
est. The Governor must at once proceed,
and either foreclose the mortgage, or sell
the bonds of the road and let the purchaser
afterwards foreclose, which he would have
the right to do, as the mortgage would fol
low the bonds into his hands. Whichever
course the Governor would pursue, it would
result in the foreclosure of ttu mortgage. Ac
cording to the law before aentioned, which
the Republicans refuse te alter, all of
the rights, privileges, properties and
franchises, of the road are offered for sale.
No one has any confidence in the road after
such a default, and the contequence is, that
none but the very men wio have perhaps
forced the company to mike default, will
bid,'and everything is sold to pay six months’
interest. The State has then exhausted her
securities, and has yet to fay her outstand
ing bonds. While if the purchase is made
in the interest of the company, it would by
this simple process have wiped out a half
million dollars of its debt, and still have the
road, bat discharged of all obligation to the
State for the loan of its credit.
But we are told that the Governor need
not sell any more than would be necessary
to pay the interest, and that he would have
authority to bid at the sale, from the very ne
cessity of the case. We answer that the law,
as it now stands, says that all the properties
rights, privileges, and franchises, must be sold
on this foreclosure. And as to the right of
the Governor to bid, it cannot be found in
the constitution or laws. Ho has no au
thority to bind the State, without it be ex
pressly given no matter whether he bids but
ten cents on the dollar, or offers ten per cent,
premium. And even if he might step for
ward to prevent so great a sacrifice, it is
plain that he would have no authority to
bid one cent beyond the amount of interest
due to the State, because the excess would
have to be paid out of the treasury, and that
can be done only by a direct appropriation
for the purpose.
And then again, the interest may regularly
be paid to the State, but as there are other
creditors holding bonds secured by the same
mortgage, what is to prevent them from
foreclosing and selling out every thmg to
pay the interest due on their bonds? Will
it be claimed that the Governor could attend
a sale made at their instance, and bid so as
to prevent a sacrifice ? Certainly not.
It seems to us as clear as the sun at mid
day, that to delay legislation until after a
default and forfeiture, as proposed by the
Republicans, inevitably leads to a sacrifice
of the securities held by the State, however
much the officers of the State might strive
to prevent it; and it is our deliberate belief
that at least a portion of the men who dic
tated the Republican resolution, deliberately
seek to produce this result. They are non
resident speculators, who care nothing lor
the reputation of the State, or the interest
of the people, so long as they can make
money by the operation. The language of
the resolution is most carefully studied. Its
entire application to the state of facts
above suggested, and to the law as it now
stands, is not the result of mere accident.
It was only arrived at by careful delibera
tion. It is but another step in the plan de
vised to get possession of the Railroads, in
spite of the State, and in spite, too, of the
Companies themselves.
They first covertly procure a law to be
passed, directing every thing to be sold on
the foreclosure of the mortgage, and omitting
to give the Governor or other State officers
authority to protect the State from sacri
fice. Then, when the omission is discovered,
and their designs manifest, they, under the
specious pretense that the Democratic party
was desirous of taxing the people to pay
the interest on the State Railroad Bonds,
persuade the leaders of the Republican
party to take ground against any further
legislation, until after a default and forfeiture
on the part of the companies.
After a default and forfeiture! The full
force of this sentence cannot be seen with
out again referring to the Constitution. It
will be found that, although a default may
be made at the next time for the payment
of interest, which, we believe, is in January
next, yet a forfeiture cannot take place be
fore the Ist of January, 1862. Some of the
companies may pay the next six months’
interest, or the speculators may not be quite
prepared to carry out their programme so
soon, and the Legislature might immediately
after the first default enact such laws as
would save the companies not defaulting
from falling into the hands of these men
If, therefore, legislation could be delayed
until after forfeiture, they could in the mean
time, perfect their arrangements, and then
snap their fingers at the legislature. They
will then be prepared to claim, as assignees
under the mortgage, the right under the law
as it now stands, to go on with the grading
until each road shall have obtained from the
State 81,250,000, when they could repeat the
farce of forcing the foreclosure of the mortgage,
that they might purchase the roads again, dis
charged of all obligations to the State. The
knowing one are already beginning to say—
and in this they may be correct—that the
Constitution guaranties a loan to each com
pany of 81,250,000 for grading merely, and
that any release which the Governor may
have exacted from them, is as so much waste
paper. That this is their object no sane
man can doubt. We think, however, that
they may yet be foiled by proper legislation ;
and to this legislation the Democratic Party
is committed by the thirteenth resolution of
its platform. That resolution pledges the
party “ to advocate such legislation as will
more fully ensure to the State a guaranty
that the securities held by her from the Rail
road companies shall not be sacrificed, and
the roads left in the hands of purchasers,
discharged of all obligations for the loan of
State credit, as would inevitably be the re
sult should the programme of the Republi
can party be fully carried out.”
Signs of the Times.
At the Democratic meeting on Monday
evening, Governor Gorman eloquently
referred to the doctrine of Popular Sover
eignty, and Stephen A. Douglas, its recog
nized champion, as the next Democratic
candidate for the Presidency. These
had no sooner passed from his lips than the
immense crowd present in the hall, rose to
their feet, and for several minutes the up
roarious cheering and yelling was absolutely
deafening. We never witnessed so much
enthusiasm at any meeting in St. Paul as
this remark of the Ex-Governor’s created.
Whenever Douglas’ name was mentioned
during the speech, it was greeted with hearty
cheers.
The Position of the two Parties on the
Slavery Question.
The line of division between the Demo
cratic and Republican parties of the State,
on the subject of slavery, is so bold and
distinct, that, to our mind, it requires but a
reference to the principles advocated by each
party, to carry to the mind of every think
ing man, the conviction that the Democracy
propose the only feasible method of settling
the vexed question, and removing the brand
of discord and sectional animosity, which
slavery discussion has always proven to be,
from the halls of Congress and the arena of
national politics.
The Democracy of Minnesota, standing
by the compromise measures of 1850 ; by
the Kansas-Nebraska act of 1854 ; by the
Cincinnati platform of 1856; and by the
resolutions of their State Convention of
August last, declare their firm adherence to
the principle of Popular Sovereignty— to
the right of the people of each Tarritory, to
regulate their domestic affairs, including the
question of slavery, in their own way, sub
ject only to the Constitution of the United
States. If the inhabitants of Dakota, of
New Mexico, or Kansas, desire African
slavery in their midst, we hold they have
the absolute right toestahlish, maintain, and
protect it. If, however, they wisely prefer
free labor to slave labor, the Democracy
contend that no power upon earth—neither
the Executive, Legislative, or Judicial De
partments of the Federal Government—
shall force the institution upon them.
We leave to the people of the Terri
tories—those who are affected either injuri
ously or advantageously by it—the solution
of the question. Upon them rests the re
sponsibility ; and we have no greater legal
or moral right, to interfere in the disposal of
ferry charters or railroad charters in K an
sas, than we have to dictate to the people of
that Territory the nature of their domestic
institutions, and determine for them, whether
they will or will not permit involuntary ser
vitude.
The position of the Republican party
differs vastly from that of the Democracy.
They assume that the people of the Territo
ries have nothing to do with the determi
nation of the question, but that the Federal
Congress—the representatives of Maine and
Georgia, of Pennsylvania and Texas—
should intervene and legislate upon the sub
ject. It should not be decided, they claim,
by the people interested, but by the dele
gated representatives of the States—by men
who never set foot in the Territories, and
who are totally unacquainted with the
wants of the people whom they presume to
legislate for, or the peculiarities of climate
or production in the Territories they tyran
nically seek to govern. Conceding to Con
gress the power, and it requires but a ma
jority of slavery propagandists in the two
Houses, to legislate slavery into every Ter
ritory in the Union. The doctrine con
tended for bv the Republicans is auti-
American, for it repudiates the theory un
derlying our institutions, that the people
are the source of all power.
Because the Democracy assume the posi
tion we have set forth, it cannot be claimed,
either with justice or honesty, as Grow
and Hale assert, that it is a pro-slavery
party. We neither advocate nor oppose
slavery, for the simple reason that the deci
sion of the question does not belong to us,
but to the people of the Territories. We
seek to establish the principle that Congress
shall not interfere, but leave the decision of
the question where it justly belongs—with
the people. And if they determine to pro
hibit it, as in ninety-nine cases out of a
hundred they will, that decision must be re
spected ; but if the people establish and
protect slavery, upon their head the evils or
blessings of the institution will fall, and
that decision must be respected equally as
if it had been of an opposite character.
The difference between the two parties
may be briefly stated :—The Republicans
claim that Congress has the power and
should exercise it, to legislate upon the sub
ject of slavery in the Territories. The De
mocracy hold that the people possess this
power, and should exercise it, untrammeled
by Congressional interference. The vital
question of the canvass is—Popular Sov
ereignty, as advocated by the Democracy, or
Congressional Intervention, as contended for
by the Republicans and Southern Secession
ists.
D en> oeratle County Convention.
The Democratic County Convention met
on Saturday, at the capitol, at 2 P. M., and
continued in session until seven o’clock. A
full county ticket was nominated, which will
be found in its appropriate place at the bead
of the paper. The ticket is a good one—not
only on the ground of the merit of the can
didates individually, bat on accoant of their
strength and availability. We have no
room to notice the ticket at length this
morning, but we cordially endorse it, and
will give the candidates a hearty support.
I*. A. Ba.bceclc, the Author of the Secret
Circular.
The Republican County Convention nom
inated for State Senator, L. A. Babcock, a
remarkably fast and energetic individual,
universally conceded to possess some of the
traits of the fat boy in Pickwick. In con
sidering Mr. B.’s claims as a candidate, it
may not be inappropriate to indulge in a
reminiscence.
In 1857 and 58, it will be recollected, the
application of Minnesota for admission into
the UnioD, was pending in the Senate and
House, where it met a bitter opposition from
the Republicans and Southern Know Noth
ings. This opposition at Washington em
barrassed almost every person in Minnesota.
Public affairs were in aD unsettled condition,
and the admonitory surges of the great com
mercial revulsion, which then first began to
affect us, were greatly aggravated by the
delay of Congress in acting upon our appli
cation. Every branch of business and in
dustry felt the effects of this delay, and at
one time it seemed that the speedy organi
zation of a State government, independent
of Congressional action, could alone save us
from a reign of anarchy and lawlessness.
While this was the condition of affairs in
St. Paul, and throughout the State, L. A .
Babcock, candidate for State Senate on the
Republican ticket, was engaged day and
night, in writing letters to members of Con
gress and sending off to Washington Secret
Circulars, protesting against the admission of
Minnesota. These circulars and letters were
made up of a compound of deliberate lies
and base appeals to the partizan prejudices
of Republicans and Know Nothings, urging
them to vote against the admission of Min
nesota. Mr. Babcock while perpetrating
his vile treason, had no thought of the suf
fering at home, in every branch of industry:
his patriotism and State pride rose to the
great pitch of plotting against the admission
of Minnesota, as a stroke of policy which
would benefit Republicanism.
He was a coward, too, in his treason. lie
did not oppose the admission of the State
opeuly and honorably. He bewailed with
other Republicans, at the injustice of a
Democratic Congress. Yet, while by day
lie was filling our streets with his hypocriti
cal winnings, at night he was busied in
sending off secret circulars and written ap
peals to members of Congress, to vote
against and delay the admission of Minne
sota into the Union. If the opposition had
been open and manly, it would have been
met promply, and Babcock’s impudent false
hoods exposed. But he naturally preferred
secresy and darkness for his despicable
labors.
This man is a candidate, citizens of St.
Paul, for the office of State Senator. By
your votes on the lith of October, record
your estimation of his treasonable and disre
putable actions. A man who would act as
Babcock has done, should not be trusted in
a position where votes are so essential, at
times, as to bring a consideration.
James H. Baker—A Clincher.
We learn, from unquestionable authority,
that a leading Republican of Red Wing,
addressed a letter to the Hon. Charles
Remelin, (the Republican member of the
Ohio Investigating Commssion, to ascertain
from him whether the extracts we published
from the report of that Commission, expos
ing the official corruptions of James H.
Baker, were authentic and reliable. Mr.
Remelin has replied that every word in
the extracts published in the Pioneer and
Democrat, were written by himself, and that
since the report was printed, he has had addi
tional reasons to confirm the bad opinion of
Baker therein expressed. So the attempt to
clear Baker, by raising a ridiculous “ stop
theief ” cry against Morgan, a Democratic
member of the Commission will not stifle,
enquiry by.men of his own party. If Mr.
Remelin’s correspondent is an honest man,
as it is fair to presume he is until the con
trary appears, we may expect to see the cor
respondence promptly given to the public.
Let honorable men of all parties have the
benefit of it.
IT. S. Fair.
The U. S. Agricultural Fair at Chicago
closed on Saturday last. The closing exer
cises consisted of a display of trotting stock;
the exhibition of three small specimens of
humanity, born at the same birth, six
months of age, and all doing well; and a
trot for the citizens’ purse of 81,000. This
was awarded to “Ike Cook,” owned by Mr.
Graves of Chicago, who made his two
miles in 2:28)4 and Flora Tempfe
and Princess were not allowed to compete,
they having trotted for money during the
Fair. To show the appreciation in which
live stock was held at Chicago, it is worth
notiDg that the owner of the fast trotter
received a 81,000 premium, while the mater
nal progenitor of the three six months old
babies, born atone birth,received but three
silver spoons ! We submit this is but poor
encouragment to those who contemplate
embarking in the triplet business.
Ex-President Mora who has been de -
posed from the Presidency of Costa Rica
by the revolutionists, arrived at New York,
on the 13th inst.