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SAINT PAUL. Friday Morning Scpttiuber ad, 1859. DEMOCRATIC STATE TICKET. FORiGOVERNOR. GEORGE L. BECKER, of Ramsey. FOR LIEUTENANT GOVERNOR. SYLVANUS B. LOWRY, of Stearns. FOR SECRETARY OF STATE. FRANCIS BAASEN, of Brown. FOR ATTORNEY GENERAL. JOHN B. BRISBIN, of Ramsey. FOR STATE TREASURER. SAMUEL B. ABBE, of Crow Wing. FOR REPRESENTATIVES IN CONGRESS. JAMES M. CAVANAUGH, of Fillmor*. CHRISTOPHER GRAHAM, of Sibley. Second. Senatorial District. FOR STATE SENATORS. ISAAC VAN ETTEN. WM. SPRIGG HALL. CHARLES N. MACKUBIN, FOB REPRESENT ATI VIS. GEORGE MItSCH, OSCAR STEPHENSON, WM. P. MURRAY, JOHN B. OLIVIER, GEORGE PLUNKETT. D. A. ROBERTSON. Democratic County Ticket. for sheriff. EDWARD D. COBB. fob EEGIfTIB OF DUDS EDWARD HEENAN. FOB DISTRICT ATTORNEY. ISAAC V. D. HEARD FOR JUDGE OF PROBATE. .roHN F. HOYT. TOR COUNTY treasurer. ROBT. A. SMITH. FOR CORONER. JOHN M. CASTNER. COUNTY SURVEYOR. D. G. KENNY, GREAT DEMOCRATIC MASS MEETING. A Grand Union Meeting of the De mocracy of Hennepin, Washington, Ram sey, Manomin and Anoka Counties will be held at NICOLLET ISLAND, ON TUESDAY, the 27th SEPTEMBER, COMMENCING AT ONE O’CLOCK, P.M. Among the distinguished speakers who will attend, are : Governor A. P. WILLARD, of Indiana. Hon. C. H. LARRABEE, M. C., of Wisconsin. Governor H. H. SIBLEY, of Minnesota. Hon. GEORGE L. BECKER, Democratic Candidate for Governor. Hon. JAMES M. CAVANAUGH, M.C. Ex-Governor WILLIS A. GORMAN. Col. D. A. ROBERTSON, of St. Paul. Hon. JOHN B. BRISBIN, Candidate for Attorney General. JOHN M. GILMAN, E«q., of St. Paui. Hon. EMILE ROTHE, of Wisconsin, the distinguished German orator, will address his fellow countrymen in the German language. During the evening there will be public speaking at such halls, as may be announced, in Minneapolis and St. Anthony. The St. Paul military brass bands will be in attendance. The Young Men’s Democratic Clubs of St. Paul, Anoka, Stillwater and Hastings, will send large delegations. The bridges will all be free. People are requested to leave their teams on either side of the river, and not bring them on the Island. By order State Central Committee. Democratic Meetings. Gen. James Shields and Hon. Christo pher Graham, Democratic candidate for Congress, will speak as follows : At Rochester, Saturday, September 24. At Chatfield, Monday, “ a - At Preston, Tuesday, “ 27 • At Elliots, Wednesday, “ 28- At Caledonia, Thursday, “ 29 - At Brownsville, Friday, “ 30. At Winona, Saturday, October 1. At Shakopee, Monday. “ 3. At Belle Plains, Tuesday, “ *• At Henderson, Wednesday, 2 P.M. “ 5. At Le Sueur, Wednesday evening, “ 8. At St. Peter, Thursday, “ 6 - At Mankato, Friday, “ 7. At New Clm, Monday. “ 10 - Col. D. A. Robertson and other speak ers will address the People as follows : At Sauk Rapids, Saturday evening, September 24. At Dayton, Monday, 1 o’clock P. M., September 26. At Still watt r, Tuesday eveniug, September 27. At Marine, Wednesday at 10 o’clock A. M., Sept. 28. At Taylor’s Falls, Wednesday evening, September 28. At Sunrise, Thursday at II o’clock A. M., Sept. 29. At Wyoming, Thursday evening, September 29. Hon. Charles H. Larrabee, M. C., of Wisconsin, will address the people as follows: At Sauk Rapids, Saturday evening, September 24. At Dayton, Monday, 1 o’clock P. M-, September 26. At St. Anthony, Tuesday, September 27. At Shakopee, Wednesday evening, Sept. 28. At Henderson, Thursday evening, Septembrr 29. At St. Peter, Friday evening, September 30. At Mankato, Saturday evening, October 1. [Monday and Tuesday afternoons and evenings, Oct. 3d and 4th, at such points in Nicollet and Le Sueur coun ties, as may be appointed by the local committees.] At St. Paul, Thursday, October 6. At Hastings, Friday, October 7- At Wabashaw, Saturday, October 8. At Winona, Monday, October 10. Hon. Emile Rothe, the distinguished German orator of Wisconsin, will address the people as follows: At Anoka, Tuesday evening, September 20. At Monticello, Wednesday jvening, September 21. At Clearwater, Thursday, 1 o’clock P. M. Sept 22. At St. Cloud, Thursday evening. Sept. 22. At St. Joseph, Friday, September 23. [Saturday, the 24th, at such places as may be desig nated by the local committees.] At Dayton, Monday, 1 P. M., September 26. At St. Amhony, Tuesday, September 27. At Shakopee, Wednesday evening, September 28. At Henderson, Thursday, September 29. At St. Peter, Friday, September 30. At Mankato, Saturday, October 1. At New Ulm, Monday, October 3. At St. Paul, Thursday, October 6. At HasUogs, Friday, October 7. At Wabashaw, Saturday, October 8. At Winona, Monday, October 10. . A Review of the Railroad Policy of the Republican Party. That the Bailroad policy of the Republi can party of this State, involves the inevita ble sacrifice of every available security held by the State, from the Railroad companies, is a proposition that can be clearly demon strated ; and it is equally clear, that the language of the resolution in which that policy is put forth, was intended to deceive, and to conceal from the people the real ob jects sought to be attained. That resolution was concocted by a few speculators in Railroad securities, mostly non-residents, whose object is to secure possession of the roads, without being liable to the State for the loan of its credit. The terms of the resolution were acceptable to the Minnesotian, and the rest of the repudia tors proper, beeause it seemed to them prob able, that if ever the people could be in duced to repudiate, it would be after they had been swindled out of the securities given to the State. The resolution was also unobjectionable to the crowd of hungry republican office seekers, because it seemed to be both for and against repudiation, and to them, therefore, promised political suc cess. And to many others, it was doubt less thought right, simply because they did not understand what was meant by it. The-resolution itself, when properly dis sected, will verify all we have said. It is as follows: Resolved, fifth, That however men may have originally differed upon the adoption of the Five Million Loan policy, we all unite in a de termination to preserve the plighted faith of the State from the stain of Repudiation, by meeting all our obligations to the entire extent of our honest indebtedness ; that in regard to the question of the taxation of the people to pay the interest on the State Railroad Bonds, we hold that the Constitutional Amendment itself points out the mode by which that inter est shall be met; that we will faithfully carry out and abide by that amendment, and shall hold the railroad companies to a strict compli ance therewith; and that we shall oppose all further legislation upon the subject until default and forfeiture shall have been made on the part of the companies. That is to say— First —That the Republican party will not repudiate the payment of such of the State Railroad Bonds as were honestly obtained. Second —That the Constitution provides amply for the payment of the interest, and its provisions shall be rigidly enforced against the companies. Ihird —That there shall be no further legislation upon the subject, (being satisfied, of course, with the law as it now stands) until after a default and forfeiture shall have been made on the part of the com panies. The first of these propositions is couched in high sounding language, in order to catch the ear of such of their party as would be startled at the idea of repudiation; while the repudiators are mollified by the use of the term “ honest indebtedness,” which still leaves them at liberty to insist that all the State Railroad Bonds are dishonest, and should, therefore, be repudiated. Here, however, the corrupt combination placed the party in a difficulty; for as no company could obtain any portion of the State bonds without having literally complied with the constitution, by ac tually constructing and completing, ready for placing the superstructure thereon, ten miles of its road for every hundred thousand dollars of bonds asked for; and as it has never been claimed that any com pany has not completed, according to the letter and spirit of the constitution, the re quisite amount of road to entitle it to every bond it has received, it follows that every State Railroad Bond issued was honestly ob tained, and is, therefore, an honest indebted ness of the State. If the roads afterwards squander these bonds, or even put them to unworthy or fraudulent uses, we may regret it, but we cannot in honor refuse to pay any one of them. The faith and credit of the State is pledged to the payment of both in terest and principal, and if she is not prop erly secured by the companies, it is her mis fortune ; but it certainly is a matter of no importance to the holders of the bonds, for the bonds have, as it were, become commer cial paper, and there is nothing on the face of the bonds themselves to advise purchas ers that their payment depends in any de gree upon the availability of the collaterals given to the State, by the companies to whom they were issued originally. The second proposition is intended to soothe the people, by telling them that the State is well enough secured, and we had better “ let well enough alone.” The ob ject, however, of that portion which insists on a rigid enforcement against the compa nies, will be better understood when we come to consider the consequences of snch a course, without some further legislation to protect the State. The third proposition of the Republican resolution is the one fraught with the great est dangers, and the one of all others, neces sary to carry out the schemes of the specu lators in Railroad securities. In order fully to understand the object of opposing all further legislation, until after a default and forfeiture on the part of the companies, it will be necessary to refer to the law as it now is—the law directing how the Governor shall proceed in case of default, and framed, THE WEEKLY PIONEER AND DEMOCRAT. doubtless, at the instigation of these harpies. The constitution provides, that in case of default in payiDg the interest, the Governor shall proceed “ in such manner as may be prescribed by law,” either First —To sell the bonds which the de faulting company transfer to the State Treasurer, at the time it receives the bonds of the State, and which are equal in amount to the State bonds it receives, and are secured by a first mortgage on the roads, lands and franchises of the company ; or, Second—He may foreclose the mortgage by which these bonds of the railroad com pany are secured, and upon such foreclosure sell the road, lands and franchises of the eompany in default ; or, Ihird —He may sell the two hundred and forty sections of land held in trust by him, provided always, the companies have obtain ed a title thereto, which can only be obtained, at least as to the last one hundred and twenty sections, by the company completing twenty miles of the road, according to the terms of act of Congress, granting lands to the State. The law passed in pursuance of the Con stitution, pointing out the manner in which the Governor shall proceed in case of a de fault, which is so satisfactory to the Repub licans, that they pledge their party to oppose all further legislation, until after a default, and, forfeiture, and which, we charge, was dictated by these speculators, provides that the foreclosure of these mortgages, by which the bonds of the companies are secured (i. e* the first mortgages,) shall be by a sale of ‘‘ all the properties, rights, privileges and franchises of the defaulting companies pledged in such mortgage,” (not a part only, or so much only as may be necessary to pay the interest in default) and the purchaser and his “ associates, succesors or assigns acquire by such sale, and can exercise and enjoy thereafter, all and the same rights, priv ileges, grants, franchises, immunities and ad vantages which belonged to and were en joyed by the company as fully and absolute ly in all respects as the corporators, share holders, officers and agents of such company might or could have done theretofore, had had not such sale taken place. And may proceed to organize anew, and elect direct ors, distribute and dispose of stock, take the same or another name, and conduct their business generally, under and in the manner provided by the charter, with such changes or variations in manner and form of organ ization as their altered circumstances may ruquire, and not inconsistent with the origi nal charter of the company.”—[Sec. 5 Com. Stat. page 840-I.] It will be perceived that the Governor has no discretion in case of a default, for the constitution is imperative. “He shall pro ceed ” in the manner prescribed by this law. He has only a choice of remedies. He can do nothing with the trust deed, for the com panies have not yet secured title to the lands therein mentioned. So he must sell the bonds of the railroads, or foreclose the mort gage by which they are secured. Now, take for example the Northern Pa cific Railroad, and admit for the sake of convenience, that the company has obtained from the State 8500,000 of bonds, and has transferred to the State Treasurer bonds of the Company to an equal amount; say that in addition to the bonds in the hands of the Treasurer of State, the company has issued to others of its creditors, bonds to the same amount. The company would then owe 81,000,000, all secured by a first mortgage on its road, lands and franchises. T(ie in terest on these bonds amounts every six months to 835,000, one half of which goes to the State, and the other to men who desire, perhaps, to get entire control of the road. We will then suppose that the latter class of creditors refuse further to furnish money to the company to pay the interest due the State, and the company find it im possible to pay the next instalment of inter est. The Governor must at once proceed, and either foreclose the mortgage, or sell the bonds of the road and let the purchaser afterwards foreclose, which he would have the right to do, as the mortgage would fol low the bonds into his hands. Whichever course the Governor would pursue, it would result in the foreclosure of ttu mortgage. Ac cording to the law before aentioned, which the Republicans refuse te alter, all of the rights, privileges, properties and franchises, of the road are offered for sale. No one has any confidence in the road after such a default, and the contequence is, that none but the very men wio have perhaps forced the company to mike default, will bid,'and everything is sold to pay six months’ interest. The State has then exhausted her securities, and has yet to fay her outstand ing bonds. While if the purchase is made in the interest of the company, it would by this simple process have wiped out a half million dollars of its debt, and still have the road, bat discharged of all obligation to the State for the loan of its credit. But we are told that the Governor need not sell any more than would be necessary to pay the interest, and that he would have authority to bid at the sale, from the very ne cessity of the case. We answer that the law, as it now stands, says that all the properties rights, privileges, and franchises, must be sold on this foreclosure. And as to the right of the Governor to bid, it cannot be found in the constitution or laws. Ho has no au thority to bind the State, without it be ex pressly given no matter whether he bids but ten cents on the dollar, or offers ten per cent, premium. And even if he might step for ward to prevent so great a sacrifice, it is plain that he would have no authority to bid one cent beyond the amount of interest due to the State, because the excess would have to be paid out of the treasury, and that can be done only by a direct appropriation for the purpose. And then again, the interest may regularly be paid to the State, but as there are other creditors holding bonds secured by the same mortgage, what is to prevent them from foreclosing and selling out every thmg to pay the interest due on their bonds? Will it be claimed that the Governor could attend a sale made at their instance, and bid so as to prevent a sacrifice ? Certainly not. It seems to us as clear as the sun at mid day, that to delay legislation until after a default and forfeiture, as proposed by the Republicans, inevitably leads to a sacrifice of the securities held by the State, however much the officers of the State might strive to prevent it; and it is our deliberate belief that at least a portion of the men who dic tated the Republican resolution, deliberately seek to produce this result. They are non resident speculators, who care nothing lor the reputation of the State, or the interest of the people, so long as they can make money by the operation. The language of the resolution is most carefully studied. Its entire application to the state of facts above suggested, and to the law as it now stands, is not the result of mere accident. It was only arrived at by careful delibera tion. It is but another step in the plan de vised to get possession of the Railroads, in spite of the State, and in spite, too, of the Companies themselves. They first covertly procure a law to be passed, directing every thing to be sold on the foreclosure of the mortgage, and omitting to give the Governor or other State officers authority to protect the State from sacri fice. Then, when the omission is discovered, and their designs manifest, they, under the specious pretense that the Democratic party was desirous of taxing the people to pay the interest on the State Railroad Bonds, persuade the leaders of the Republican party to take ground against any further legislation, until after a default and forfeiture on the part of the companies. After a default and forfeiture! The full force of this sentence cannot be seen with out again referring to the Constitution. It will be found that, although a default may be made at the next time for the payment of interest, which, we believe, is in January next, yet a forfeiture cannot take place be fore the Ist of January, 1862. Some of the companies may pay the next six months’ interest, or the speculators may not be quite prepared to carry out their programme so soon, and the Legislature might immediately after the first default enact such laws as would save the companies not defaulting from falling into the hands of these men If, therefore, legislation could be delayed until after forfeiture, they could in the mean time, perfect their arrangements, and then snap their fingers at the legislature. They will then be prepared to claim, as assignees under the mortgage, the right under the law as it now stands, to go on with the grading until each road shall have obtained from the State 81,250,000, when they could repeat the farce of forcing the foreclosure of the mortgage, that they might purchase the roads again, dis charged of all obligations to the State. The knowing one are already beginning to say— and in this they may be correct—that the Constitution guaranties a loan to each com pany of 81,250,000 for grading merely, and that any release which the Governor may have exacted from them, is as so much waste paper. That this is their object no sane man can doubt. We think, however, that they may yet be foiled by proper legislation ; and to this legislation the Democratic Party is committed by the thirteenth resolution of its platform. That resolution pledges the party “ to advocate such legislation as will more fully ensure to the State a guaranty that the securities held by her from the Rail road companies shall not be sacrificed, and the roads left in the hands of purchasers, discharged of all obligations for the loan of State credit, as would inevitably be the re sult should the programme of the Republi can party be fully carried out.” Signs of the Times. At the Democratic meeting on Monday evening, Governor Gorman eloquently referred to the doctrine of Popular Sover eignty, and Stephen A. Douglas, its recog nized champion, as the next Democratic candidate for the Presidency. These had no sooner passed from his lips than the immense crowd present in the hall, rose to their feet, and for several minutes the up roarious cheering and yelling was absolutely deafening. We never witnessed so much enthusiasm at any meeting in St. Paul as this remark of the Ex-Governor’s created. Whenever Douglas’ name was mentioned during the speech, it was greeted with hearty cheers. The Position of the two Parties on the Slavery Question. The line of division between the Demo cratic and Republican parties of the State, on the subject of slavery, is so bold and distinct, that, to our mind, it requires but a reference to the principles advocated by each party, to carry to the mind of every think ing man, the conviction that the Democracy propose the only feasible method of settling the vexed question, and removing the brand of discord and sectional animosity, which slavery discussion has always proven to be, from the halls of Congress and the arena of national politics. The Democracy of Minnesota, standing by the compromise measures of 1850 ; by the Kansas-Nebraska act of 1854 ; by the Cincinnati platform of 1856; and by the resolutions of their State Convention of August last, declare their firm adherence to the principle of Popular Sovereignty— to the right of the people of each Tarritory, to regulate their domestic affairs, including the question of slavery, in their own way, sub ject only to the Constitution of the United States. If the inhabitants of Dakota, of New Mexico, or Kansas, desire African slavery in their midst, we hold they have the absolute right toestahlish, maintain, and protect it. If, however, they wisely prefer free labor to slave labor, the Democracy contend that no power upon earth—neither the Executive, Legislative, or Judicial De partments of the Federal Government— shall force the institution upon them. We leave to the people of the Terri tories—those who are affected either injuri ously or advantageously by it—the solution of the question. Upon them rests the re sponsibility ; and we have no greater legal or moral right, to interfere in the disposal of ferry charters or railroad charters in K an sas, than we have to dictate to the people of that Territory the nature of their domestic institutions, and determine for them, whether they will or will not permit involuntary ser vitude. The position of the Republican party differs vastly from that of the Democracy. They assume that the people of the Territo ries have nothing to do with the determi nation of the question, but that the Federal Congress—the representatives of Maine and Georgia, of Pennsylvania and Texas— should intervene and legislate upon the sub ject. It should not be decided, they claim, by the people interested, but by the dele gated representatives of the States—by men who never set foot in the Territories, and who are totally unacquainted with the wants of the people whom they presume to legislate for, or the peculiarities of climate or production in the Territories they tyran nically seek to govern. Conceding to Con gress the power, and it requires but a ma jority of slavery propagandists in the two Houses, to legislate slavery into every Ter ritory in the Union. The doctrine con tended for bv the Republicans is auti- American, for it repudiates the theory un derlying our institutions, that the people are the source of all power. Because the Democracy assume the posi tion we have set forth, it cannot be claimed, either with justice or honesty, as Grow and Hale assert, that it is a pro-slavery party. We neither advocate nor oppose slavery, for the simple reason that the deci sion of the question does not belong to us, but to the people of the Territories. We seek to establish the principle that Congress shall not interfere, but leave the decision of the question where it justly belongs—with the people. And if they determine to pro hibit it, as in ninety-nine cases out of a hundred they will, that decision must be re spected ; but if the people establish and protect slavery, upon their head the evils or blessings of the institution will fall, and that decision must be respected equally as if it had been of an opposite character. The difference between the two parties may be briefly stated :—The Republicans claim that Congress has the power and should exercise it, to legislate upon the sub ject of slavery in the Territories. The De mocracy hold that the people possess this power, and should exercise it, untrammeled by Congressional interference. The vital question of the canvass is—Popular Sov ereignty, as advocated by the Democracy, or Congressional Intervention, as contended for by the Republicans and Southern Secession ists. D en> oeratle County Convention. The Democratic County Convention met on Saturday, at the capitol, at 2 P. M., and continued in session until seven o’clock. A full county ticket was nominated, which will be found in its appropriate place at the bead of the paper. The ticket is a good one—not only on the ground of the merit of the can didates individually, bat on accoant of their strength and availability. We have no room to notice the ticket at length this morning, but we cordially endorse it, and will give the candidates a hearty support. I*. A. Ba.bceclc, the Author of the Secret Circular. The Republican County Convention nom inated for State Senator, L. A. Babcock, a remarkably fast and energetic individual, universally conceded to possess some of the traits of the fat boy in Pickwick. In con sidering Mr. B.’s claims as a candidate, it may not be inappropriate to indulge in a reminiscence. In 1857 and 58, it will be recollected, the application of Minnesota for admission into the UnioD, was pending in the Senate and House, where it met a bitter opposition from the Republicans and Southern Know Noth ings. This opposition at Washington em barrassed almost every person in Minnesota. Public affairs were in aD unsettled condition, and the admonitory surges of the great com mercial revulsion, which then first began to affect us, were greatly aggravated by the delay of Congress in acting upon our appli cation. Every branch of business and in dustry felt the effects of this delay, and at one time it seemed that the speedy organi zation of a State government, independent of Congressional action, could alone save us from a reign of anarchy and lawlessness. While this was the condition of affairs in St. Paul, and throughout the State, L. A . Babcock, candidate for State Senate on the Republican ticket, was engaged day and night, in writing letters to members of Con gress and sending off to Washington Secret Circulars, protesting against the admission of Minnesota. These circulars and letters were made up of a compound of deliberate lies and base appeals to the partizan prejudices of Republicans and Know Nothings, urging them to vote against the admission of Min nesota. Mr. Babcock while perpetrating his vile treason, had no thought of the suf fering at home, in every branch of industry: his patriotism and State pride rose to the great pitch of plotting against the admission of Minnesota, as a stroke of policy which would benefit Republicanism. He was a coward, too, in his treason. lie did not oppose the admission of the State opeuly and honorably. He bewailed with other Republicans, at the injustice of a Democratic Congress. Yet, while by day lie was filling our streets with his hypocriti cal winnings, at night he was busied in sending off secret circulars and written ap peals to members of Congress, to vote against and delay the admission of Minne sota into the Union. If the opposition had been open and manly, it would have been met promply, and Babcock’s impudent false hoods exposed. But he naturally preferred secresy and darkness for his despicable labors. This man is a candidate, citizens of St. Paul, for the office of State Senator. By your votes on the lith of October, record your estimation of his treasonable and disre putable actions. A man who would act as Babcock has done, should not be trusted in a position where votes are so essential, at times, as to bring a consideration. James H. Baker—A Clincher. We learn, from unquestionable authority, that a leading Republican of Red Wing, addressed a letter to the Hon. Charles Remelin, (the Republican member of the Ohio Investigating Commssion, to ascertain from him whether the extracts we published from the report of that Commission, expos ing the official corruptions of James H. Baker, were authentic and reliable. Mr. Remelin has replied that every word in the extracts published in the Pioneer and Democrat, were written by himself, and that since the report was printed, he has had addi tional reasons to confirm the bad opinion of Baker therein expressed. So the attempt to clear Baker, by raising a ridiculous “ stop theief ” cry against Morgan, a Democratic member of the Commission will not stifle, enquiry by.men of his own party. If Mr. Remelin’s correspondent is an honest man, as it is fair to presume he is until the con trary appears, we may expect to see the cor respondence promptly given to the public. Let honorable men of all parties have the benefit of it. IT. S. Fair. The U. S. Agricultural Fair at Chicago closed on Saturday last. The closing exer cises consisted of a display of trotting stock; the exhibition of three small specimens of humanity, born at the same birth, six months of age, and all doing well; and a trot for the citizens’ purse of 81,000. This was awarded to “Ike Cook,” owned by Mr. Graves of Chicago, who made his two miles in 2:28)4 and Flora Tempfe and Princess were not allowed to compete, they having trotted for money during the Fair. To show the appreciation in which live stock was held at Chicago, it is worth notiDg that the owner of the fast trotter received a 81,000 premium, while the mater nal progenitor of the three six months old babies, born atone birth,received but three silver spoons ! We submit this is but poor encouragment to those who contemplate embarking in the triplet business. Ex-President Mora who has been de - posed from the Presidency of Costa Rica by the revolutionists, arrived at New York, on the 13th inst.