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4 onftuion of John E. Cooke—HUtory of U« Connection with the Traitor*. A correspondent of the N. Y. Iribune has famished that paper with an exact copy of the written confession of Cookk, as it was given in the Charlestown jail, and read to the Court and jury on his trial. It posses ses considerable interest, and throws some light upon the original intention of the Harper’s Ferry treasonous conspiracy. The names that he mentions, and the character of the complicity of certain parties in the infamous interprise, all belong to history. He says: I became acquainted with Captain John Brown in his camp on Middle Creek, Kan sas Territory, just after the battle of Black Jack, and was with him in said camp until it was broken up, and his company disband ed by Colonel Sumner, of the First Cavalry. U. S. A. ; next saw him at the Convention at Topeka, which wos on the 4th of July, 1856. I next met him, some days after wards, in Lawrence. Did* not see him again until the fall of 1857, when I met him at the house of E. B. Whitman, about four miles from Lawrence Kansas Territory, which, I think, was about the first of November following. I was told that he intended to organize a company for the purpose of putting a stop to the aggressions of the pro-slavery men. 1 agreed to join him, and was asked it I knew of any other young men, who were perfectly reliable, whom I thought would join also. I recom mended Richard Realf, L. F. Parsons, and R. J. Hinton. I received a note on the next Sunday morning, while at breakfast in the Whitney House, from Captain Brown, requesting me to come up that day, and to bring Realf, Parsons and Hinton with me. Realf and Hinton were not in town, and therefore I could not extend to them the in vitation. Parsons and myself went, and had a long talk with Capt. Brown. A few days afterward, I received another note from Capt. Brown, which read, as near as I can recollect, as follows : “ Date . “Capt. Cook— Dear Sir:—You will please Set every thing ready to join me at Topeka by tonday night next. Come to Mrs. Sheridan’s, two miles south of Topeka, and bring your arms, ammunition, clothing and other articles yon may require. Bring Parsons with you if he can get ready in time. Please keep very quiet about the matter. Yours, Ac,, JOHN BROWN.” I made all my arrangements for starting at the time'appointed. Parsons, Realf and Hinton could not get ready. I left them at Lawrence, and started in a carriage for To- Ska. Stopped at the hotel over night and t early the next morning for Mrs. Sheri dan’s, to meet Captain Brown. Staid a day and a half at Mrs. S.’s ; then left for Topeka, at which place we were joined by Stephens, Moffet and Kagi. Left Topeka for Nebraska City, and encamped at night on the prairie north-east of Topeka. Here, for the first, I learned that we were to leave Kansas to attend a military school during the winte r . It was the intention of the party to go to Ashtabula Co., Ohio. Next morn ing I was sent back to Lawrence to get a draft of SBO cashed, and to get Parsons, Realf and Hinton to go back with me. I got the draft cashed. Captain Brown had given me orders to take boat to St. Joseph, Missouri, and stage from there to Tabor, lowa, where he would remain for a few days. I had to wait for Realf for three or four days : Hinton could not leave at that time. I started with Realf and Parsons on a stage for Leavenworth. |The boats bad stopped running on account of the ice. Staid one day in Leavenworth, and then left for Weston, where we took stage for St. Joseph, and from thence to Tabor. I found C. P. Tidd and Leeman at Tabor. Our party now consisted of Captain John Brown, Owen Brown, A. D. Stephens, C. Moffett, C. P. Tidd, Richard Robertson, Colonel Richard Realf, L. F. Parsons, Wm. Lee man and myself. We stopped some days at Tabor, making preparations to start. Here we found that Captain Brown’s ultimate destination was the State of V irgiuia. Some warm words passed between him and my self in regard to the plan, which I had sup posed w,:s to be confined entirely to Kansas and Missouri. Realf and Parsons were of the same opinion with me. After a good deal of wrangling, we consented to go ou, as we had not the means to return, and the rest of the party were so anxions that we should go with them. At Tabor we pro cured teams for the transportation of about two hundred Sharpe's rifles, which had been taken on as far as Tabor one year before, at which place they had been left, awaiting the order of Captain Brown. There were also other stores, consisting of blankets, clothing, boots, ammunition, and about two hundred revolvers of the Massachusetts arms patent, all of which were transported across the State of lowa to Springdale, and from there to Liberty, at which place they were shipped for Ashtabula county, Ohio, where they re mained till brought to Chambersburg, Pa., and were from there transported to a house in Washington, county. Maryland, which Captain Brown had rented from six months and which was situated about five miles from Harper’s Ferry. It was the intention of Captain Brown to sell his teams in Springdale, and with the proceeds to go on with the rest of the com pany to some place in Ashtabula County, Ohio, where we were to have a good military instructor during the winter, but he was disappointed in the sale. As could not get cash for the teams, it was decided we should remain in the neighborhood of Spring dale, and that our instructor, Colonel H. Forbes, should be sent on. We stopped in Pedee, lowa, over winter, at Mr. Maxson's, where we pursued a course of military studies. Colonel H. Forbes and Captain Brown had some words, and he (Colonel F.) did not come on ; consequently, A. D. Ste phens was our drill master. The people of the neighborhood did not know of our purpose. We remained at Pedee till about the middle of April, when we left for Chat ham, Canada, via Chicago and Detroit. We staid about two weeks in Chatham—some of the party staid six or seven weeks. We left Chatham for Cleveland, and remained there until late in June. In his trip East he did not realize the amount of money that he expected. The money had been promised bona fide, but owing to the tightness of the money market they tailed to comply with his demands. The funds were necessary to the accomplish ment of his plans. I afterwards learned that there was a lack of confidence in the success of his scheme. It was, therefore, necessary that a movement should be made in another direction to demonstrate the practicability of his plan. This he made about a year ago by his invasion of Missouri, and the taking of about a dozen together with horses, cattle, etc., into Kansas, in defiance of the United States Marshal and his posse. From Kansas he took them to Canada, via lowa City and Cleveland. At the latter place he remained some days, and, I think, disposed of his horses there. It seems that the United States Marshal was afraid to arrest him, and this was all that was wanting to give confidence to H the wa vering in the practicability of his plan and its ultimate success. He came to Harper’s Ferry about the last of June, though I did not see him till late in July, or the early part of August, when we met on Shenan doah street, Harper’s Ferry, opposite Tear ney’s store. Ido not known who were his aiders or abettors, but have heard him men tion, in connection with it, the names of Gerrit Smith, of New York, Howe, of Boston, and Sanborn and Thaddeus Hyatt, of New York city. What connection, and how far connected with his plan I do not know, but I know he wrote a letter a few weeks previous to his attack to some gentle men in Boston, which read, as near as I can recollect, as follows: “ Date “ Gentlemen : I have got nearly all my ma chine* on, and shall be ready to start them in a few days, unless prevented by a special Provi dence. Everything is working well. I shall want allthe funds yon promised mein a few days. Yours, truely, “CALM & STILL.” In the mean time, the men who had en gaged to go with him, had most of them arrived at Chambersburg, Penn., and been sent to the place which he had rented in Washington County, Md., about five miles from Harper’s Ferry. The greater part of the men kept out of sight during the day, for fear of attracting attention. The arms, munitions, &c., were carted from Chambers burg to his rendezvous. The spear heads and guards came in strong boxes, and the shafts passed for fork handles. They were put together by our own men, at the house where most of them were found. Letters of importance came to the Chambersburg Post Office, and were sent by some of our own party to head quarters. The letters of minor importance came to the Ferry to J. Smith A Sons. All allusions to our business were made in such a blind way that they would not have been understood by any outside parties, even should they have been miscarried. The attack was made sooner than it was intended, owing to some friends in Boston writing a letter, finding fault with the management of Capt. 8., and what to them seemed his unnecessary delay and expense. Ido not know who those persons were, or how far they were cogni zant of his (Capt. B.’s) plans. But I do know that Dr. Howe gave Capt. Brown a breech-loading carbine and a pair of muzzle loading pistols, all of Government manufac ture. They were left either at the house of Capt. Brown, or at the school house, where most of the arms were conveyed. At what time and for what purpose they were given to Capt. Brown I do not know. It was supposed that Col. Hugh Forbes was dead. I was told by Captain Brown that when on East he had been told by Thaddeus Hyatt, of New York, that some of the ne groes at that place had informed him (Hy att) that Forbes had “gone up”—a phrase which Captain B. and the rest of our com pany understood to mean that he had been killed. Ido not think that Forbes had any cognizance of our plans from the time of our leaving Pedee, a year ago last April. Previous to his quarrel with Capt. Brown, we considered that he would hold a place next to Brown in command. I do not know the present whereabouts of Luke F. Parsons or Charles Moffett. The last I beard of Parsons was through Capt. Brown, who informed me that Parsons had started for Pike’s Peak, and that he (Brown) tho’t he would be pretty tolerably peaked before he got there. A short time before the at tack on Harper’s Ferry, Captain Brown requested me to find out in some way, with out creating suspicion, the number of male slaves on or near the roads leading from the Ferry, for a distance of eight or ten miles, and to make such memoranda that would be unintelligible to others, but in such a munner that I could make it plain to him and the rest of the company. He gave me two dollars to pay my expenses with. I took the road from Harper’s Ferry to Charlestown under the plea of gaining sta tistics for a work to be published by John Henri, and to decide a wager between him and Mr. Smith. I did not go on any other road. A few days after this Capt. Brown sent his wagon over by his son Oliver and Jeremiah Anderson, to bring my wife and myself to his house. They gave me a note from him which, as near as I can recollect, read as follows: “ Mr. Cooke— Dear Sir : You will please get everything ready to come with your wife to my house this morning. My wagon will wait for you. I shall take your wife to Cham bersburg, and will start early tomorrow morn ing. Be as expeditious as possible. Be very carefnl not to say or do anything which will awaken any suspicion. “ You can say your wife is going to make a visit to some friends of hers in the country. Be very careful that you do not let any of our plans out. Yours, Ac., J. SMITH.” My wife and myself accordingly left Har per’s Ferry that night, accompanied by Oliver Brown and Jeremiah Anderson, for Captain Brown’s house, in Washington county, Md. The next day, after dinner, Captain B. and his son Watson, together with mywife and child,started for Chambersburg. When Captain B. returned, he told me that he had got her a good boarding place in Chambers burg, at Mrs. Ritterer’s, and that she liked her boarding place very well. There were some six or seven in our party who did not know anything of our THE WEEKLY PIONEER AND DEMOCRAT. constitution, and, as I have since understood, were also ignorant of the plan of operations until the Sunday morning previous to the attack. Among this number were Edwin Coppie, Barclay Coppie, Francis J. Mer riam, Shields Green, John Copeland and Leary. The constitution was read to them by A. D. Stephens, and the oath afterward admin istered by Captain Brown. Sunday eve ning previous to our departure, Captain Brown made bis final arrangements for the capture of Harper’s Ferry, and gave to his men their orders. In closing, he said : “ And now, gentlemen, let me press this one thing on your minds : you all know how dear life is to you, and how dear your lives are to your friends; and, in remembering that, consider that the lives of others are as dear to them as yours are to you ; do not, therefore, take the life of any one if you can possibly avoid it; but if it is necessary to take life in order to save your own, make sure work of it.” Count Walewslcl’s Circular. The Moniteur publishes the folowing cir cular dispatch, addressed by Count Walew ski, the French Minister of Foreign Affairs, to all the French diplomatic agents of the Emperor: Paris, Nov. 5, 1859.— Sir— The Zurich negotiations had a starting point and an object clearly defined beforehand. The preliminaries of Yallafranca indicated to the plenipotentiaries the spirit whioh ought to inspire them, and the object they had to attain. The cession, the general conditions of which were indicated at Vallafranca, gave rise to many important questions as regards their application. First of all, it was neces sary to define the new frontier line between Austria and Piedmont, enriched by Lom bardy. Was the line to follow the right bank or the valley road of the Mincio, and what ought to be the range of the fortress of Peschiera? As regards the line, the government of the Emperor was of opinion that it was conformable to justiee, as well as to the interests of the new possessor of Lombardy, to adopt the system which, in attributing to that province half the bed of the river, places the two adjoining States on a perfect footing of equality, and gives them the means of drawing from that water course the same advantages for the safety of their frontiers. The government of his Ma jesty also thought it just to leave, according to custom, the necessary rayon to Pes chiera, and consented that the average r .nge of fortresses under similar circumstances should be adopted. Thus the line, on leav ing the Tyrolese frontier on the north, follows the middle of the Lake of Garda, and, after making round Peschiera a semi circle of the range ol 3,500 metres, it rejoins on the south the valley road of the Mincio, which it leaves only on its entrance into the Upper Lake of Mantua, and starts again from Le Grazie in a direct line towards Scorzardo and Luzzara, on the Po. The rich and spacious territory which extends between this line and the Ticino, contains a population which forms about three-fifths of the ancient possessions of Austria beyond the Alps, and which, by increasing that of Piedmont more than one-third, brings it up to nearly 8,000,000 souls. Austria, who loses this territory, the principal basis of her influence in Italy, re nounces at the same time, by protocol, the right of keeping a garrison in the three great fortresses of Ferrara, Comacchio, and Piacenza, which she possessed in virtue of treaties, and thus is put aside one of the dominating causes of the state of depend ence in which the Italian Peninsula was placed towards that Power. Her position ceases entirely to be aggressive and prepon derating, and is no longer of a character which may not perfectly coincide with the free development of the interests of Italy. It was just that Austria, in ceding Lom bardy, should not be charged with the mort gage of that province, and that Piedmont should receive the ceded territory with its obligations as well as with its resources. * * The debt of the Mont de Milan, an institution formerly common to Lombardy and Venetia, amounts to a little more than 250,000,000 francs, and Lombardy forming, as I have just said, about three fifths of the ancient Lombardo Venetian kingdom, the share falling upon the province would be 150,000,000. If it had been necessary that Lombardy should have a proportional share in the general debt of the Empire, whatever combination might have been adopted to diminish the weight, it would have been considerable, and the total would have reached a sum which Austria at first ealeu lated at 600,000,000, and which after her last concessions still amounted to 375,000,- 000 francs. This difficulty has been the chief aud almost sole cause of the delays which for a month suspended the negotiations. * * * As price for its many sacrifices, France only asks from Sardinia an indemnity of 60,000,000 f, which is about oue-sixth only of the expenses of the war. The treaties of Zurich, moreover, is all clauses consequent upon either the territorial cession or the restoration of peace, are drawn up in the most liberal spirit. One of the clauses, which concerns the giving up of prisoners, was even fully carried out before the negotiations were terminated. * * * The treaties of Zurich also stipulate an amnesty as extended as possible for all indi viduals, civil or military, compromised in the war. * * * As regards the questions of general policy, it was not for the plenipotentiaries to take decisions which might have prejudiced that solution, not only because they touch the rights of third parties not represented in the conference, but because, from their very nature, they belonged to European delibera tions. The government of the Emperor looked upon them in that light immediately after the signature of the preliminaries. His opinion has not changed, and his pleni potentiaries, conformable to their instruc tions, have limited themselves to reproduce in other terms the dispositions agreed upon at Villafranca, between the Emperor and his Imperial and Royal Apostolic Majesty. The treaty of Zurich means, then, that with a view to assure the tranquility of the Pontifical States, and the power of the Holy Father, the two sovereigns will unite their efforts to obtain from his Holiness a system of government which responds to the wants of the populations. As regards the Duchies, it has been set tled that, as their territorial limits cannot be altered without the sanction of the Pow ers which participated in their formation, the rights of the sovereigns of Tuscany, of Modena, and of Parma are reserved between the contracting parties. Finally, the two powers engage them selves to give their support to the formation under the honorary Presidency of the Pope, of a Confederation of the States of Italy, having lor its object the development of the moral and maternal interests of all its mem bers, as also the common defence by means of a federal army. Venetia, while remain ing under the crown of Austria, is to form part of this association. Thus, the future remains open, in this order of ideas, to combinations which may be judged most expedient to pacify Italy, and to consolidate the new conditions of existence in which she is placed. The gov ernment of his majesty has, moreover .agreed with the Austrian government to invite the Powers which signed the general act of Vienna, of 1815, to meet in Congress to consider the treaties of Zurich, and deliber ate on pending questions, with the addition of the Two Sicilies, Rome and Sardinia. The government of the Emperor has al ready received the assurance that the Holy Father only awaits an opportune moment to make known the reforms which he promises conferring upon his States, and which will have the effect, by assuring a general laical government to the country, of giving it guarantees of a better distribution of justice, and of a control over the financial depart ment by means of an elective assembly. I have had the honor of pointing out to you how the government of the Emperor looks upon the pacification of the Duchies, and you are aware that his view to find the conditions is an arrangement based upon the return of the Grand Duke of Tuscany to his States, and which would combine with certain arrangements of a nature to satisfy at the same time the wishes and legitimate interests Of the populations. Always convinced on the other hand that nothing will contribute so much to the pros perity of Italy as the establishment of a Confederation destined to make the efforts and resources of each of its members con tribute to the general welfare, the govern ment of the Emperor intends to exert all its influence to favor its establishment. It remains equally convinced that the bases laid down in the preliminaries and repro duced in the treaty of Zurich are conforma ble to the real interests of Italy, especially if a separate administration and a national army be obtained for Venetia. Walewski. JOHN BROWN’S LAST LETTER TO HIS FAMILY. interview with his wife, From the New York Herald. Charlestown Prison. ) Jefferson Co., Va., Nov. 30, 1859. J My Dearly Beloved Wife, Sons and Daughters , Every One :—As I now begin what is probably my last letter that I shall ever write to any of you, I conclude to write to all at the same time. I will men tion some little matters particularly ap plicable to little property concerns in an other place. I recently received a letter from my wife, from near Philadelphia, dated November 22d, by which it would seem that she was about giving up the idea of ever seeing me again. I had written to her to come on if she felt equal to the undertaking, but I do not know that she will get my letter in time. It was on her account chiefly that I asked her to stay back. At first I had a most strong desire to see her again, but there appeared to be very serious objections; and should we never meet in this life, I trust that she will in the end be satisfied that it was for the best at least, if not most for her comfort. I enclosed in my last letter to her a draft of fifty dollars from John Jay, made payable to her order. I have now another to send her, from my excellent frknd Edward Harris, of Woonsocket, R. 1., for one hundred dollars, which I shall also make payable to her order. I am waiting the hour of my public mur der with great composure of mind and cheerfulness, feeling the strong assurance that in no other possible way could I be used to so mueh advantage to the cause of good aud humanity, and that nothing that either I or all my family have sacrified or suffered will be lost. The reflection that a wise and merciful, as well as just and holy, God, rules not the affairs of this world only but of all worlds, is a rock to set our feet upon under all circumstances—even those more severely trying ones into which our feelings and wrongs have placed us. I have now no doubt but that our seeming disas ter will ultimately result in the most glori ous success; so, my dear, shattered and broken family, be of good cheer, and believe and trust in God with all your heart, and with all your soul; for He?doeth all thinks well. Do not feel ashamed on my account, nor for one moment despair of the cause or grow weary of well doing. 1 bless God I have not felt stronger in confidence in the certain and near approach of a bright morning and a glorious day than I have felt, and do now feel, since my confinement here. lam endeavoring to return, like a poor prodigal as I am, to my Father, against whom I have always sinned, in the hope that he may kindly and forgivingly meet me, though a very great way off". Oh! my dear wife and children, wonld to God you could know how I have been travaling in birth for yon all, that no one of you may fail of the grace of God. Through Jesus Christ—that no one of you may be blind to the truth and glorious light of His Word, in which life and im mortality are brought to light. I beseech you every one, to make the Bible your daily and nightly study, with a childlike, honest, candid, teachable spirit of love and respect for your husband and father. And I beseech the God of my fathers to open all your eyes to the discovery of the truth. You cannot imagine how much you may soon need the consolations of the Chris tion religion. Circumstances like my own for more than a month past have convinced me beyond all doubt, of our great need of some theories treasured up when our pre judices are excited, and our vanity worked up to the highest pitch. Oh! do not trust your eternal all upon the boisterous ocean, without even a helm or compass to aid you in steering. I do not ask any of you to throw away your reason ; I only ask you to make a candid, sober use of your reason. My dear young children, will you listen to this last poor admonition of one who can only love you ? Oh, be determined at once to give your whole heart to God, and let nothing shake or alter that resolution. You need have no fears of regretting it. Do not be vain and thoughtless, but sober minded ; aad let me entreat you all to love the whole remnant of our once great family. Try and build up again your broken walls, and to make the utmost of every stone that is left Nothing can so tend to make life a blessing as the consciousness that ycur life and ex ample bless and leave you stronger. Still, it is ground of the utmost comfort to my mind to know that so many of you as have had the opportunity have given some proof of your fidelity to the great family of men. Be faithful unto death ; from the exercise of habitual love to man it cannot be very hard to learn to love his Maker. I must yet insert the reason for my firm, belief in the divine inspiration of the Bible notwithstanding I am perhaps naturally skeptical, certainly not credulous. I wish all to consider it most thoroughly when you read that blessed book, and see whether you cannot discover such evidence your selves. It is the purity of heart, feeling our minds as well as work and actions, which is everywhere insisted on, that distinguishes it from all the other teachings, that commends it to my conscience. Whether my heart be willing and obedient or not, the induce ment that it holds out is another reason of my convictions of its truth and genuineness; but I do not here omit this my last argument on the Bible, that eternal lile is what my soul is panting after this moment. I men tion this as a reason for endeavoring to leave a valuable copy of the Bible to be carefully preserved in remembrance of me, for my posterity to see, instead of some other book at equal cost. I beseech you all to live in habitual con tentment with moderate circumstances and gains of worldly store, and earnestly to teach this to your children and children’s children after you, by example as well as precept. Be determined to know by experience as soon as may be, whether Bible instruction is of divine origin or not. Be sure to owe no man anything, but to love one aLOther. John Rogers wrote to his children, “Abhor that arrant whore of Rome.” John Brown writes to his children to abhor, with undying hatred, also, that sum of all villanies slavery. Remember, he that is slow to anger is better than the mighty, and he that ruleth his spirit than he that taketh a city. Remember, also, that they, being wise, shall shine, and they that turn many to righteous ness as the stars forever and ever. And now, dearly beloved family, to God and the work of His grace I commend you all. Your affectionate husband and father, John Brown, The interview between Brown and his wife lasted from 4 o’clock in the afternoon until 8 o’clock in the evening, when Gen. Taliafero informed them that the period allowed had elapsed, and that she must pre pare for departure to the Ferry. The interview was, I learn, not a very affecting one—rather of a practical charac ter, with regard to the future of herself and children, and the arrangement and settlement of business affairs. They seemed considera bly affected when they first met, and Mrs. B. was for a few moments quite overcome, but Brown was as firm as a rock, and she soon recovered her composure. There was an impression that the prisoner might possi bly be furnished with a weapon or strychnine by his w fe, and before the interview her person was searched by the wife of the jailor, and a strict watch kept over them during the time they were together. At the time of separation they both seemed to be fully self possessed, and the parting, especially on his parr, exhibited a composure, either feigned or real, that was truly surprising. She resented the idea that Capt. Brown had done anything to deserve death, or to taint his name with dishonor, and declared that the ignominious character of the pun ishment that was about to be inflicted upon him was as cruel as it was unjust. She regarded him as a martyr in a righteous cause, ond was proud to be the wife ol such a mau. The gallows, she said, had no terrors for her or for him. She stated that she had not seen him since last June, about six months ago, and that they had been separated with the exception of a few days for nearly two years. They had, however, corresponded, and she had always felt a deep interest in the cause in which he was engaged. I learn from Capt. Avis, the jailor, that the interview between the prisoner aud wife was characteristic of the man, and the direction given for the management and distribution of his property embraced all the minor details of his last will and testa ment. Gen. Taliaferro was also present, and Capt. Brown urged that his wife be allowed to remain with him all night. To this the General refused to assent, allowing them but four hours. On first meeting they kissed and affection ately embraced, and Mrs. Brown shed a few tears, but immediately checked her feelings. They stood embraced, and she sobbing, tor nearly five minutes, and he was apparently unable to speak. The prisoner only gave way for a moment, and was soon calm and collected, and remained firm throughout the interview. At the close they shook hands, but did not embrace, and as they parted he said, “God bless you and the children.’’ Mrs. Brown replied, “God have mercy on you,” and continued calm until she left the room, when she remained in tears a few moments and then appeared to depart. The interview took place in the parlor of Capt. Avis, and the prisoner was free from manacles of any kind. They sat side by side on a sofa, and after discussing family i matters proceeded to business. He stated that he desired his property to pass entirely j into her possession, and appeared to place full confidence in her ability to manage it properly for the benefit of hi 3 younger chil dren. lie requested her to remain at North j Elba, New York, on the farm belonging to 1 her. He desired that his younger children should be educated, and if she could not obtain facilities for their education at home, to have them sent to boarding school. He then gave directions and dictated to Sheriff [ Campbell a will, which directed that all his property should go to his wife, with the exception of a few presents and bequests which he made. To one of his sons he gave a double spy-glass, and to another a watch while a third was directed to take a tomb or monument that marks the grave of his father at North Elba, and have his name age, and the manner of his death, together with the cause for which he had suffered, inscribed upon it. He directs that it shall remain at North Elba as long as his family reside there. To each of his children he bequeathed the sum of fifty dollars, uud to each of his daughters a Bible, to cost 35, to be purchased out of money coming to him from his father’s estate. Also he directs that a Bible, to cost 33, shall be presented to each of his grandchildren, and that SSO each be paid to three individuils, whom he named, if they can be found, and if not, to their legal representatives. Daring the course of conversation, Mrs. B. asked him if he had heard that Gerrit Smith had become insane, and had been sent to the asylum at Utica? He replied that he had read of it in the papers and was sorry to hear it, but immediately changed the subject. The subject of the death of his two sons was spoken of, and Mrs. Brown remarked that she had made some effort, while at Harper’s Ferry, for the recovery of their bodies, to which object she said Col. Bar bour had kindly consented to give his assistance. Capt. Brown remarked that he would also like the remains of the two Thompsons removed, if they could be found, but suggested it would be best to take his body, with the bodies of hi 3 four sons, and get a pile of pine logs and burn them together ; that it would be much better and less expensive to thus gather up all their ashes together and take them to their Sna resting place. Sheriff Campbell told him that this would not be permitted within the State, and Mrs. Brown objected to the proposition entirely. The prisoner said that he contemplated his death with composure and calmness. It would undoubtedly be pleasant to live longer, but as it was the will of God he should close his career, he was content. It was doubtless best that he should be legally murdered for the good of his cause, and he was prepared to submit without a murmur. Mrs. Browm becoming depressed at these remarks, he bid her cheer up. telling her that h:s spirit would soon be with her again, and that they would be reunited in Heaven. With regard to his execution, he said that he desired no religious ceremonies, either in the jail or on the scaffold, from ministers who approve of the enslavement of their fellow creatures ; that he would prefer rather to be accompanied to the scaf fold by a dozen slave children, and a good old slave mother, with their appeal to God for blessings on his soul, than all the elo quence of the whole clergy of the Common wealth combined. A Sad Cast; of Female Rule From the Schenectady News We have rscently been put in possession of some facts which we cannot record with dry eyes. Out of respect to the feelings ot of the lacerated parent we refrain from giv ing names. About three years ago, a gentleman who has resided in this county, and not a bun dred miles from our ancient city, until six or eight months since, lost his wife, to whom he was devotedly attached. He had, how ever, one chiid, a girl of some fifteen sum mers, whom he loved as the apple of his eye. Anxious not to break up his house hold, he employed a young woman, who came to him well recommended, as house keeper and niauager of his domestic affairs. His daughter, who we will call Kate, though that was not her name, had al ways been of an affectionate but giddy dis position, and, his business often calling him from home, he placed entire confidence in the staid, lady-like appearing person he liad employed to take care of his house hold. Time passed on, and his daughter seemed to be quite content, but more sober in her demeanor. His housekeeper had friends, she said, in Troy, and used sometimes to be gone for a few days on a visit, and on sever al of these occasions took his daughter with her. Some six months ago the father had occa sion to move away from the city, and would have taken his daughter with him. but she had a great desire to attend school at Troy. His housekeeper had ob tained a place in Troy, she said, and would oversee Kate, as she could board in the same family. About four weeks ago Mr. Blank return ed to this city, and sent to Tro j for his daughter. No such girl had ever been there. The unhappy father, now frightened, placed her daguerreotype in the hands of a detective officer, who found her in a notori ous den of infamy in Boston. The afflictea father, almost heart-broken, went on to Boston, where he found her a mere wreck of her formar self. He has taken her to his new home in the West. The housekeeper, it seems, was a vile woman, and had taken advantage of the girl’s merry disposition to ensnare her to ruin. Mrs Woodhouse, formerly Miss Orcutt, of Hartford, where she has many friends and acquaintances, died in Brownsville a short lime since. The cause of her death is attributed to the fright she suffered during the recent disturbances at that place by the Mexican banditti under Cor. TINAS.