The weekly pioneer and Democrat. [volume], February 03, 1860, Image 1

About The weekly pioneer and Democrat. [volume] (Saint Paul, Minn. Territory) 1855-1865

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VOL XI.—NO. 43.
AVI ITALIEXS.
BV OWEN MEREDITH
At Paris it was, at the Opera there ;
And she look'd like a queen in a book that
night,
With the wreath of pearl in her raven hair,
And the brooch on her breast, so bright.
Of all the operas that Verdi wrote,
The best, to my taste, is the Trooatore ;
And Mario can soothe with a tenor note
The souls in purgatory.
The moon on the tower slept soft as snow ;
And who has not thrilled in the strangest
way, [low.
As we heard him sing, while the gas burn’d
“Non ti scorda di mo! "
The Emperor there, in his box of state,
Look’d grave, as if he had just there seen
The red flag wave from the city gate,
Where his eagles in bronze had been.
The Empress, too, had a tear in her eye.
You’d have said that her fancy had gone
back again,
For one moment, under the old blue sky,
To the old glad life in Spain.
Well! there in our old front row box we sat
Together, my bride-betroih’d and I;
My gaze was fixed on my opera-hat,
And hers on the stage hard by.
And both were silent, and both were sad,
Like a queen, she lean’d on her full, white
arm,
With that regal, indolent air she had,
So confident of her charm !
I have no doubt she was thinking then
Of her former lord, good soul that he was !
Who died the richest and roundest of men,
The Marquis of Carabas,
1 hone that, to get to the kingdom of Heaven,
Through a needle’s eye he had not to pass.
1 wish him well, for the jointure given
To my lady of (Jarabas.
Meanwhile, I was thinking of my first love,
As I had not been thinking of aught for years,
Till over my eyes there began to move
Something that felt like tears.
I thought of the dress that she wore last time.
VVheu we stood 'neath the cypress tree to
gether,
In that lost land, in that soft clime,
In the crimson evening weather.
Of that muslin dress, (for the eve was hot)
And her warm white neck in its golden
chain :
And her full, soft hair, just tied in a knot,
And falling loose again :
And the jessamine flower in her fair young
breast,
(0, the faint, sweet smile of that jasmin
flower!)
And the one bird singing alone to his nest,
And the one star over the tower.
I thought of our little quarrels and strife ;
And the letter that brought me back my ring,
And it all seem’d then, in the waste of life,
Such a very little thing!
For I thought of her grave below the hill,
Which the sentinel cypress tree stands over,
And I thought—“ Were she only living still,
How I could iorgive her and love her!”
And I swear, as I thought of her thus, in that
hour.
And of how, after all, old things were best,
That I smelt the smell of that jasmin flower,
Which she used to wear in her breast.
It smelt so faint, and it smelt so sweet,
It made me creep, and it made me cold.
Like the scent that steals from the crumbling
6heet,
When a mummy is half unroll'd.
And l turn’d and look’d. She was sitting there
In a dim box, over the stage; and drest
In that muslin dress, with that full soft hair,
And that jasmin in her breast!
I was here, and she was there.
And the glittering horse-shoe curved be
tween,
From my bride-betroth’d, with her raven hair,
And her sumptuous, scornful mien.
To my early love, with her eyes downcast,
And over her primrose face the shade,
(In short, from the Future back to the Past)
There was but a step to be made.
To my early love from my future bride
One moment I look’d. Then I stole to the
door,
I travers’d the passage ; and down at her side
I was sitting, a moment more.
My thinking of her, or the music’s strain,
Or something which never will be exprest.
Had brought her back from the grave again
With the jasmin in her breast.
She is not dead, and she is not wed !
But she loves me now, and she loved me
then!
And the very first word that her sweet’lips
said
My heart grew youthful again.
The Marchioness there, of Carabas.
She is wealthy and young, and handsome
still,
And but for her... .well, we’ll let that pass,
Bhe may marry whomever she will.
But I will marry my own first love,
With her primrose face; for old things are
best;
And the flower in her boaom, I prize it above
The brooch in my lady’s breast.
The world is filled with folly and sin,
And love must cling where it can, I say ;
For beauty is easy enough to win ;
But one isn’t loved every day.
And I think, in the lives of most women and
men,
There’s a moment when all would go smooth
and even,
If only the dead could find out when
To come back, and be forgiven.
But O the smell of that jasmin flower!
And O that music! and O the way
That voice rang out from the donjon tower;
Non ti scordar di me,
Non to scordar di me !
SPEECH OF STEPHEN A. DOUGLAS
IN THE SENATE,
ON Hia harper’s ferrv resolutions.
From the Cincinnati Enquirer.
Washington, January 23, 1860.
The Senate to-day was crowded to its
utmost capacity, to hear the speech of the
Senator from Illinois, Mr. Douglas. Every
available space was crowded one hour and
a half before the body met, nearly all the
galleries being monopolized by ladies.
Mr. Douglas never opened in better voice,
and spoke to greater advantage. He was
listened to with marked attention. Upward
of one hundred members of the House of
Representatives were present on the floor
of the Senate. I send you a full abstract
of the speech.
Fessenden replied with unusual want of
ability and spirit. He made the lamest
effort ever delivered by a Republican Sena
tor. He utterly repudiated lor the Repub
lican party any endorsement of the extreme
views of Messrs. Seward & Co.
-Judge Douglas commenced bis remarks
by sayiDg that on the 21st of November
last the Governor of Virginia addressed an
official communication to the President of
the United States, in which he said : In
formation from various quarters, upon
which I rely, state that a conspiracy of for
midable extent, in means and numbers, is
formed in Ohio, Pennsylvania, New York,
and other States to rescue John Brown and
his associates, prisoners at Charlestown, Va.
The information is specific enough to be re
liable. And again, places in Maryland,
Ohio and Pennsylvania have been occupied
as flepots and rendezvous for these despera
does, unobstructed by guards or otherwise,
to invade this State, and we are kept in
continual apprehension of outrage, from fire
and rapine. I apprise you of these facts in
order that you may take steps to preserve
peace between the States.
On November, 28th, the President of the
United States replied to Governor Wise as
follows :J
“ I am at a loss to discover any provision in
tha Constitution or laws of the United States
whifeh would authorize me to take Bteps for
this purpose to preserve peace between the
States.”
This announcement leads to the inquiry,
whether there is no constitutional power
within the Union to protect each State
agaiust invasion from other States. Secu
rity from invasion is indispensable to the
welfare of every community. No people,
State or nation are safe without complete
security against external violence. To in
sure such protection, all nations must sup
port armies and maintain navies. Before
the adoption of our Federal’ Constitution,
the several States had each its army and
navy to protect itself against foreign na
tions. By the Constitution the power to
raise and support an army and to provide
and maintain a navy was surrendered to the
Federal Government by the several States,
in order to show that this power is vested
exclusively in the United States, and posi
tively forbids them to be exercised by the
State. The Constitution provides that no
State shill keep troops and maintain ships
of war in time of peace.
When the States delegated to Congress
the means which they had ot self-preserva
tion against invasion, and assented to this
prohibition, did they understand that there
was no power vested in the Federal Gov
ernment to preserve peace between the
States, by protecting each from invasion by
the others? Were the smaller states to be
left to the mercy of the larger ones ? Was
it the intention of the framers of the Consti
tution, that each State should have its hands
tied and be stripped of the means of self
defence, and be exposed to invasion with
impunity by organized bands of marauders
and desperadoes, to murder and rob its citi
zens, burn their dwelliags, and incite servile
insurrection? These questions naturally
arise in any man’s mind, on reflecting upon
the official announcement that there is no
provision of the Constitution and Laws of
the United States to preserve the peace be
tween the States, and protect each against
invasion from the others.
They are everywhere propounded by
good men with the view of ascertaining
whether there is no constitutional remedy
in the Union for evils which are intolerable,
and can never be submitted to by any free
people. Those who have been induced to
believe that the Constitution neither pro
vides nor permits adequate protection against
the recurrence of these outrages, naturally
but reluctantly entertain the alternative of
disunion as a less evil than submission, be
cause it would restore to exposed States the
right to keep troops and ships of war in
time of peace and means ot self-defence.
This leads me to require whether we can not
and ought not to protect and maintain every
right, redress and punish every wrong com
plained of; whether the Union in pursuance
of the Constitution, as stated in the preamble,
was to insure domestic tranquility. One of
the means provided in the Constitution for
insuring domestic tranquility is, that the
Federal Government shall protect each
State and its inhabitants against external
violence, whether such violence proceed from
foreign nations, or from the other States of
the Union, the Constitution provided in
clear and explicit terms against the invasion
SAINT PAUL, FRIDAY, FEBRUARY 3, 1860.
of any State from the other States, as well
as for repelling the invasion of the United
States by foreign powers. First, in respect
to invasion by foreign powers.
See clauses 11,12,13,14 and 15 of sec
tion eight, article first—Congress shall have
power to declare war, &c.; to raise and sup
port armies, &c.; to provide and maintain a
navy,&c.; to make rules for the govern
ment and regulations of the land and naval
forces ; to provide for calling out of the
militia to execute the laws of the Union,
suppress insurrection and repel invasions.
These provisions place the whole military
power of the Union at the disposal of the
Federal Government, for the defence and
protection of the United States as a whole,
including States, Territories and the District
of Columbia.
The laws to be executed are the laws of
the Union. The insurrections to be sup
pressed are those against the Federal author
ities. The invasions to be repelled under
the authority of these provisions are invasion
of the United States from foreign countries,
and not invasions of the several States from
the other States of the Union. An invasion
of any portion of the jurisdiction of the Uni
ted States, whether the invaders land within
the limits of a State or Territory or in the
District of Columbia, is an invasion of the
United States, and not of any particular
State. Within the meaning of these pro
visions, having vested in Congress the power
and imposed the duty of defending any por
tion of the United States from invasion
from foreign countries, the framers of the
Constitution proceed to guarantee the pro
tection of each separate State from violence
and invasion from the other States of the
Union. (See section four of article four.)
This section contains three distinct guar
anties by the United States to each State,
which guaranties are to be fulfilled by the
exercise of Federal authority as provided in
the Constitution : first—that the United
States shall guaranty to every State in this
Union a Republican form of government;
second—the United States shall protect
each of them against invasion from any other
State or place within the limits of the ju
risdiction of the United States; third—the
United States shall protect each of the
States, on application of the legislatures, or
the executive when the legislature can not
be convened, against domestic violence.
Mr. Douglas quoted from the forty-third
number of the Federalist , written by Mr.
Madison, to show that this clause in the
Constitution was understood at the time it
was adopted by its framers p ecisely as he
now explains it, and read the following
paragraph :
a A protecting against invasion is due from
every society to the parts composing it.
The latitude of the expression here used
seems to secure each State not only against
foreign hostility, but against ambitious or
vindictive enterprise by its more powerful
neighbors. The history of both ancient
and modern confederacies prove that the
weaker members of the Union ought not
to be insensible to the policy of this article.
It will be observed that in case of insur
rection or domestic violence in any State
against its own authorities, the United
States can not interfere except on application
of the State authorities; but in case of
threatened invasion of a State from other
States, the United States are bound to pro
tect such State without waiting for the
State to apply for assistance. The pledge
is that the United States shall protect the
State against invasion in all such cases; not
merely repel the invasion as provided in
cases where foreign powers may invade the
United States, but shall protect each of
them against invasion.
To protect against is a much stronger and
more comprehensive toil than to repel; it
implies that the United States will do all that
may be necessary to insure domestic tran
quility to each State against external
violence. Such are the powers and duties
imposed on the United States by the Con3ti
tion. Mr. Douglas said his resolution con
templated all the legislation which might be
necessary and proper to carry these powers
into effect.
In the performance of the high duties, it
is not sufficient to provide for repelling the
invasion when the hostile force shall be
mustered on the line of the threatened State,
or shall be found marching in solid column
for the purpose of invading a State. A
conspiracy, a combination in any State, or
anywhere within the limits of the United
States, with the intent to invade a State, or
subvert its government, or molest its inhabi
tants or their property, or to disturb its
peace and domestic tranquility, should also
be declared a high crime, indictable in the
United States Courts, and punishable by
confinement in the penitentiary or prisons
in the State where such conspiracies or
combination may be performed.
The peace and harmony of this country
have been too long and too frequently dis
turbed, and the patience of all good citizens
exhausted by the conspiracies and combina
tions in the different States to seduce and
run off slaves from their masters, to steal
and drive off horses and other property from
one State to another, to organize bands of
ruffians and desperadoes for the purpose of
invading under the pretense of emigation to
the Territories, and controlling their elec
tions and shaping their domestic institu
tions, and to obstruct the faithful execution
of the laws of the United States.
I trust that the Committee will take cog
nizance of all these and kindred outrages,
and so frame the articles of the bill as to
make any conspiracy or combination in any
State or Territory against Government in
habitants properly, or institutions of any
other States or Territories, a crime which
consigns the conspirators and confederates
to the felon’s doom. Open the prison-doors
and show the conspirators the dismal cells
in which they will drag out a miserable ex
istence, unless they abandon this irrepressi
ble conflict against the domestic tranquility
of the several States and the harmony of the
Union.
The Constitutional power and duty to
provide this legislation being conceded, the
stern necessity at this time can no longer be
questioned. The events of the last few years
demonstrate this necessity. A powerful
political party has been organized in behalf
of the States in the Union, on the basis of
irreconcilable and eternal hostility to the
domestic institutions and internal policy of
the other half. The characteristic feature
of the Republican party is, that there is a
necessary conflict between the institutions
of the free States and the slaveholding
States, so direct and irreconcilable that they
can not co exist in the same Republic;
and, consequently, the war of sections must
continue to rage until the States of this
Union shall all become free or all slave—
until slavery shall be abolished every-where
or established every where.
This question of the “ irrepressible con
flict ” was the leading and controlling issue
between Mr. Lincoln and myself in the
Illinois canvass last year. Iu his speech
accepting the Republican Abolition nomi
nation for United States Senator, in June,
1858, Mr. Lincoln stated the question in
these words : “ In my opinion it (the slavery
agitation) will not cease until a crisis have
been and passed. A house divided against
itsell cannot stand. I believe this govern
ment cannot endure permanently half slave
and half free. Ido not expect the house to
fall, but I do expect it will cease to be
divided ; it will become all one thing or all
the other. Either the opponents of slavery
will arrest further speed of it, and place it
where the public mind shall rest in the belief
that it is in the course ot ultimate extinction,
or its advocates will push forward until it
becomes alike lawful in all the States—old
as well as new, North as well as South.”
Here we find embodied, in unequivocal
terms, the whole blank of the impending
crisis, as previously published by Helper,
and of irrepressible conflict, as proclaimed
by the Senator from New York, in his
Rochester speech, four months afterward,
upon his issue of unceasing war upon the
institution of slavery, with a view to its
ultimate extinction.
Throughout the United States the Repub
lican party appeals to Northern prejudice,
passion, pride and ambition against the
southern States, people and institutions. It
is a sectional party, whose object is to rally
all the northern States under one banner,
and drive all the southern States under an
other, under the pretense that free and slave
States cannot permanently endure together,
and consequently the one section must sub
due the other. The Harper’s Ferry outrage
is the natural and logical result of the teach
ings and doctrines of the Republican party,
as interred in their platforms,partisan presses,
books and pamphlets, and the speeches of
their leaders in and out of Congress.
He trusted that the Investigating Com
mittee might acquit the leaders of that party,
and especially the Republican Senators, of
any complicity with John Brown. He was
gratified at their condemnation of John
Brown’s acts, but would be more gratified if
they would repudiate and denounce the
doctrines and teachings which produced
those acts. Let them vote for a measure
which will not only prevent other invasions,
but will punish all men who form conspira
cies and combinations to invade, molest or
disturb the people, property, institutions or
government of any State. That would be
the way to repress the “ irrepressible con
flict.”
But is it true that this Union can not
permanently endure as our fathers formed it,
composed of free States and slaveholding
States? that the conflict must go on, and
the strife rage until the States shall all be
come free or slave ? This theory of the irre
pressible conflict rests on the assumption that
uniformity in the domestic institutions and
internal blank of all the States is indispensa
ble to the peace and perpetuity of the Union,
which is contradicted by our entire history.
The Union is founded on the theory that
uniformity in local laws and domestic insti
tutions is neither possible nor desirable. Our
fathers knew that a country so extensive,
with such a variety of climate, soil, produc
tions and pursuits must necessarily have a
corresponding variety of interests, requiring
different systems of institutions and policy
adapted to the wants and necessities of each
locality. They knew that the laws and in
stitutions which were suitable to the moun
tains and valleys of New England, would be
illy adapted to the rice plantations and cot
ton fields ot the Carolinas. Hence like wise
men they formed the Republic on the basis
of allowing the people of each State to have
just such laws and domestic institutions as
they might deem best for their welfare, on the
supposition that each State had peculiar in
terests requiring institutions and legislation
differing in some respects from every other
State; and hence that no two would be
precisely alike in their local legislation and
domestic policy.
Dissimilarity, therefore, and not uniform
ity in the domestic institution, was the
theory of the Constitution. When the
Constitution was adopted, the Union was
composed of thirteen States, twelve of which
were slave States, and one free State. Had
this doctrine of uniformity prevailed in the
Convention which framed the Constitution,
one of two results mu3t have followed; either
the twelve slave States would have adopted
a Constitution establishing slavery through
out the States, or the State Legislatures
would have been abolished and the State
governments blotted out, and full power
conferred on Congress to legislate on muni
cipal and domestic affairs, as well as federal
relations.
In this mode only could uniformity in the
domestic institutions in all the States have
been attained. The fact that the power of
Congress were limited to those subjects
which affect the general welfare of all the
States without interferring with the domes
tic institutions of each, is conclusive evi
dence that uniformity was not deemed de
sirable. If possible, the doctrine of uni
formity is the doctrine of centralization and
despotism, as repugnant to our institutions
and intolerable to our people as that of
Austria or Naples.
The right of every people to govern
themselves, and form their own institutions
on the supposition that no two States would
form them precisely alike, is the fundamen
tal principles on which the American Union
was made, and upon which it can be main
tained. Let this great principle be observed
in good faith, and there can be no conflict,
much less irrepressible conflict between the
free and slave States.
Let the Constitution be carried out in the
spirit in which it was made, let Congress
pass all laws necessary and proper to give
effect to all its guarantees ; let the Federal
Government perform its whole duty, by pro
tecting each State against invasion, and
suppressing all conspiracies and combina
tions in any State or Territory against the
Government,people, property t or institutions
of any other State or Territory, and there
will remain unredressed no wroDg for which
disunion will turnish a remedy.
Let the people of each State form and
regulate their own domestic institutions and
manage their internal affairs, and mind their
own business and let their neighbors alone,
and this Union will endure forever—com
posed of free and slave States, just as the
people of each may determine for themselves.
Louis Napoleon and the Temporal
Power of the Pope.
The question whether the late pamphlet
which has appeared in Paris, taking grounds
that the temporal power of the Pope ought
to be restricted to the city of Rome, and
that good policy required that he should
abdicate his sovereignty over the rest of his
dominions, spoke the sentiments of Louis
Napoleon, is yet undecided. It has created
a great sensation in Europe. The Paris
correspondent of the New York Tribune
thus speaks of it •
“As soon as it made its appearance,
Prince Mettenich and Monsignor Sacconi,
the Papal Nuncio, went to Count Walewski
and required a straight-forward answer,
whether the pamphlet was the expression of
the Imperial policy or not. Count Wal
ewski at once replied that his feelings were
shocked by the very idea that the subversive
proposals of an anonymous writer could be
taken for the programme of his policy, and
he assured his illustrious visitors that he
never would give his assent to any such
eccentric plans as to reduce the temporal
power of the Pope to the confines of Rome.
The Prince and the Archbishop retired upon
this, quite satisfied with Count Walewski’s
declaration, but still uncertain whether the
Count really knew the Emperor’s mind ; es
pecially as on the same day they saw Na
poleon driving to the Theater of the Porte
Saint Martin, where a piece, written by his
Private Secretary, M. Mocqjuard, was
played, the plot of which is founded on the
story of the boy Mortara. But not only
did the Emperor give importance to that
little drama by his presence,, he even loudly
cheered at the most exciting scenes, and his
satisfaction, however gratifying to the actors,
gave considerable uneasiness to the Stock
Exchange.”
The Washington Constitution gives notice
to creditors of the Post Office Department
that, after the passage of the Appropriation
Bill, the pressure of business in the finance
office will be such as to render necessary, in
justice to all parties, the payment of claims
in the order of presentation. Statements ol
indebtedness should be sent to the Third
Assistant Postmaster General in advance,
to be carefully examined, recorded and filed.
Receipts wilt be given in each case, and
payments made, according to the dates of
filing, at the earliest day after the money
shall he appropriated by Congress.
NEW SERIES-NO. 216.
Burning of Female Academy.
One Hundred and Seventy Five Young
Ladies Aroused by a Midnight Fire.—
We have already published the telegraphic
dispatch containing an announcement of the
burning of the female college at Oxford
Ohio. A correspondent of the Cincinnati
Commercial of the 17th of January, gives
the following particulars :
The college was situated about three
fourths of a mile from Oxford, and quite a
distance from any other house. There was
but one man about the building when the
fire was first discovered, and as his presence
was necessary, it devolved upon a company
of young ladies to run to town and give the
alarm. The building was first discovered
to be on fire at o’clock at night, when
the inmates were aroused. One hundred
and seventy-five young ladies were attend
ing the institution. As the building took
fire at the top and burned downwards, it af
forded much opportunity for the removing
of property from the lower stories, and most
of the private property and trunks were
saved, except those of the fifth story occu*
pants.
We arrived at the scene of conflagration
shortly after the fire made its appearance,
and witnessed such confusion as is rarely
seen. The front portico of the building was
crowded with trunks, and every one was
working with zealous energy. Daguerre
otypes, portfolios, diaries, letters, and every
article of the toilet, were scattered about as
objects too small for attention. After the
building was deserted, and the excitement in
some degree subsided, the spirit of the scene
was changed, to some exteut, to one of re
joicing.
The escape of Miss Sallie E. Moore from
the college is unparalleled for daring, and
seems almost miraculous. She roomed in
the fifth story, and returned the second time
to her room for some books; on opening
her door she discovered that the hall was
dense with smoke and the stairway was in
flames, and all means of exit in that direc
tion hopeless. Closing her door, she delib
erately tore the bed clothing into strips,
knotted them firmly together, and tyiDg
them to her bed post, she hopefully stepped
from her window, and made a successful de
scent to the ground, a distance of forty-five
feet.
The presence of mind shown by the entire
body of young ladies was remarked by ev
ery one. This was no doubt promoted by
some remarks Miss Peabody had made the
day before, commenting on tbe Pemberton
mill accident, and desiring, if any sudden ca
lamity should visit them, if the college should
take fire, or any other accident occur, they
might act in a thoughtful and collected
manner.
Steps will be immediately taken to re
erect the college, and it is designed to have
it ready for occupation against September
next.
From Washington.
The Herald's Washington correspondence'
says: By special orders from the hsad*-
quarters of the army at St. Louis, a detach
ment of sixty recruits has been ordered to
leave Jefferson barracks for Texas. The
detachment of mounted rifles at Fort
Staunton and a detachment of 3d infantry
at the same post will proceed to Fort Maury.
By special orders from the headquarters
of the army at Santa Fe, N. M., in con
sequence of the high price of forage of every
kind, rations of horses and mules have been
reduced temporarily to ten pounds per day
for horses, and nine for mules; and for the
same reason, company K of mounted rifles
have been ordered from Fort Union to Fort
Bliss.
The President has ordered from the na
tional armory at Springfield, Massachusetts,
15,000 muskets for southern use, to be sta
tioned at Charleston, South Carolina,
Augusta, Georgia, and Baton Rouge, Lou
isiana, and 9,000 rifles from the Watertown
and Waterville arsenals, for southern use.
A dinner was given to Mr. Seward at ths
National hotel last evening, and was pa>
ticipated in by ex-Governors Pennington,
Corwin, Bingham. Crittenden and Antheay,
Senator Doolittle, and Representatives Colt
fax, Conklin, and eight others.
The New York Times correspondent says :
The difficulties in the cabinet are two, fold
the first, with Postmaster General Holt,
who refuses to hold office uuless liberty is
given him to remove Isaac Cook from tjie
Chicago postoffice. The second is with the
secretary of war, who insists on ordering off
to Florida Capt. Montgomery O. Meigs,
now engaged on the aqueduct here.. Jeffer
son Davis and Senator Toombs resist this,
and the President takes part with them.
Mr. Floyd seems resolved, however, to have
his own way.
The New Orleans Picayune, of Tuesday
last, learns from the Galveston flews that
Cortinas has recrossed the Ria Grande, SO
miles above Brownsville, with three hundred
men.
Mrs. Stephen D. Nichols, of North Black
stone, Mass., has within eleven months and
four days, presented her husband with three
bouncing boys. The first was born January
31,1859, and the remaining two (twins)
were born on the sth inst. * *