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the crisis of the raios. Patriotic and Interesting Letter from Senator Douglas. CORRESPONDENCE. New Orleans, Monday, Nov. 12, 1860. Hon. Stephen A. Douglas — Sir: We, the undersigned, citizens of New Orleans, irrespective of party, being desirons of hear ing your views on the present condition of the affairs of our country, would earnestly request you to designate a time when it would be agreeable to you to address your fellow-citizens: Pilcher & Goodrich, Hillard, Summers & Co* Thos. K. Price, J. F. Shaw, Fellowes & Co., J. Altmeyer, Martin, Cobb & Co., H. L. Goodrich, J. M. Lapeyre, I. S. Holden, Given, watts & Co., R. Geddes, Jas. Turner & Co., J. P. Harrison. Sumpter Turner, Richard Lluyal, P. A. Shaw, Horrel. Gayle & Co., And several hundred prominent citizens of New Orleans. HR. DOUGLAS’ REPLY. Gentlemen : Your request to address the citizens of New Orleans “on the present condition of the affairs of our country,” has just been placed in my bands. An invita tion so numerously signed by the most emi nent business men of this great commercial city implies a compliment which I duly ap preciate, and am exceedingly reluctant to decline. These are not the times for patriotic men to affect indifference, or to degenerate into despondency, or to rush madly into violent and extreme measures. Just in proportion as our common country is environed with peril, it becomes the imperative duty of every patriot in the land to increase his efforts and exert his utmost powers and energies to rescue the Republic from the disasters which threaten its integrity. No man in America regrets the election of Mr. Lincoln more than I do ; none made more strenuous exertions to defeat him ; none differ with him more radically and ir reconcilably upon all the great issues in volved in the contest. No man living is prepared to resist, by all the legitimate means sanctioned by the Constitution and laws of our country, the aggressive policy which he and his party are understood to represent. But while I say this, I am bound, as a good citizen and law-abiding man, to declare my conscientious conviction that the mere election of any man to the Presidency by the American p*eople, in accordance with the Constitution and laws, does not, of itself, furnish any just cause or reasonable ground for dissolving the Federal Union. It is not pretended, as far as lam informed, that any provision of the Constitution has been violated in the recent election. No act has been done which impairs or destroys the constitutional rights of any State or citizen. Nothing has yet occurred to release any citizen from his oath of fidelity to the Con stitution of the United States, which is the supreme law of every State and of every citizen. But while it is conceded that no act has yet been done which impairs the rights or endangers the peace and safety of any portion of our country, it is apprehend ed that the election of Mr. Lincoln carries with it the assurance that the policy and principles of the party by which he was elected will prevail, and be carried into practical effect in every department of the Federal Government, and thereby will en danger the peace and safety of the slave holding States. Is this apprehension well founded? Do the results of the recent election justify this apprehension? The President can do nothing except what the law authorizes. His duty is to see the laws faithfully executed. If he fails to perform his duty he will soon find himself a prisoner before the High Court of Impeachment. Fortunately that tribunal is so constituted aB to command the confidence of the people of the entire South as well as of the con servative men of the North. We have this security that the existing laws will be faith fully executed. I have yet to learn that the people of the South complain of the acts of Congress now on the statute book, upon the subject of slavery, as applicable to the States or the Territories, or to the District of Columbia. These laws were enacted, mainly, if not entirely, by the joint action of the conserva tive members of the North and South, in opposition to the Abolitionists and Free* soilers, and have been acquiesced in by the Southern people, as well as by their Sena te 8 and Representatives, under the present and preceding administrations of the Fede ral government Consequently, it is fair to presume that the South, so far from de manding the repeal of the existing laws upon the subject of slavery as essential to her safety and equality in the Union, will insist upon their being retained upon the statute book and faithfully executed. Nor are we permitted to infer that the Southern people require any additional legislation by Congress on this subject, for the reason that the Southern Senators and Representatives have not introduced and advocated any changes in the existing legislation upon the slavery question under the present Admin istration and that of Mr. Pierce, when the Abolitionists and Free-soilers were in the minority in both Houses of Congress. Assuming, therefore, that the Southern people and their Senators and Representa tives deem their rights and institutions en tirely safe nnder the Constitution and laws as they now stand, and only desire to be let alone, without any interference by Congress, with their domestic concerns, the question arises whether Mr. Lincoln and bis party will have the power, even if they have the disposition, to disturb or impair the rights and institutions of the South, either in the States or Territories, or in the District of Columbia? They certainly cannot do it under the existing laws. Will they have the power to repeal or change these laws, or to enact others ? It is well known that they will be in a minority in both houses of Congress, with the Supreme Court against them. In the Northern States there have been elected already a sufficient number of Democratic members of Congress, bold and true national men, pledged to the Cincin nati Platform and the doctrines of non intervention by Congress with the question of slavery in the States and Territories, and the District of Columbia, who, added to the Southern Representatives, will give at least twenty majority against Mr. Lincoln and his party on all these questions. In the Senate there is also a decided and reliable majority. Hence no bill cad pass either House of Congress impairing or disturbing the rights or institutions of the Southern people in any manner whatever, unless a portion of the Southern Senators and Repre sentatives absent themselves so as to give an Abolition majority in consequence of their absence. In a minority in both Houses of Con gress, with the Supreme Court to ex pound the laws and restrain all illegal and unconstitutional acts, the President will be utterly powerless for evil, if he should have the disposition to do wrong. Even in the distribution of his patronage, he would be dependent upon the Senate lor confirmation of his nominees to office, so that he cannot appoint a bad man to office without the con sent of those in whom the South confides. A partizan President, thus tied hand and foot, powerless for good or evil, without the consent of his political opponents, should be the object of pity and commiseration, rather than fear and apprehension, by a brave and chivalrous people. What good or harm can he do to anybody, except to humble the pride and wound the sensibility of a large portion of the American people by occupy ing the chair once filled by Washington, Jefferson, Madison and Jackson ? Does this fact furnish sufficient cause for destroy ing the best Government of which the his tory of the world gives an example ? Four years will soon pass away, when the ballot tox will furnish a peaceful, legal and con stitutional remedy for all the evils and griev ances with which the country may be af flicted. If, in the mean time, any act shall be per petrated which shall violate or impair the rights of any citizen or State, or shall en danger the peace and safety of any portion of our people for which the constitution and laws shall fail to provide adequate and effi cient remedies, the time will then have ar rived for those who think the constitution has been disregarded and the federal power perverted to purposes inconsistent with their safety, honor and equality, to consult and deliberate upon the nature, extent and mode of redress. I do not anticipate, nor do I deem it possible, in the present condition of the country, that, under the administration of Mr. Lincoln, any act can be perpetrated that would destroy or impair the constitu tional rights of the citizen, or invade the reserved rights of the States upon the sub ject of slavery ; but, if I should find myself painfully mistaken on this point, I have no hesitation in expressing my deliberate con viction that such an outrage would not only make the Southern people a unit, but would arouse and consolidate all the conservative elements ot the North in firm and deter mined resistance, by overwhelming mejori' ties. In such an event, the South would occu py an impregnable position. With her own people united and animated by one sentiment—the unfaltering resolve to main tain and defend their rights and liberties as won by the Constitution of their country, they could safely rely upon the justice of their cause &Dd confidently expect the sym pathy of the civilized world and the choicest blessings of Divine Providence while strug ling for the right. Under these circum stances I can perceive no just cause, no reasonable ground for such rash and pre cipitate action aB would pluDge into the horrors of revolution, anarchy and bank ruptcy, the happiest people, the most pros perous couotry aud the best Government the sun ol Heaven ever shed his genial rays upon. To those, if any such there may be, who look upon disunion and a Southern Con federacy as a thing desirable in itself, and are only waiting for an opportunity to ac complish that which had been previously resolved upon—the election of Lincoln may furnish a pretext for precipitating the Southern States into revolution. But to those who regard the Union under the Con stitution as our fathers made it, the most precious legacy ever bequeathed to a free people by a patriotic ancestry, and are de termined to maintain it as long as their rights and liberties, equality and honor, are protected by it, the election of Mr. Lincoln, in my humble opinion, presents no just cause, no reasonable excuse, for disunion. Having discussed all the questions at issue freely and elaborately in my addresses to the people during the recent canvass, I do not perceive that any patriotic objects can be advanced by any further public dis cussions on my part prior to resuming my seat in the Senate. That the passions and animosities engendered by recent contests may soon give place to reason and patriot ism; that calm and wise counsels may pre vail, and fraternal feeling be restored ; that the Constitution may be preserved inviolate, and the Union maintained forever, is the ardent hope and fervent prayer ot your friend and fellow-citizen, S. A. DOUGHS. New Orleans, November 13, 1860. Touching Incident. —ln Portland, the other day, a horse aud cart ran over a little pig. The squeals of the dying pig brought together a crowd of people, including sev eral medical men. There was considerable anxiety respecting the unfortunate pig, and whether he bad any relations. Just then Salisbury, the comedian, came rushing out of the house without his hat, while bis hair was “tossed by the wind.” “Make way there, gentlemen—for heaven’s sake, make way,” he cried iD supplicating tones. The crowd respectfully divided, and Salisbury approached the spot where the pig was suf fering the agonies of death. He knelt down reverentially, wiped a tear from bis eye, and, as the poor sainted little pig gave his last gasp, the comedian exclaimed, in a ten der and impressive manner, “Let me kiss him for 'his mother /” In a communication to the London Me chanic’s Magazine, Thomas Allan, Esq., a distinguished electrician, states that of J 2,» 000 miles of submarine cable which have been laid in various parts of the world, only 1,200 miles are in working order at present. THE WEEKLY PIONEER AND DEMOCRAT. Billiards. The New York Commercial Advertiser gives an interesting account of one of Mr. Berger’s Billiard Levees in New York, a few days since. The upper tendom of the city were in attendance. After his usual fancy and masse shots, Mr. Berger beat Dudley Kavanagh (French carom game) 58 points in 100, Berger’s best runs being 12,14 and 18—Kavanagh’s being four s’s and B—and then beat Mr. Phelan 20 points in 50, making runs of 11 and 12. The table used on the occasion was made by Phelan & Collender, after the model of M. Berger'B table. The Advertiser says: The taste for the French carom game is increasing every day, the science in playing it being so much greater than in the Amer ican four ball pocket game, and the size of the table—which stands lower and is small er than the American table—being much more convenient in private houses, where ladies desire to practice the game, as they do in England and France, and other con tinental States. The size of the French table is 10 feet by 5 feet, and the balls are 2% inches in diameter—those with wh'ch M. Berger makes his masse shots, being only 2 inches in diameter. The American table measures 12 teet by 5 feet, and the diameter of the balls is 2% inches. At the evening exhibitions M. Berger has beaten his antagonists in all cases, dis counting amateurs, and playing even games with professionals, beating W hite by 26 in 100 points, and 73 in another 100; Bhelan 73 in 100; Lake 60; Geary 71; and Tieman 81 and 59. In his game with Phelan, last Saturday evening, M. Berger made the wonderful run of 63—a1l these games being at the three ball French carom game; but it is the general opinion among billiard players, that if he played the American four ball carom game, he would not cease count ing till his physical powers were prostrated. Lawyers in England. From the New Yirk Commercial Advertiser. In England lawyers are designated ac cording to their special department of the prolession, as barristers, attorneys, counsel lors, conveyancers, &c., while in this coun try lawyers take all cases that come along. Iu England or Ireland a young man must pay $125 for admission as a student to Idu3 of Court, and tkenfor admission to the Bar in Ireland must pay $l5O, and in Scotland or England, $250. If he is arti cled as a clerk with any respectable attor ney or solicitor be must pay from SSOO to $2,000 premium; must, if a university man, serve three, or otherwise five years for noth ing; must pay S6O stamp duties on his arti cles of clerkship, and $125 on his admis sion to the profession, for which also the passing a very rigid examination is neces sary. After admission the average income ranges from SSOO to S7OO a year, higher prizes being accompanied by a correspond ing number of petty ones or blanks. A recent English magazine deplores the fact that there are now fewer great lawyers in England than there have been for one hundred and fifty yeanw-and as proof of this fact refers to Sir Frederick Thesiger, Sir John Jervis, Sir Fitzroy Kelley, Mr. Math ew Hill, Mr. Cockburn, Mr. Jarman and Mr. Hays as the only men in the front rank of their profession. Mr. Cockburn is an accomplished and elegant scholar, Mr. Kel ley a great mercantile lawyer, Sir John Jervis an acute and fluent speaker, and the others referred to are great men, but not ODe of them it says is equal to the illustrious predecessors of the last century. Cottou Culture Abandoned in India* Our foreigu files contain the following very significant paragraph, showing that after all the protracted efforts to grow cot ton in the British Indian possessions, the attempt has been at length abandoned as hopeless: la the annual report of the Bombay Chamber of Commerce a statement an nounces that the Indian Government had finally abandoned, as being hopeless failures, their experiments at cotton growing in that country. These experiments had commenced as far back as 1789, and were prosecuted almost without intermission during the seventy-two years that have since elapsed. They had cost, from first to last, £350,000, and, as the report states, had absorbed “the energy and intelligence of governors, col lectors, commissioners, American planters, and painstaking amateurs.” Yet the result of all this prolonged effort and enormous outlay had been nothing but a continued series of disappointments. One solitary success is recorded as having been achieved, on “a small scale,” by Mr. Shaw, collector at Dharwar, who, taking up the enterprise in 1840, upoa an area ot only 220 acres, developed the results so rapidly, that in 1851 there were 31,688 “kupas” planted with American, and 224,314 with native cotton, and in 1856 the area increased to 156,316 kupas appropriated to the Ameri can, and 230,567 to the native variety of the plant. It does not appear that Mr. Shaw was assisted by any government grant in this work ; and, at all events, all direct co-operation of the State with the cultiva tion of cotton is now summarily abandoned. Old Families. —The Welsh nobility, perhaps more than any other, affect ances tral trees whose roots are buried in antiqui ty. For instance, the Mostyns ap Mostyn have preserved for three hundred years a pedigree which is not less than seventy feet long and one foot broad. It very modestly begins with Noab, twists about through several Royal families of the Old Testa ment, until it reaches Edward 1., of England. The French nobility, however, are not far behind. The Dnkes de Levis consider themselves as the descendants of the Hebrew Kings, and possess an old picture in which one of their ancestors, with his bat in his hand, bows before the Virgin Mary, who graciously says to him: “Pray keep your bat on, cousin 1” The Decroys possess a similar painting. Noah, with one foot already in the ark, calls back: “tJave the papers of the House ofDecroy!” J DEFECTIVE PAGE P I 1 1 I Prentu*’ Intel with Gholaon. A writer in the Vicksburg Sun furnishes the following incident of the celebrated duel between Judge Gholson and S. S. Prentiss of Mississippi: The facts are these : At the first fire, Gholson leaped exactly three feet one inch and a half from the ground,not with a ball through his heart, because the ball had struck the toe of his right foot, glancing in a westwardly direction, hitting Gholson’s second in the pit of the stomach, causing him to “ double up” with such violence that an empty pistol he bad in bis hand flew forward with such a force as to hit his principal on the head, causing him to jump aforesaid, because he was so completely astonishedy believing his antagonist’s ball had hit him on the back of the head! Gholson was cured «f a corn on his right foot, but had the tostbache for a week. Gholson’s second took the cramp colic. The ball of his adversary passed so close to the lips of Prentiss as to take away his breath, causing him to fall upon the ground, from which ever afterward he had a slight lisp in his speech. The parties were reconciled on the ground in this manner : After they bad untangled and unrolled Gholson’s seconds out of the hard knot, and somewhat relieved him, Prentiss, lisping considerably, said, “Ghol son, you owe me a dollar.” “What for?” said Gholson. “For curing your corn,” says Prentiss. “ No,” says Gholson, “ you owe me a dollar.” “What for?” says Prentiss. “ Because,” said Gholson, “your ball hit my second in the stomach and caused him to hit me on the head, which gave me a toothache, and now I’ll have to have the tooth pulled, which will cost me a dollar.” “ Well,” says Prentiss, “ let’s call it square.” They shook hands on the spot. The Lawyers of New Yorlc City* The New York Commercial Advertiser is publishing a series of articles on law and lawyers generally, from which we take the following facts in reference to lawyers in the metropolis. ’ There are about twenty six hundred practicing lawyers in New York city, this being one-tenth of the whole number in the United States. All these are not residents in New York. Very many of them live in Brooklyn, Jersey City, in Connecticut, or elsewhere, and have offices in the city. It is extremely difficult to get into practice in New York. A lawyer who now makes sixteen thousand dollars a year, states that for nine months after he opened office, he did not make money enough to keep him in boots. A young lawyer is doing extremely well if he makes a living during the first three years, and even then getting into a good practice depends in a considerable degree on luck. There are not twenty lawyers in New York who realize over ten thousand dollars a year by their profession. The average income will Dot exceed, if amount to one thousand dollars a year. W. C. Wetmore is said to have a more profitable practice than any other lawyer in the city. He has a very high reputation as a conveyancer. Charles O’Conner is said to have the next most profitable practice in the city, and stands very high as a nisi prius lawyer. His man agement in the celebrated Forrest divorce case was admirable, and attracted much attention. As a clear legal logician, a learned and ready practitioner, and an im pressive speaker he has few equals. James T. Brady, James R. Whitting, John Mc- Keon and Ambrose L. Jordon, have few, if any superiors. Either in this country or England, in criminal law, Greene C. Bron son and Marshal S. Bidwell are recognized as standing in the first rank of constitution al lawyers. F. B. Cutting ha 3do superior in insurance cases. Daniel Lord, E. W. Stoughton, and John E. Burrell are well read in mercantile law, and most other branches of their profession. James W. Gerard and Luther R. Marsh manage jury cases admirably. David Dudley Field, W. Curtis Noyes, and Stephen Cambreling, are very able and well read lawyers; and there may be hundreds of perhaps equal learning and ability who follow alter them. All Saints’ Day In New Orleans Yesterday (November Ist) the people of New Orleans spent the greater portion of the day in the “ cities of the dead.” To residents in the Crescent city this was a customary event, for, in New Orleans, one of the most beautiful traits that adorn hu manity, reverencing and remembering lov ingly the dead, prevails on All Saints’ Day, to the partial, nay, almost entire exclusion of every other occupation. A strange and yet most pleasant sight, indeed, it was, to see the cemeteries thronged by thousands and thousands, who appeared for the day to have laid aside the excitement “of the times;” to have forgotten the contest now upon us fraught with such great import to every individual in this broad country, and remembering only that the day was dedicated to the haliowed memories of friends aod relatives gone to that bourne from whence no traveller returns. Beautiful, exceedingly, yesterday were these ordinarily sad places. Tokens of affectionate remembrance about the tene ments that line those narrow, innumerable walks, some adoroing mausoleums beautiful and grand, others lending a charm to the bumble graves where lie those who have not won the world’s riches nor the world’s honors, but far better, the great wealth of true friendship or the inextinguishable affec tion of kinship. Stately tombs and lowly resting places-alike evidences that, though they had forever quitted this world of joys aod sorrows, there were those that remem bered all that was good of them, aDd visited their graves with every feeling for the dead that did honor to the living. The orphans were not forgotten. The Portugese, the Spanish, the New Lnsit&nos, and other benevolent societies were at several of the cemeteries taking up collections for the little ones left to the charity of the world.— New Orleans Crescent , Nov. 2. Capturing Cities toy Contract. The Paris Journal des Debats , in the course of a letter from Shanghai, dated August 16th, states that a Dumber of for eign adventures have joined the Imperial troops, and, in their conflicts with the Tai- Ping rebels, are achieving a desperate and bloody reputation. Among those soldiers of fortune is an American named Ward, who, it appears, agrees to capture cities by job-work. The correspondent writes: Ward had collected a troop of four to five thousand Tagals, belonging to Manilla, and about a dozen sailors from different sea ports of the East. He and his men were paid by the Tou-Tai, or Mayor of Shang hai, three hundred and fifty taels, or about three thousand francs a month, and he en joyed the title of Colonel. But that was not all. When he retook a city from the insurgents he received a reward proportion ate to the service he had rendered. For instance, the retaking of SuDg-Kiang brought the gallant Colonel the sum of $7,« 500 francs. Such remuneration would have stimulated the ardor of men more scrupu lous than Mr. Ward. The city of Tsing-Pow, near Shanghai, was taken by the rebels. The Tou-Tai was in a great trepidation, but Ward re-assured him, and offered to make all right for a personal reward of 300,000 francs. Ar riving at Tsing-Pow, he gave the signal of assault, and was received by a shower of balls. But Ward is brave, and be deter mined to prove himself worthy the confi dence of the Tou-Tai. Twice repulsed, twice he returned to the charge. Climbing the walls, with but about fifty of his fol lowers, he found himself face to face with the chief of the Tai-Pings; he fired at him twice, but missed. “ You rascal," replied his adversary, in good English, “ I’ll show you I can fire better than you;” and he did show it by shooting the Colonel in the stomach and leg. Yet Ward escaped, though the greater portion of bis men were lost. He is now in Shanghai; and as he is of good constitution, it is probable that in a few weeks he will be up and again at the head of a band of brigands, anxious to re pair his ill-luck.” Complimentary to Postmaster Dix--- A Good Example. The New York correspondent of the Phil adelphia Press, says: A lact was communicated to me yester day of a character so unprecedented in the political annals ot this city, and so creditable to the distinguished gentleman who was its author, that it deserves to be published and commeuded in every paper ol every party in the country. It is the first instance in this city where a high Federal officer has flatly refused to permit his clerks to be assessed for political purposes. I allude to the Postmaster, Gen. Dix. At the usual time for calling upon the clerks in the Postoffice for the payment of the usual percentage of their salary for the party, and when the person selected as the tax gatherer appeared at the office for that purpose, he was informed by the General that he would not permit the assessment of a single cent to be made upon a single clerk for any such object, that the clerks were the hardest worked and the poorest paid of any employees of the government, and that it was an outrage to exact from their small pittance means to defray the expenses of the campaign. He was opposed to the prac tice in toto, and would not allow it to be enforced. More than that, as Postmaster of New York, he would not submit to aDy political assessment, believing the practice to be subversive of the public interest; but as Mr. Dix, a private citizen, he would cheerfully give the committee five hundred dollars, which he did. The thanks of every government clerk in the country are due to General Dix for this bold and manly act in their behalf. It is worthy the emulation of every Postmaster and Collector of Customs in the United States, and especially deserv ing of the heartiest commendation of the press. The Hayes Arctic Expedition. A letter has been received in New York, from Dr. Hayes, who has command of the Arctic expedition, in search of an open Polar Sea. It is dated Upper Nairk, North Greenland, August 14. We make a few extracts from the letter : I shall endeavor by every mean 9 to avoid a third year’s absence. We carry with us, however, food aod fuel for that period, and in the event of our being so loDg detained, Ido not fear adverse results. With the fresh supplies we have on board, I believe we cau resist the scurvy. I shall, however, avoid every unnecessary risk ot being caught by the winter in the middle of the ice. Should the prospects of success appear to be peculiarly discourag ing,! shall return southward and winter at one of the Danish settlements. My party are in excellent spirits, and earnest in the performance of their duties, and you may rest assured, that no effort shall be spared to accomplish the object of our undertaking in the shortest possible time. To favor this, we have every facility which experience has indicated. Our camp equipments are of the most compact and portable description. The food prepared expressly for the expedition by the American Desicating Company in New York, consisting of soup, beef and potato, is excellent, and fully equals my expectations. Of this food we have three thousand pounds—equal to about thirty thousand pounds of the raw material. 1 have tried it during the passage, and con sider the several articles united prefera ble to the ordinary pemican. Pemican ot the finest quality may at any time be made of our beef by the addition of lard, of which we have an abundant supply. With good and sufficient food, with every essen tial for the promotion of health and com fort, with nnited and earnest companions, and with a vessel well suited for the ser vice, 1 have, upon leaving this last outpost of Christian settlement every reason to feel greatly encouraged and to expect success. the president elect. LETTER FROM HIS HOME —HI3 PECULIARITIES —COL. ELLEWORTH. The New York limes has a daily letter from the house of the President elect. We take the following paragraph from the last: Mr. Lincoln, since his election, has been quietly receiving such as chose to call up on him at the Executive Chamber in the State Capitol. < Jrowds of honest and sturdy, though rough looking larmers, come in to see their old friend, “Honest Abe,” and shake him by the hand. They find him the same jovial, pleasant, sociable, affable, story telling companion, while they cannot but admire the renmrkable shrewdness, the keen insight into human nature, and the active intellect which a moment’s conversation is sure to developie. He has a pleasant word and smile for 8.11, and his oldest friends say that they do not see that he has given way one particle to the natural self-esteem which most men would develop under such circum stances. His fatial contortions and animat ed gesticulat ions are the same as ever, and, though som<; may deem them undignified, all admit that they are expressive. There is no likelihood of his ever being misunder stood, for lie says a thing emphatically, and yet urbane !y. Mr. Lincoln’s memory of persons is re markable and he seems to know the per sonal history ol nearly all visitors—many of whom have known him in his younger days, before the rail-splitter bad become a hair-splitter., and left off mauling rails to drive his wedges oi argument into the knot ty points of law. The politicians begin to flock hither rapidly—they could not have the impudence to come until the returns were counted. Yet, I do n ot think any newly elected Pres ident ever hud a more respectable set of visitors tin iu has Mr. Lincoln. During my frequent vi sits to his room I have not met a man wk( > looked as if bis personal char acter would disgrace the friendship of aDy President. To be sure, there are men with rough clot lies, who put their muddy boots on the stove, roll up their pants, wear seedy hats and £.re bronzed with toil iQ the open air—hard -fisted, sharp-featured, blunt-spo ken men, Who say “Uncle Abe ” before they think of ijt, and then beg hispaidon. They can’t help it. They know him as “ Honest Abe,” or Mr Lincoln, and he tells them to cali him V/hat they please. The sce uesof cordial greeting are really noteworthy. There is little of the obse quious fawniug, peurile flattery of the office seekers—c f course there is some, but it is the exception and not the rule. Now and then a blunt old farmer will bluit out some thing about the Cabinet, and perhaps sug gest the difficulty ol meeting the Secession ists. But, the truly Republican President passes it ofl with a smile, and simply keeps mum. I never knew a public man who knew so well how to hold his tongue, and yet not ofleDd his best friends. And yet Mr. Lincoln is so honest, that it seems to me a miracle that he does not commit him self in some way by telling too much truth. Perhaps he has taken warning by the Scar let letter—the Donel ly letter of Gov. Wise, the epistolary mislofltunes of Mr. Buchanan, or the thousand otier instances of confi dence betrayed, secresy violated, or devel opment of correspondence not intended for the public eye. From the anecdote s in circulation here concerning the humorous disposition of Mr. Lincoln, one would bti almost led to suppose that he would absolutely write a funny Pre sident’s Message. That would certainly cre ate a more general des ire to read those uu usuaily dry documents- One illustration of his peculiar faculty for enlivening a dull subject is mentioned in hi 3 introduction to a lecture on “Discoveries and Inventions.” He commenced by saying that “one of the first discoveries was that of Eve, when she discovered her nakedness; and one of the first inventions that of the fig leaf to hide it.” Among the active speakers for Lincoln and Hamlin iu this locality was our old friend Coi. Ellsworth, ot the (Jhicago Zou aves—now studying law in Mr. Lincoln’s office. He will probably be admitted to the bar next March, and settle do’ffn lor two or three years ioto legai practice . Col. Ellsworth, on his ref urn from an electioneering trip a few da;ys since, found no less than three hundred letters, mainly asking information concernin g the Zouaves. One inquiry about the unifoc m has been re peated so maDy times that he has been obliged to have his answe r lithographed. He is now engaged in preparing an elegant diploma for presentation to the various companies that entertained the Zouaves ou their recent tour. The diploma will be of large size, suitable for fraiming, and will have a /ac simile of the Zoua.ve uniform. Several novel propositions have been made to Col. Ellsworth for a Zouave Euro pean tour. One plan is to take four men from each State (with the necessary time and meyns) and drill thorn to the perfection of the Chicago Zonaveo, and theD to make the tour of Europe—se mi-pedestrian. An other plan is to take one hundred young men from the city of J few York, and pur sue the same course. That would give Eu ropeans rather an extdted idea of our mi litia. A Strangs Encounter. —When Louis Phillippe and his que en were in exile, in Olearmount, they vis ited the convent of the Sacred Coeur. Th e nun who conducted them through the ho use was so amiable and agreeable that tho queen, on leaving, expressed her extreme satisfaction. “ Per haps,” added her majesty, “ you will be in terested to know wl io your visitors are. This gentleman is Louis Phillippe, I am the Queen Amehe.” The nun, bowing pro foundly, replied, with a gentle smile, “ and I am Mademoiselle Bonaparte.” The census just takem gives lowa a pop ulation of 675,000. In 1850 her popula tion was 192,214. Increase in ten years 482,786. This, we believe, is the largest precentage of increase of any State in the UnioD.