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i VOL. XII.—NO. 36 Written for the Pioneer and Democrat • The Philosophy of Politics->Teachlng by Example. The DUuaion atr! D iwnla'l i'f the It .lien Republics— Their Subjugation t-y Fore pn i’ow -r-. We learn from the history of the confed erated Republics, which have preceded our own, that tueir only strong bond of union was a common and manifest danger. Their period of assured peace and security from external tors, a>d of their highest prosperity ano power, was that of their greatest peril. It was then, fearing no assault from externa! forces, that States and parties became irreconcilably opposed to each other on scute internal issue origina ting iu sectional fends jealousy, envy or ambition. Although they were at first, when weak, wiliiug to make any necessa ry compromise to accomplish a perfect union, they refused, when they had grown strong, to make any concessions to each other, and thus States originally fraternal, became alien and hostile, and preferred an alliance with a commou foe, to which they finally sacrificed everything they valued, rather than yield their mutual cause cf quarrel, though it, were only a mere ab straction. Among confederated States there are, in all ages and countries, diversities of charac ter, manners, prejudices, and local interests, sufficient, when arrayed against each other, to excite the most unrelenting auimosities, and to produce disunion and war. This is the rock, which seems to be submeregd and out of sight in periods of party or popular commotion, upon which every great union of states, except our owo, has oeeD dashed to pieces—and already, our Uniou is in great and present danger of alike fate from the same cause. Of all the Republics ever touDded in Eu rope, only those of Switzerland and San Marino survive. Their insignificance is their safety. To the cause assigned may be clearly traced the destruction of the confed erations of free states, in Greece, lialy, and The Netherlands. It is now fearfully prob able that the history ot our “United States” may repeat that ot and ail the great Republics that have preceded it, aud that the only glorious period in our annals, will be that in which the Union was formed to resist the oppressions ot George the Third, as was that of Greece to resist the Mede, of Italy, Frederick Barbarossa, and oi The Netherlands, Philip the Second. Should our Union be dissolved in the present sectional conflict, which we now all see threatens its existence, luture historians may record with wonder the iccurrence of this calamity, in the age of our greatest prosperity, when we were the most flourish ing people on earth. Monarchies and des potism are endangered by want, by “hard times,” and misery, aud Ignorance, prevail ing to excess among the people; but Repub lics are destroyed by an excess of plenty, by intelligence and meutal activity, guided by ambition and party zeal. It is only by studying the history of the falleu Republics which have preceded our own, that we can rightly estimate the value of our Union, as the source of prosperity individual as well as national. The Lombard League, a uoion of most of the Italian Republics, continued no longer than was essential tosscuring tbeir freedom. The condition of Europe enabled them to retain their separate independence tor a long time, notwithstanding their frequent wars with each other. When they had the power, having achieved their independence, to unite and make a perpetual union and a great nation, their mutual rivalries and jealousies, had already divided them into States alien to each other. It is now “too late*” as we have no doubt, will soon be apparent, to organize “a free and united Italy.” Nations, like individuals, have but one youth, the time for education, and the formation of permanent habits. It is then, that Republics, with any promise of perpe tuity have their birth, and development, essential to a healthy maturity. The Italians, by sectional strifes, sacrificed this period of their growth to the indulgence of mutual hostilities. Their free spirit is now in its second childhood. Alter the present fitful struggle is over, we have no doubt but they will again become the prey of despots, main tained on their petty thrones by foreign powers. Just before the Italians lost their liberties, they were the richest and most prosperous people of Europe. The Americans of our day do not excel the Italians of that age, in energy and enterprise, or even in talents applied to business and affairs. The uni versal stimulous of ample reward to all kinds of industry and enterprise, increased to the utmost extent, the activity of all classes of society, inciting every Italian to cultivate his faculties, and follow whatever pursuit might appear to him most conginial to his talents and tastes. “Labor,” (says NUMBER FOUR riismoodi, the greatest of Italian historians) ••was in constant demand. For the poor it sufficed to take their hands to market. There were always employers ready to set them to work, and to pay them according to their merit.” The most illustrious families ol Florence, Venice, Lucca, Genoa and Bologna, lur n shed chiefs to the commercial houses, as well as to other lucrative,and to the learned professions. And noue are held iu higher esteem thou the merchant princes. They delighted to honor labor, and to set them selves examples of enterprise and industry. Among such a people none could remain idle. The Italians in their rapid growth to this high condition of prosperous industry and enterprise, in which they had no formidable competitors, accumulated a vast amount of real capital. Their cash was in specie, and the country was literally overflowing with cash capital, in gold and silver. It is esti mated that they had more money than all the rest of Europe united The immense wealth thus acquired by in dustrial and commercial enterprise did not diminish their‘'energy or taste for active pursuits. Occupation and business had be come the habit or the nation, and habit is second, or rather educated nature. There seemed to he no limit to the in crease of their surplus wealth. They ex fiended vast amounts in the most expensive uxnries, in architecture, artistic furniture, paintings, statuary and libraries, and yet there was always plenty of money to be had lor any new enterprise, which promised suc cess Population increased prodigiously. The youDg married without (ear of want. Great financial revulsions were unknown, for they had no paper money. The merchants did not brood with gloomy anxiety over their adventures, for they know that in the event of loss, there was no lack of opportunity to retrive their fortunes. They were as vain of their prosperity, and as proud of their advantages over other nations, as are we Americans. To show how all this prosperity and great ness passed away, and was followed by de population, degeneracy and degraded pov erty, we quote again from Sismondi’s great work,* making the following translation of one of its most brilliant and graphic pas sages : The monuments which covered Italy in the Fifteenth Century, indicate not only that a del icate sentiment ot the beautiful, directed the chisel, the oencil and the square of the illus trious sculptors, painters and architects, but the tout ensemble makes ns acquainted with a nation full of confidence in its power, of hope iu bis future, and of satisfaction for its success in the past. Its temples surpass infinitely in magnificence and in solidity, all the most cele brated of Greece. The palaces of its citizens surpass in magnitude and in the colossal thick ness of their walls, those of the Roman Empe rors. The most simple of their houses have an aspect of strength, convenience and commo dionsness. While in onr times, we pass through the cities of Italy, quite or half deserted, shorn of their ancient opulence; while we enter in its temples which the crowd can no longer fill, even on the grandest occasions; while we visit the palaces of which the proprietors occupy hardly a tenth part; while we observe the brok en panes of the windows, constructed with so much elegance,and the grass which grows along the base of these walls, the solitude of these vast dwelling places, the poverty of the inhab itants which we see about them, the languid gait, the anoccupied air of those who move in the streets, and the beggars who seem alone to compose half the population—we feel that such cities must have been bnilt by some more active people than those whom we see thero in our day; that these cities are the product of life, and that death has inheritea them, that they belonged to opulence and that misery has succeeded to their possession ; that they were the work of a great people and that this great people is now seen no more. What a lessou is this for the American people, who now feel so assured of their prosperity, their wealth and greatness, and free institutions—who now feel brave and strong, and would regard any one as mad who might venture to intimate that some future historian may draw a striking paral lel between their fallen greatness and that of the Italians. But yet it is undoubtedly true, that like causes produce like effects. The original populations of both countries were much the same—an admixture of Gothic and Celtic stock. And in variety of climate and natural productions, also, Italy bears a closer resemblance to the Uni ted States than any other country of Eu rope. The parallel, to a certain extent, rans even through their respective histories. They each, at an early period, formed municipal governments,and became schooled in advance of their respective ages, in the conduct of public affairs. They each bad distinct organizations, educated to become states of a great confederacy. But the Italian Republics, distracted by party jealousies, originating in a moral idea of political right, dividing them into Guelphs and Ghibelines, the ad herents of the Pope and Emperor, and sub sequently estranged from each other by per sonal ambitions, sectional animosities, and commercial rivalries, their union, when most needed to resist foreign aggression, which ♦Notb. Historic des Bepubliques Italiennes du Moyen Age. 8 vole. Royal octavo. Brux elles, 1838. By M. Simonde de Sismondi. This great work ought to be translated into English, and published in a oheap form for the benefit of American readers. The small volume in English, with the same title, is only a meagre sketch from the original. SAINT PAUL, FRIDAY, DECEMBER 14, 1860. their dissensions invited, became an impos sibility. While the Italian Republics were becoming more hostile towards each other, the rising nations of Europe were engaged in forming close unions and more firmly consolidated empires. Conscious of their superiority, their opulences and resources, they continued to cherish their state pride, esteeming, according to their local and cir cumscribed citizenship, the name of Floren tine, Genoese, or Venetian, as more glorious than that of Italian. Are we not in danger of repeating this fo'iv ? N ear the close of the 15th century, com mence' the general invasion of Italy by Franco, Switzerland, Spain and Germany, each nation rusbiag, like so many wolves iu pursuit of prey, to get its full share of the panting victim. Then did the Italians learn, for the first time, the fuli cost of their long cherished animosities, and the weakness of their state pride, which had prevented the formation of a poweriul union. For nearly half a century they could fiod no repose from the assaults of their numerous enemies, who ravaged the whole country with fireaud sword, from the Mediterranean to the Adriatic, from the Alps to Calabria, in the vallies, in the plains on the moun tain tops, and in the walled cities, and rural villages,a like. Everywhere there were sol diers, speaking a foreign language, ravag ing, pillaging, and burning property, mur dering the men and ravishing the women. No power came to their relief, but those dread followers of anarchy and war—Pesti lence and Famine. Then did despairing wretchedness reign with perfect equality, in the palaces of the rich, and in the hamlets ot the poor. The demon of destruction ruled the land. The people and their wea.th disappeared to gether. Never before or since has there been such universal havoc and devastation in any other country of Europe. But saddest of all, in the midst of these unparalleled calamities, the various States or petty Republics oi Italy, instead of uniting for mutual defence, formed with the different nations which iuvaded their country, separate alliances against each other, until finally all ot them became a prey to foreign domination. Arc we, the enlightened people of the free North, influenced by our sectional warfare, and insane attempt to enfranchise the slaves ol the South, and raise the negro to an equality with the white man, already willing, rather than yield this one idea, to risk the sacrifice of our national UnioD, and thereby lose our commanding position among the great powers of the Earth, con vert our States into hostile Republics, and finally, like the Italians, deprived of pros perity and liberty, become the prey of for eign nations? Shall we, to appease the clamoring conscience of Abolitionism, thus immolate our free white men upon its black and bloody altar ? “ Artemui” ou the Union. Ime a union Man. I lav the Union from the bottom of mi hart. I lav every hoop pole in Maine and every shepe ranch in Texas. The kow pastura of Nu Hampshire ar as dear 2 A Ward, as the rice planta sbuDS of Mississippy. There is mean taters in both them ar States, & thar is likewise good men and troo. It dont look very pretty tor a lot ov inflamitory iodividooals, who never lifted their Hands in defense uv Ameriky, or did the fust thing towards se kewrin our independence, to git their backs up and sware theyl disolve the Union. Too much blood was spi.t a cortin and maryin that highly respectable female, the Goddess of Liberty, 2 got a divorce at this late day. The old gal behaved herself to well 2 cast her off now, at the request of a pusul uv addle braned men & wimmin, who never did nobody no good and never will again. Ime sorry the pictur nv the Goddess never give her no shuse or 6tockins, bnt the band of stars around her hed must kontiner to shine briter so long as the Erth kontiners 2 revolve on its axeltree. Too resoom—G Washington was a clear heded, warm hearted, brave and stedy goin man. He never slopt over 1 The preval in weakness of mostpublik men is to SLOP OVER! [Put them words in large letters. A. W.] Tha rush things—they travail too much on the high presher principul. Tha git inter the popler hobby hoss, who trav ails along, not carin a cint “hether the beest is ever goin,” clear sighted and sound, or spavined, blind and bawky. Of corse they get throde eventooally if not sooner. When tha sea the multitood goin it blind tha go to Pel Mel with it instid of xertin themselves too set it rite. Tha kant sea that the kroud which is now bearing them triumfantly on its shoulders will soon dis kiver its errer, & then kast them inter the hoss pond uv oblyviyun, without the slitest hesitashun. Washington never Slopt Over. That wasn’t George’s stile. He wasn’t after the spiles. He was a hooman aogel in a 3-kornered bat and noe britches, &we shant c his like rite awa. My friends we kant all b Washingtons, but we can all be patriots, & bhave ourselves in a cristian & human manner. When we 0 a brother goin down hill 2 Rooin, let ns not give him a push, but let ns seeze rite holt on his koat tales & drag him back 2 Mortality. Written for the Pioneer and Democrat. PRAIRIE PAPERS. NUMBER TWO. Times have changed since Johnson and Chesterfield—else we should not have that autograph letter from Earl St. Germain acknowledging the “Maroon velvet bound novel” presented to H. R. H. The poet Rogers published such an expensive edi tion of his works, that it might have ru ined him, bad he not “kuown a bank.” The magnificence of this velvet book is some what extraordinary, and makes us fear a temporary “secession” of its author from the guild of literature—or at least an in denture of her services for a term of years, after the manner of Goldsmith. Our women can Dot complain of being slighted. From the Pope and Dorothea Dix, to the Prince and Mrs. Martha Haines Butt, the reception is the same—kind and encouraging—their claims are conceded, and their positions strengthened, by such august amenity. To those who judge by results, pecuniary and laudatory, this book was just the one to represent our female literature, because it “pays” best, and is petted by the critics. Moreover it will give a partial idea of the ruling axiom of our women nov elists—that “Passion is destiny,” and noth ing short of it. The deep wrongs, the high and passionate resolves, the utter unspeaka ble misery, the wild and desperate love of women, are the universal themes of heart rending elaboration; while rage, hate, scorn, irony, aod all the blacker shades of ieeling, are likewise portrayed with a Flemish mi nuteness of detail—enough to give one me grims and shivers. It is well to see Charlotte Cushman as Meg Merrilles, and Matilda Heron as Cam ille, two or three times ; but, if these were their only roles, “ patience o’er tasked would soon give way.” Immense talent has its limits, and we must have variety. Some oue must play or live Cordelia, Imogen, and Hermione, to invest the main incidents of life with vital power and significance. What then shall we say of works of fiction? which rarely ever give us the light of hu man nature, but everlastingly its darkness, without any mitigation—save, perchance, that which may be derived from the usually impossible moral contrast. The extremes ot atrocious vice and supra mo tal virtue are not made subservient to humanity in teaching any lesson, and the wickedness seems to be depicted only to show artistic power in the doing. Domestic scenes, soft affections, fresh virtues, and pure joys, are vapid, common place subjects now-a-days, for there is very little about them in Ameri can novels. N o one seems to have any ambition in that line, or cares to satisfy the sympathies of a large class of readers, who would gladly proclaim their apprecia tion of such skill. H. K. H. took two books to Eng land—a Ritual and Romance; but the one does not represent the religion of America, nor the other the best writing of its women. The novel was, in my belief, an unlucky presentation to the Prince, of all men ; for his realm has given the noblest array of intellectual women, whose names will ever rest gratefully in the world’s memory. If the Wordsworthian thesis be granted, that instruction, in its varied range, should be the aim of the human intellect, then how much do we not owe to those “ sweet English bands.” For mind, imagination, and taste, for nerve, dignity, and finish, what women are comparable to Elizabeth Barrett Browing, Joanne Baillie, Mrs. Tighe, Mrs. Norton, Charlotte Bronte, Mary Russell Mitford, Lady Georgians Fullerton, Miss Edgeworth, Mrs. Jamieson, and so many others ? They have not writ ten to sickly sensibilities, but to reason, conscience, and mind; in a woid, for the exaltation of human life. When we turn from these benefactors to our own eau sucre literature, what woman of true perceptions in America, would wish it to be the guage of ability, however pop ular the standard ? If we were like the boy in the story, who had lived in a mine, to whom weeds and thistles were glories, these books might be prized in the bliss of igno rance. But, in a country of such astonishing intellectual activity as this, with fine oppor tunities to describe the peculiarities of the several parts of the nation, and to write of the people in the new and original phases of life with which the countrv abounds, there is scarcely any thing published worthy of the fresh wholesome soil. It is true Mrs. Stowe, in her late book, has given faithful delineations of New England manners, trne to the inner and outer life of its people; but somehow you always feel that she is like those violin performers, who play several airs admitably on one string. Her string is slavery; the effect is to be eduoed from it; and her incidents, however graphic, are all subordinate to it. But then, Mrs. Stowe has a “mission;” (most New England people have) and can no more avoid it than Jonah did the whale, or vice versa. In that view, who shall gainsay her privilege to adapt all means to the end. She has one great merit, of putting her fine talents to some recognised human use. I will concede that there are fugitive gleams of excellence in a goodly portion of what is published by women, in these days. They write sweet, melting poems, touching, pathetic tales, and spicy sketches, —full of merit in their peculiar line,—but what Wal ter Scott said of Mrs. Hemans, “ too many flowers for the fruit," is true here. These productions are the mere flotsam of the hour ; they make a pleasant impression, and that is the last of them—like the valedicto ries and sentimental compositions of a board ing school. It seems, then, that our women can «arve statues, be astronomers, siDgers, actresses, physicians, lecturers, politicians, “mediums,” and even clergy-women; bnt their novels and sustained poetical efforts, are, with a few exceptions, a weariness of the flesh. As 1 said before, they are not wholly devoid of merit; but the mind is not willing to pass over wastes of verbiage for a happy thought or graceful sentiment. For a standard lit erature, American women require something very different from what is now furnished by native female authors, or I am greatly mistaken. The highest and gentlest thought of womanhood, and its fine perceptions of material and spiritual life, must form and promulgate the true literature which is to benefit the sex. Unfortunately, just now, the demand is for ephemeral writing, and, indeed, intelligence of every kind. The per ipatetic pap ot lectures is eagerly and inju diciously swallowed. Under the present circumstances, no mental effort will be ac curate, finished, or memorable. If the sovereign’s taste is for persiflage, the conrtiers must conform to it; and when the public mind demands the most “thrilling” and romantic complication of life, full of “mysteries and miseries,” let it be the spe cialty of a few writers, and not of all. The various conditions of humanity must be represented, too. When Walter Scott described “high life” with the “understand ing heart” of true genius, Professor Wilson and Galt gave us the peasantry and mid dling classes with eqaal fidelity and power. We must have “Sairey Gamp” as well as “Arabella Stuart,” and “Adam Bede” as well as “Guy Darrell.” Everywhere the mental equilibrium is kept by an admirably adjusted variety. We, alone, are in the extreme, and need the “harp of a thousand strings,” in prose and poetry. There is a memorial before the Vermont Legislature asking, for an academy, the authority to confer the degree of “Mistress of Literature.” The crown of Corinne is obsolete ! Who is the “coming” woman ? ETHEL. Entry of the Town of St. Cloud. Correspondence of the Pioneer and Democrat: St. Cloud, Nov. 30, 1860. I write to inform yon that the town site of St. Cloud has been entered ; and do so because many of yonr readers are interest ed iD the fact, and also because there is no provision of law authorizing the payment for advertising the notice on papers ontside of this county. The usual notice of the entry wsb pub lished by the corporate authorities a little more than a week ago, and within sixty days of the date of the notice, parties claiming any lots or interest in the town must, in person, or by attorney, prese D t to the corporate authorities a statement in writing, particularly describing the lot and estate therein which they claim, or their right will be barred, according to sec. 4, chap. 33, (page 386,) of the Compiled Statutes. The town site comprises the middle town. * Proposition to Enslave Free Negroes in South Carolina. — A bill has been draft ed for presentation at the coming session of the South Carolina Legislature, which pro vides for the enslaving of all free persons of color found in the state after the Ist day of January, 1862. The Charleston Mercury protests against this bill, and says: We regard it as a measure harsh in its policy, and wholly nnrequired by the public exigencies, while it is mischievous in its effects, and remarkably ill-timed in its pro mulgation. The Legislature has something else to do besides the discussion of such topics as this, and we sincerely trust that, npon reflection, it will by tacit consent be consigned to the tomb of Capnlets- The measure must fall still-born upon that body. Hon. Daniel E. Sickles. —The New York correspondent of the Philadelphia Press writes that Hon. Daniel E. Sickles will, at the close of the present Congres sional term, resume and devote himself ex clusively to the practice of the law. His arrangements for the purpose are said to have been fully perfected. Missouri Electoral College. Bt. Louis, Dec. 7. The Electoral College of this State met at Jefferson City, Wednesday, and cast the vote of Missouri for Douglas and Johnson. ■ i» • NEW SERIES—NO. 360. Letter From Ex-President Pierce. Lowell, Mass, Nov. 26, 1860. Mv Dear Sir: —Your letter was re ceived at Concord on Saturday, and I should have answered it while there if I could have found a little interval of leisure. I am here to-day on business, and can therefore scarcely do more than to thank you ; but let so much, at least, be said. The apprehensions which you so forcibly express did not increase mine You know how sincerely and earnestly I have for years deprecated the causes which, if not removed, I foresaw must produce the fear ful crisis which is now upon us; and I know how ineffectual, in this section, have been all warnings of patriotism and ordina ry forecast. Now, for the first time, men are compelled to open their eyes, as if aroused from some strange delusion, upon a fall view of the nearness end magnitude of impending calamities. It is worse than idle —it is foolhardy—to discuss the question of probable relative suffering and loss in dif ferent sections of the Union. In case of disruption we shall all be involved in com mon financial embarrassment and min, and, I fear, in common destruction, so much mure appalling than any attendant upon mere sacrifice of property, that one involun tarily tarns from its contemplation. To my mind one thing is clear—no wise man can, under any existing circumstances, dream of coercion. The first blow struck in that direction will be a blow fatal even to hope. You have observed, of course, how seri ously commercial confidence, and conse quently the price of stocks, &c., have al ready been shaken at the North, and yet there is in the public mind a very imperfect apprehension of the real danger. Still there are indications of a disposition to re peal laws directed against the constitutional rights of the southern States—such as per sonal liberty bills, &c., —and if we could get a little time, there would seem to be ground of hope that these just causes of distrust and dissatisfaction may be removed. I trust the South will make a large draft on their devotion to the Union, and be guided by the wise moderation which the exigency so urgently calls for. Can it be that this flag, with all the stars in their places, is no longer to float at home, abroad, and al ways as an emblem of our united power, common freedom and unchallenged security? Can it be that it is to go down in darkness, if not in blood, before we have completed a single century of our independent national existence ? 1 agree with yon that madness has ruled the hour in pushing forward a line of aggressions upon the South ; but I will not despair of returning reason, and of a re-awakened sense of constitutional right and duty. 1 will still look with earnest hope for the fuli and speedy vindication of the coequal rights and coequal obligations of these States, and for restored fraternity under the present Constitution—fraternity secured by following the example of the fathers ot the Republic—fraternity based upon admission and cheerful maintenance ot all the provisions and requirements of the sacred instrument under which they and their children have been so signally blessed. When that hope shall perish, if perish it must, lile itself, my friend, will lose its value for you and me. It is apparent that much will depend upon the views expressed, and the tone and temper manifested, during the early days of the session of Congress now near at band. May the God of our fathers guide the counsels of these who, in the different departments of government, are invested, in this critical epoch, with responsibilities nnknown since the sitting of the convention which framed the Constitu tion. Yonr friend, FRANKLIN PIERCE. A Minister of the Gospel Excommuni cated tor Voting for Douglas. Krcm the Bi ffalo Republic. Considerable excitement has been caused at Caughdenoy, Oswego county, the Utica Observer says, by a most extraordinary aot on the part of the Methodist Episcopal Church. It appears that Salisbury, pastor of the society there, who has been an elo quent and worthy preacher ot the Gospel for some forty six years, and a presiding Elder for some sixteen years, residing at Central Square in said county, having voted for Mr. Douglas at the late Presidential election, was excommunicated by his church ! On Thursday succeeding the election, a meeting was called to take the pastor’s case into consideration. The question of his pro-slavery voting was discussed and severely denounced. A member arose to speak on the impropriety of the church mingliDg in politics, and the injustice done in proscribing the Elder for his political views, when the speaker was hissed and stamped down 1 The question of excommunication was put, and the Elder’s head rolled from under the church’s guillo tine. Several valuable members have signified their intention to withdraw from the church, and great excitement and bitterness prevails in the community. The eastern friends of Bishop Whipple of Minnesota have sent him by the Ameri can Express, a splendid black horse. It is a fine, noble animal, and a great favorite with all the express men through whose hands he passed.